The San Francisco Call. Newspaper, August 12, 1906, Page 4

Ossawatomle, great elet making for the A ast s part Ossawatomle erected Digging to Papyrus after papyrus has been dis- Continued From Page One. of man. he monuments of e ploneers of civili sand the nt p ation some six or eight de with e side by years ago ter productions of tk one aimost as fresh Last winter Gebel as the while exca- 1 came e figure of a giraffe hammered ¥ & flint on the surface of a sand- vating at s upon | stone rock (and therefore going back | to the Neolithic age), the outlines of which had been worn to the color of Over it-—about 4000 years ago—an eleventh dynasty inscription had been t with a metal 150l, the characters which still looked fresh. Four ssand years hed made hardly any eciable difference Looking at t vanished 1s form some their appear- e two memorials centuries one could idea of the enormous the primitive draw- ust reach back It is only in that we can fully realize the ty of civilized man. it is in Egypt, perhaps more than anywhere else, that it is always the un- expected which rewards the labors of antiquity-to whict ng Egypt the excavator and lends to his work =omewhat of the excitement of sambling. We search for one thing, d fin Throw d anpther which may happen to a wholly new light upon the At Gebel Silsila, for example, I was primarily engaged in digging for ombs; -the tombs proved to be of sec- ondery importance, but what I actually across were the remains of a tem- »{ the Eighteenth Dynasty, the existence of which had been pre- ly unknow: s not, however, only the Egypt of Pharaohs whose history, when scientifically interpreted, has been pre- served in the friendly sol Christian | and Mahommedan Egypt are there as well, and during the last few years we have learned that if we are to recover | the lost literature of the ciassical world, it s again to the soil of Egypt that we must turn. | cxcavation proceeds there is no reason | spite of modern critical doubts Irenfleus | has correctly reported the dogtrine and rorces the was Dr A Ranso on, lowa, ents grow- tion pre- i ich oppres- nd e or color Quaker harmonized ¢ the bondman re in this quiet element of rural John Brown, t} foreordained t liberty, dri his men in the one great e a the assault on Harpers s the most erious 1t had flashed across the rena in that portion of the th century. He thought he saw nBallefield ol Osawakomie i Brown Moramwent §Ball's at this time, includin | Morfison, Chackley Lipsey DrR L. Harris. Oneof the “John Brown Rarders, g Edwin and Albert | Southwick. 1 the burning bush, heard the volce snd! b followed the bidding. “From this atmosphese, then, these five boys went out to join in the con- flic Benjamin Ball,” the father arles Ball, moved from Springdale to | Pardee, .cchison County, Kans., soon after followed by other Quaker fam- flies. All were Imbued with- the divine v The saloons of Missourl| ed ‘out hordes of raiders and des- They swarmed the border of i | . murdered and robbed free State | and killed without remorse in wanton glee. re free State Kansas agitator was Jemes . Lane, later United senator, uttered fiery free Kan- the Planters’ venworth. The , too. the height of this agitation Sprin to take part in the jrown movement in Kansas. I at the little Quaker settlement south of Pardee, Atchison £,on March 20. 1 was 16 n obligue course southwest traveling on foot. There railroad then of any dis- 3 though some ha pene 1 made the set- tiem home after two weeks of travel, much of the way through gnow and mud. 1 met many slaves in Missouri, especially mnear St. Joseph. Even at that date they had heard vague rumors of slave uprisings in a place called Kansas. “Arriving at the farm we soon or- ganized our anti-slavery ‘Blue Lodge’ in a little log cabin 12 by 14 on the farm of Benjamin Ball. A few more families had joined the Quaker settlement near Confirm covered, sometimes in a tomb, som times in the rubbish mounds of an an- cient city inscribed with the writings | of classical antiquity which scholars believed to have perished irretrievably. | Now it has been the lost speech of an Attic orator now a political treatise of | Aristotle, now again the amusing and lifelike society sketches of a Greek poet or the works of the rival of Pin- dar. Professor Petrle’s discovery that the cartonnage of certain mummy-cases of the Ptolemaic epoch was composed of the contents of provincial waste-paper baskets has been fruitful in results. For several years past Drs. Grenfell and Hunt have been excavating on the sites of the old Egyptian towns with the special purpose of disinterring the fragments of papyrus rolls with which they are filled and thousands of such fragments mostly Greek and many of them belonging to literary works, are now in England. Among tbhe fragments®discovered on the site of Oxyrrhinchus are the famous logia or Sayings of Christ around which there has been 0 much learned theological discussion. Last winter a vellum leaf was found on the same site containing what may prove to be a fragment of