The San Francisco Call. Newspaper, June 19, 1896, Page 8

~ THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, What It Has Accomplished for Liberty and Union, the Grandeur of the Republic and the Prosper- ity of the People. SOME OF THE GREAT LEADERS IN 1TS COUNCILS, It Was Born in the Midst of Slavery, and Many of Its Heroes Gave Their Lives on the Altar of Freedom and Equality. A History Rich in'Lofty Aims, Noble Principles and Glowing Attainments for the Betterment of Humanity—Its War- cry -Still Pretection and Home to American Labor Industries. ' A brief description of the origin, rise and growth of the Republican party nec- essarily excludes much of great historical interest, but in the allotted space it is pos- sible to outline its career from its incep- tion and to point out its glorious achieve- ments. The reader will find herein facts sufficient to show why the members of the great political organization are so proud to say, ‘I am a Republican.” The Michigan State Convention, held in | Jackson in June, 1854, was the first State representative body to take the nameof | Republican in the present acceptation of that term, and it has been claimed that this resulted from a suggestion offered by Horace Greeley. A few weeks later it was adopted by State conventions in Maine, Ohio, Indians; Illinois, Wisconsin and Iowa. In most of the New England States, in Pennsylvania and in the entire South the ‘Whig party still kept alive and ran tickets that year. In thesameyear tha Republi- can party was so extended and strength- ened it succeeded in electing enough Con- gressmen to secure its first National tri- umph in 1855, when Nathaniel P. Banks of Massachusetts was elected Speaker of the House. Most of the Northern States were won in a single year tothe banner of the mew party and a controlling influence had been secured in the lower house of Congress. “Its leaders,”’ writes Engene N. Smalley in bis history of the organization, ‘“were mostly men of anti-slavery convictions from the old Whig party, hke Fessenden, Sumner, Greeley, Seward, Chase, Wade and Chandler, but there were among them & veral former Democrats. No account | ‘was made of old political affiliations, how- ever, and the only test of membership was oppusition to the encroachments of the slave power.” Charles Sumner wrote from the Senate chamber of the United States to a Massa- chusetts committee, under date of May 29, 1854, in the spirit which actuated those who thought as hedid, and who were largely instrumental in bringlng the new | party into existence: The despotism of the slave power is to be es- tablished, “while you and I and all of us from the North are to bow down before it. ¥or my- self, I will not bow down; but, gentlemen, you will understand thatno individual can | effectually oppose these schemes. This can only be done in one way. As all at the South, without distinction of party, unite for slavery, so all at the North, without distinetibn of party, forgetting vain differences of Whig ana Demoerat, must unite for freedom, and, rising in majesty and might, take control of the Na- tional Government.” In 1820 the famous ‘“Missouri compro- mise” had been adopted by Congress. This measure form- ally appeared in Con- What Brought gress in the month of tke Party December, 1818 TInto Existence. When the bill pro- posing to admit Missouri as a slave State came before the House James Tallmadge Jr. of New York moved toamend it by pro- viding that “the further introduction of slavery be prohibited in said State of Missouri, and that all children born in the State atter its admission to the Union shall be free at the age of 25 years.”” The House passed the bill, but the Senate rejected the amendment. The story of what followed has been told by James G. Blaine in his “Twenty Years of Congress’: Mr. Clay, then an accepted leader of Southern gentiment, which in his later life he ceased to be, made an earnest, almost fiery, speech on the question. He wanted to know whether certain doctrines of an alarming character with respect to a restriction on the admission of new States west of the Mississipp! were tobe sustained on this foor. He wanted to know what conditions Congress could annex to the admission of a new State, whether, indeed, there could be a partition of its sovereignty? Despite the eloquence and the great influence of the speaker the Southern representatives were overborne and the House adopted the anti-slavery restriction. The Senate refused to concur, united Maine and Missouri in one bill, and passed it with an entirely new feature, which was proposed by Jesse B. Thomas, a Senator from IHinois. That feature wassimply the provision, since o widely known as the Missouri compromise, which forever prohibited slayery north of 36 deg. 30 min. in all the ter- ritory acquired from France as the Louisiana purchase. The House would not consent to admit the two States in the same bill, but finally agreed to the compromise, and in the early part of March, 1850, Maine became a member of the Union without a condition. A separate bill was passed permitting Missouri to form a constitution preparatory to her admission, subject to the compromise, which, indeed, formed one section of the enabling act. Mis- souri was thus granted permission to enter the Union asaslave State. But she was discon- tented with the prospect of baving free States on three sides—east, north and west. The Missouri compromise was set aside by Congress on May 30, 1854. *‘No- previ- ous anti-slavery excitement,” says Mr. Blaine, “‘bore any comparison with that which spread through the North as the discussion progressed, and especially aiter the bill became a law. It did not merely call forth opposition; it produced a frenzy of wrath on the part pf thousandsand tens of thousands in both the old parties who had never