a lost gospel of the latter part of the second century. As it identifies the “high priests” with the Pharisees it cannot well be earlier. But, like the older Legia, it is an ear- nest of what we may hope to discover. The tradition of the early planting of Christianity in the Greek cities of Lgypt has been fully confirmed, and as why other fragments of the literature of the primitive church may not be dis- interred, fncluding, it may be, a copy of the Gospel of St. Mark itself. One of the latest Gerinan finds is the work of a gnostic heresiarch against whom St. Irenaeus wrote, which shows that in metaphysical system of his opponents. But Egyptian excavation has been casting light upon the later books of the Old Testament as well as upon the books of the New Testament and the literature of the early church. Two years ago a series of very complete and important Aramalic papyrl was discov- behildren or great-grandchildren of the = % ered at Assuan, which I am at present engaged in editing. They are all carefully dated and be- longed to a colony of Jews—the grand- Jews who migrated into Egypt with Jeremiah—who lived at Assuan and Elephantine in the time of Xerxes I and his two successors. These Jews were already the bankers and money lenders of the place and held a good deal of property there. The papyri throws a large amount of light on Jewish law and custom, more especlal- 1v in the matter of marriage, and they also explain the origin of the so-called Biblical Chaldee. 5% It was the officlal Aramaic of the western half of the Persian Empire, as spoken and written by the Jews. The names borne by the Jewish community, it is Interesting to note, are exactly these which we find in the post-exilic books of the Old Testament. Other similar documents of Jewish origin may be expected to turn up, now that at. tention has been directed to them. This winter, for instance, I obtained one which contains the accounts of a Jew- isi trader, and is about a century and a half later than those found at Assuan. But the areheological revelation of Egypt is not as yvet half exhausted. The future has discoveries in storp for us of which we cannot at present even dream. THe age of the ‘“subjective” dissectlon of literary work and the at- tempt to rewrite history with the help only of philology and literary tact is now over, at all events so far &s the scientific student of the past is con- cerned. If we are to discover the history of the past and to test the traditions of it which have come down to us it must be of archeology and of evidence one 1s scientific. Contem- poraneous documents, whether on sone or clay or papyrus, pottery and styles of architecture, tools and weap- ons and ornaments—these, when brought to light by the science of ex- cavation and sclentifically interpreted by the archeologist, can alone tell us whether the history that has been handed down to us is a fiction or an honest record of events. And thus far archeological discovery of | sin. “Kansas at this time (1857 to 1860) was a vast wilderness except along the order. The inhabitants included the Harvard graduate, the Yankee Puritan, the free trader and freebooter, the red shirt desperado and the midnight assas- The border Missouri towns poured out hordes from salogus and brothel dens. Opposed to these were the little army of freemen led by General James H. Lane, H. H. Williams, Colonel Ment- tion, ‘Remember those in bonds | gomery, John Brown, Harmon Byrd and a with them.’ ! the years 1857 to 1860 the State | tor in the caldron of slave| D. R. Anthony, the last named the edi- and gladiator of the Tlmes, a powerful organ of the frce State ele- ment. “Anthony was a Yankee from Massa- chusetts. He fought no fewer than ten pistol duels. Most of his bullets went in the direction of treason. He died ri | cently, having exerted a powerful in- fiuence in jour iam and politics, leav- ing a rich heritance, not alone in Hotel | speeches | ided to the| money, but in his record for inflexibil- v is a great builder of the State. “In the little log cabin we did our own cooking and worked on mnearby farms, returning to the cabin at night to sleep. Paola, Leavenworth and places were visited one of our members to gain inform: tion, the names of prominent slave- hoiders and how be: to raid their places and liber their slaves. Dur- ing one of these visits Charles Ball | had met Q rell, wha professed great friendship for the slave and was to our organization of force in lfberating slav it was in the month of April, 1860, T first met Quan- trell. We had been helping a neighbor near by In some farm work and re- turned to the cabin later thag usual About 9 o'clock there was a rap at the cabin door, when in came Charles Heart, who was the real Quantrell un- der an assumed name. ““And now, after the lapse of forty- five years, I vividly recall his general appearance. FHe was 5 feeti10 inches in height, weighed 140 pqunds, had blue had a reserved, insinuating and rathe: persuasive volce. A close studygr vealed a restless glance of the: the body partook of a nervous Swing; no reserve of honor was on his face— was it dishonor?—you hesitate to cast judgment on his general make-up. Modern psychology would place him on the ‘abandon’ order, capable of voleanic, desperate, clannish wickedness. “Quantrell at this time was boarding at the City Hotel, Lawrence, Kan., un- der the assumed name of Charles Heart. Ball made him a visit about August, 1860. Full and more complete details were perfected later in the fall, when :ho %dorgnn Walker raid was fully ma- ured. “Quantrell was to join the party on the Kansas border after passing through Leavenworth, which he did. Nearly twenty miles of bottom lands lie between the Kansas line and In- dian Creek, in Missourl, where the party camped the first night on~the Missouri bottom. Southwick, with a two-horse wagon, met the other mem- bers on the way at agreed points. “Quantrell and the four Iowa boys started on the fatal journey. Much of the way lay through timber and brush, Quantrell had previously visited Mor- gan Walker and notified him of the intended raid to liberate his slaves. All plans were perfected for the betrayal and murder. Nearing the Walker farm the little party hid in the timber while Quantrell, alone under pretense of re- connoiter, visited Walker and notified him of the presence of the liberators. “Walker hastily gathered his neigh- bors, some ten in number, all armed Wwith double-barreled shotguns. Quan- trell returned to the Towa boys and told them the coast was clear. Southwick ‘was left back one mile in the timber with the team. With Quantrell at their head, he professing & thorough knowl- edge of the premises and a brave zeal in the cause, the party advanced. It ‘was now about 9 o'clock; the night was dark. Walker's bloodhounds, somse ten in number, notified the family of the approach of strangers, baying out a weird warning of the bloody -tragedy about to be enacted. WA lighted candle, prearranged, shone from the window, Ball, Morrison, Lip- sey and Quantrell crossed the porch. The warning candle dropped to the floor. The party then stepped aslde. “Quantrell advanced and said:4 eyes, 2 Roman nose, sandy complexlon‘.;} with us to Kansas; we want ullo_ your money, horses, mules and wagons.’ “‘You have no right to any of my has been on the,side of tradition. ~ CHODIN Neax Lane, : = o 51; Ko\ . used Frugv.t.we Olvesy OW f‘or'fl\ofir};., right to compel negroes to go to Kansas who do not wish to go. The negroes arc in there if you want them,” added alker, pointing to an adjacent room. Morrison, Lipsey and Ball pushed the dcor open. Quantrell had withdrawn to the porch in the parley. In the room was & loom. Behind this were Walker's son, John Tatum, Lee Conger and D. C. Williams. . “From the harness-room and other parts of the house the pro-siavery neighbors poired a terrific fire. Mor- rison fell dead ncar the door. Lipsey, !| plerced with forty buckshot, fell on the porch. Ball, unhurt, seized Lipsey, [dragged him oft the porch and made for | the brush near by? Ball dragged Lip- | sey about one and a guarter miles and| | then tenderly watched over him for two | | days, extracting a number of balls andq | cooking some herbs as a poultice. Lip- sey being wounded in the chest and hip, | his suffering was unbearable. Ball ten- | derly assured him he would not leave| | him, but defend him with his life to the| end. A negro passing through the tim-| | ber hunting Hogs came across the two | liberators and gave the alarm to| Walker, who soon gathered up a large squad of neighbors and slaveholders, all armed with rifles and shotguns. They were led to the place by the negro. The | | ola slave-day bloodbound and horn| echoed through the timber. The final| |'encounter of the brave I6wa boys is| truly described by John Dean, a promi- pent citizen of Lawrence, Kan.: |” “‘When they arrived at the place they spread out in & semi-circle and ad- vanced, to‘rifle range under Quantrell’s | eaution to keep away from Ball's re-| volver. When Ball saw them and knew | the negro had betrayed them he stood | over his wounded comrade and, shaking | | his revolver at Quantrell, dared him to come out in fair fight and range. And, as he stood there, Walker, with his| rifle, shot him square in the forehead. The instant Ball fell Quantrell ran up | {to him, and, putting his revolver in | Lipsey’s mouth, who lay helpless, fired | | and killed him. | “The bodies were turned over to In-| endence doctors. No greater depths of human perfldy | can be found than 'Quantrell's base be- | trayal of these Jowa victims. | “A roll of names and purposes of the ‘Blue Lodge' fell into the hands of pro- slavery hordes along the border, and their lives and homes were diligently | sought thereafter. The Morgan Walker | place became the resort of guerrillas, | renegades and bushwhackers during| the Civil War. Quantrell, the Younger | and James boys consorted there. The| house long since was burned. The younger Walker movea away. Near by Is the brier covered grave of the elder Walker. The mold of decay is on every hand, as though judgment had set. Outbuildings and fences have crumbled to the earth. The place is wierd in the extreme and there is an air of desola- tion on every hand. The turtle dove calls out a mournful melody near by, where once the slave horn called to un- equited toil and the cruel lash fell| without mercy.” William J. Clark, whose home during recent years was in New York State and who not long ago visited Chicago, is believed to be the only other survivor of the John Brown raids. Speaking of John Brown, Mr. Clark says: \ “The most profound impressions of my life were made by my acquaintance with this grand man. At a word cir- culated in our section we would drop anything but a coffin to arm ourselves and gallop off to any fate. “The Baysingers had flve sons, and when the summons came to our cabin there was a bustle of preparation. Mrs. Baysinger and the small children baked the hoe cake and cut the bacon for our saddle bags, while the father and the bcys saddled our horses and looked after our firearms. ' “We had good horses, and each man carried a Sharpe’s rifle and an 8-inch Colt revolver in his belt. We wore flan- nel shirts, open at the neck; linen or blanket trousers, according to the season, tucked Into red-topped cowhide boots, and were finished off with som- breros and heavy spurs.” ‘When asked to describe his impres- sions of John Brown personally, Mr. Clark.said: “H6 was neither handsome nor elo quent, but was winning and convincing beyond e'ther. He was a born leader morally, mentally and physically, and it was impossible to come in contact with him without believing in him and fcllowing him. He was of commanding re, broad shouldered and narrow flanked and full of nervous energy. His profile was long and rugged. His broad brow was thoughtful and sad. His up- rising hair and square beard were near- ly white, but his eyes were luminous ‘with more than the fire of youth; they were the kind of eyes that did not burn with mastery, but were lighted with some inward power. He lived with us, sharing our bed and rations like a brother and surrounding us with the care ahd tenderness of a father. e ‘was a stern enemy, and his demand on our great Missourl raid of 1858 was characteristic: *‘We have come for your slaves and their property. Will you surrender or fight?~ " “Captain Brown's military skill was a ““We have come to take your negroes | fully appreciated by his men. He used |to wave after that it to say, ‘Give me twelve praying men, and I will face a hundred volleys,’ but he had besides this faith a _practical ARY s great admirer of Napoleon, a student of histprical battlefields and military manuals and was famillar with war in all ages. While in Europe on a bu ness trip he visited several battleflelds and broadened his information om his favorite study. His victorles were won by his superior \inesse and leadership, as in nearly every instance his force ‘was one to fifteen of his ememle: In the summer of 1859 Mr. Clark was wounded near Fort Scott while in hot pursuit of some horse thieves. He car- ried this bullet in his leg five days and made a slow convalescence at Prairie City, which prevented his being a mem- ber of the band that went to Harper's Ferry. In 1860 Mr. Clark returned East and atempted to enlist the fol- lowing year, but was rejected on the score of being a minor. In 1862 he was more successful, and in Company H, One Hundred and Forty-fourth New York Volunteers, he served through the war. He was made first lleutenant and later became acting captain for six menths. Wounded agaln, for he was appointed regimental quartermaster a short time before the war closed. * It is well known to history that plans were made to rescue John Brown from prison after the failure of his Harper's Ferry expedition, and - that such plans would have been carried out had it not been that Brown himself forbade it. Captain O, E. Morse and John H. Stéarns, both of Mound City, Kans., since the subject has been re- opened by the planning of the semi- centennial at Osawatomie, h: to the literature of the career Brown by giving the details of plan. Captain Morse said: “Early in October, 1859, R:?lrd J. Hinton came to Kansas, visit mes Hanway at Dutch' Henry's crossing, now lane, and induced Hanway to go to Linn County with him. Arriving there, they sent for Captain James Montgomery and Augustus Wattles. A conference was held which resulted in the formation of a plan for the rescue of John Brown. this “Hinton advocated an attempt by force with a considerable body of men. ‘Wattles did not approve of this, be- lleving that success could come with only a chosen few. Hinton's idea pre- vailed at first. But eventually this was abandoned. A small force was deter- mined” upon and great care and se- crecy exercised in their selectjon and moving to the East. Those who were decided upon_ as the ones to execute this desperate plan were James Mont- gomery, Augustus Wattles, H. C. Sea- man and Henry Carpenter, of Linn County: Joseph Gardner, Silas Soule, J. A. Pike and S. J. Willls, of the north- eastern part of the State; Benjamin Rice of Bourbon County and Benjamin | Seaman of Iowa. “The members of the party started East, apparently independent of one another. They passed through St. Jo- seph. Thence they made directly for Harrisburg, Pa. They traveled as stockmen and farmers. At Harrisburg they all gathered in the room of a friend and made their plans. Scouts were sent out. Seaman and Soule do- ing most of the work. Montgomery, Wattles and others established a meet- fng place at Hagerstown, Md., from CELED. 507 ANNIVER.S OF BATTLE IOF QSAWATOMIE which place they pushed forward thefr tours of observation Into Virginia . Soule eventually was able to secure an audience with John Brown in prison. under the strict surveillance of two armed guards. Under such restric- tions, of course, no progress could be made with the plans. Direct commu- nications were kept up with Brown for some time thereafter. “While preparations were In pro- gress the weather changed to severs cold and traveling became almost out of the question. This and the strong and vigilant force at the jail and the constant patrolling of the roads proved great obstacles to the attempt. “But in the will of John Brown lay the greatest obstacle. Brown refused to be rescued. He said that he had been the reclpient of many kindnesses at the hamds of the jailer and his wife, and that it would be a breach of trust to try to escape. The greater reason for his attitude in this matter was that his death on the gallows con- stituted the fulfillment of his earthly mission. [ “And the project had to be aban- doned. Brown was hanged. He may have had a prophetic vision as he neared the end. The men who were ready to undertake his rescue, discour- aged, turned back to Kansas Only, Carpenter remained in the East. Later they were in the Union army.~ By their devotion to the cause of freedom in the early Kansas days, their patriotic ser- vice In the army and good citizenship afterward, these men made & record that might well be emulated by any group of Americans. “John Brown’'s statement to me, T am worth more to die than to live,’ was right, as history proves.” John Brown's attack on the United States arsenal at Harper’s Ferry caused many of his former triends and advo-| cates to turn from him in sheer dls- gust, and, although his memory is re- vered by the great mass of Kansans, there are many who indorse the senti- ment of a letter written by EIll Thayer January 13, 1880, when he said: “John Brown threw away his life in a futile effort to transiate into herolo deeds the graceless gabble of a few Northern secessionists. Stimulated by thelr sentiments, and exasperated al- most to fremzy by his attempts and failures In Kansas to sustain them, he determined to rush, single-handed. against the power of the United States. If John Brown did not know that this was sulcide he knew less than any, other sane man in the couniry. Put it was suiclde such as might be expected to have attractions for a man of his obstinate ambition and adverse experi- ence. It was suicide to be fustified dv the teachings of disunion societles, to be sanctified by its simulation of mar- tyrdom, to be glorified by all the 11~ | tion secessionists in the free States.” | But after the lapse of half a century the country’s estimate of John Brown probably may best be epitomized in the inscription on the monument to his { memory at Osawatomie: | In commemoration of the herolsm of ™ “CAPTAIN JOHN BROWY, who commanded at the dattle of Ouawat- | . August 30, 1538. Who dled and | miered on the scaffold at Charieston. 3 Va., December 2, 1859. -+ When Does a Man Begin to Grow 0ld? BY ARCHIBALD MARSHALL. I have reached that stage in life's pilgrimage at which & man calls him- self middle-aged; If in company, rather ostentatiously, not so much In the manner of one hoping for contradiction as ipviting it; the stage at which, 1t it be fmplied in general conversation that he is no longer young, he requires a few serious moments il which to col- lect his tHoughts before he draws at- tention to the implication with un- necessary Insistence, and cordially in- dorses it. There was a time, not so many years ago—as years go now—when I thought that twenty-two was a very ripe age. I still thought so, years afterward, when I reached it myself; for an un- dergraduate in his third year looks upon a freshman immeasurably his junior, and is oppressed with some of the weightiest cares of manhood. He knows the meaning of a flnancial crisis, and has serious thoughts of marriage. At twenty-three my temperature had gone down and I felt younger, but con- tinued to look upon thirty as the age at which I should be able to save money on clothes and grow a beard if I felt so disposed, as nobody could be expected to care what a person at that time of life looked like. At twenty-five I reckoned that I had about six more years of pleasurable existence before me, and at the end of that period it would not matter in the least whether I were rich or poor, so I had better hurry up and make ome money. Six years, or possibly seven, I seemed to be wearing rather better than some of my contemporaries. At twenty-seven I gave myself eight more yvears. I knew men of thirty-five, active and still presentable; in fact— why shirk the word?—young. But, while edmitting this, not without a measure of self-gratulation at being able to assign myself a few extra years of sentient existence, I felt it was use- less to dally with the question any further, and that thirty-five must be, and remain, the limit. So I continued to think until I my- self came in the course of of nature to the age of thirty-five, not, however, without serious qualms at thirty-twe and thirty-three, when I felt young as possible, but said to myself that it could not be expected to last much longer. Let me see! Was it at 35 thas I Jeft oft using Flowers and Honey for the hair? I think so. I really want to get to the bottom of this question, and that might be a pointer. I will consider it They still say that my halr and I fully believe that what is left of it does; and they still please me by saying so, though I feign in- difference. (The ladies, I mean—not crudely, it were in frontal attack, but incidentally when they are sizing up the points of my very small son and comparing his personal appearance with mine, not invariably to his advantage.) But it really dild wave like anything ten years ago; and without resorting to 1llegitimate compulsion I took care that it should wave to advantage. Now I just dip a brush in water, and if it likes it Mberty to do so. If not, I do not care. Honestly I do not. b s & At 35, then, I clalmed middle age, but 4y Property,’ ulg ‘Walker. ‘You have no | knowledge of warfare. He had been | without showing the least resentment when’ the claim was disputed, or, in- deed, feeling any. I must confess, how- ever, that by that time I had come to | cherish the secret conviction that 40 was, after all, the natural dividing line: It was only out of deference to the cal- in the |l1ow opinions of youths still | twentles that there was any question Why., about the matter at all. ‘was 36 I heard some one a clever young fellow. of forty who said it, and although he was one whose opinions I had despised up to that time, still, I think that on the whole he probably knows what he is talking about. Now I am not so sure about 40. I am inclined to think that 45 would be nearer the mark. Mind, I do not wish it to be thought for a moment that I am 40 myself. Such a suspicion would do me a great injustice. No, I am still in_the thirties and shall be for a con- siderable time, probably after this ticle appears in print. But still I wish to consider the question Impartially, and it is really absurd to pretend that the difference between a man of 43 or 43 and a man of, say, 39% Is so very marked. And, If this is so, it Is obvious that another two years added cannot affect the matter either one way or the other. Well, at present, then, I am inclined to leave it at forty-five, without preju- dice to my right to alter my opinion! n a few years’ time. But if I were put to it, I think I could write an ar- ticle equally convinecing to show that actual age has nothing to do with the question at all. I might try to show that marriage ends it, or fatherhood. but I do not think I should. I should be more likely to follow the glimmer of light that has come to me in the course of this inquiry, and point out that youth ends when personal vanity! begins to diminish. I might say that when trousers which have acquired a very slight bagginess at the knee a: not instantly discarded from the ward robe, it is a sign that middle age is encroaching. I might use other illus- trations of tho same sort; and I should certainly bring in the example of the hair and the anointment. But if I ald that I should have te acknowledge that I myself was now well on in middle age, and that T ab- solutely refuse to do. Why, I am still in the thirties; I still like chocolats eclairs, though I do not ache for that form of sustenance as I did five-and- twenty years ago; young fellows in the twenties very seldom think It neces- sary to put “Mr."” before my name, and I still feel at eass in their company. though I prefer that of the rather older young men of about my own ;(‘ndlnl. Away with splitting airs, ‘when I y be sald of forty-five, youth has not ended at thirty-nine, and Lhold that opinion agalinst all opposi- on. P. S—I have just overheard a subal- tern with whom I had a slight differ- ence 3f opinion at the club yesterday. in connection with a diamond declarg- tion, giving a highly colored account of the episode to a companion in arms. I did not hear distinctly all he sald, but I caught the expression, “Silly old fool.” "I am not seriously annoyed, but I do not feel quite so certain about thirty-nine. P.P.8—It has just occurred to me that the words I overheard were prob- ably applied to one of our opponents at the table who took very littls part in the discussion. They would be mors applicable to him, as he was forty last week. Let it stand.