before taken any part whatever in anti-slavery agitation. The most strik- ing result in the political field produced by the repeal of the Missouri compromise was the utter destruction of the Whig party. The majority in the North came to see that it was in reality nothing but a struggle between the slave States and the free States, growing moré and more in- tense and more and more dangerous day by day.” The Republican party owed its birth to I the anti-slavery agitation. The band of abolitionists, which embraced Garrison, Phillips, John G. Whittier, Fred Douglass and others, had awsgkened public senti- ment against slavery, and particularly against the extension of the institution into new territory. There isno apology to be made for the origin of the party. It was the party of freedom. A few years later it caused 4,000,000 slaves to be free. Mr. Blaine wrote: £ The same name was not at once adopted in all the free States in 1854, but by the ensuing the Revublican party. The advice of Charles Sumner had been taken, and men of all parties flocked together to place an effectual curb on the extension of slavery. The first Republican National Conven- tion to nominate candidates for the Presi- dency and Vice-Presi- dency of the United The First States was held in Republican National Philadelphia in the Conyention. month of June, 1856. John C. Fremont was nominated for President and William L. Dayton of New Jersey for Vice - President. The prin- ciples enunciated by the Republican and Democratic parties on the slavery ques- tion formed the onfy subject for discussion during the canvass in the free Btates. Electoral tickets for Fremont were not presented in the slave States, and Fill- more had a weakened support in these States, so that the contest was practically narrowed to a fight in the North between Fremont and Buchanan. Nertbern Demo- crats sought to avoid the siavery question during their campaign, and handled the matter very skillfully. The Republicans carried every Nortbern State, except Penn- sylvania, New Jersey, Indiana, Iilinois and California, and gave to the ticket 114 electoral votes. The Americans carried only Maryland. Buchanan had 174 elec- toral yotes. Of the popular vote Buchanan received 1,838,169; Fremont, 1,341,%64; Fillmore, 874,354. Buchanan had a decided plurality, but helacked 377,629 votes of a majority. This campaign first brought forth mention of Abraham Lincoin asa National candidate. In the convention which nominated Fremont and ‘Dayton Tincoln received 110 votes to 259 votes for Dayton tor Vice-President. Dayton was made the unanimous nominee for the Vice-Presidency. The administration of Buchanan em- braced the period during which *‘the ordi- nance of secession” became a fact in American history. The four years follow- ing the inauguration of Buchanan were filled with exciting events, Abraham Lincoln achieved National prominence through his joint debates with Stephen A. Douglas. These debates were listened to by tens of thousands, Their fame spread throughout the country. The Dred Scott decision had inflamed the Northern mind. The ““Lecompton constitution’” of Kansas THE SAN FRANCISCO CALL, ) : % T immediately led up to the formation of tutional Jaw. Most of the Southern dele- gates then withdrew from the convention and an adjournment was taken until June 18, when the convention reassembled at Baltimore. The seceding delegates met and adopted a platiorm and adjourned to meet in Richmond June 11. The onicome of all this was tbat the Democrats had two National tickets in the field, one of which bore the names of Stephen A. Douglas of Tilinois for President and Benjamin Fitz- patrick of Alabama for Vice-President, This ticket and its following represented the “'squatter sovereignty” doctrine pro- mulgated by Douglas. The other ticket represented the extreme desirasfot the South and bose the names of John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky for President and Joseph Lane of Oregon for Vice-Presi- dent. There was also placed in nomina- tion by a new party, which took the name of the Constitutional Union party, a Presidential ticket, the nominees being John Bell of Tennessee for President and Edward Everett of Massachusetts for Vice-President. The second Republican National Nom- inating Convention possessed intrinsic in- terest for many reasons, not the least of which resides in the fact- that the Presi- dential nominee was Abraham Lincoln. At 12 o'clock noon, on Wednesday, the 16th of May, 1860, the National Republi- can Convention met in Chicago, [llinois. The Second The convention was Republican National held in a large build- Convention. ing on Lake street, known as the “Wigwam,” erected for the purpose, As soon as the doors were opened the entire body of she Wigwam was solidly packed with men, the galleries being equally packed with ladies. There were not less than ten thousand persons in the building, while an immense crowd were unable to get in- side. Governor K. D. Morgan of New York, chairman of the National Republican Com- mittee, called the convention to order, read the call and delivered the following ad- dress: ’ Usage has made it my duty to take the pre- liminary step toward organizing the conven- tion—a convention upon the proceedings of which, permit me to say, the most momentous results are depending. No body of men of equal number was ever clothed with greater FRI'DAY, JUNE 19 1896. ing, all the great powers of this Government to the one object of the extension of slavery. It is our purpose, gentlemen, it is the mission of the Republican party and the basisof its organization, to resist this policy of & sectional interest. The constitution was notordained and es- tablished for the purpose of extending slavery within the iimits of this country; it was Wilmot's Protest not ordained and es- i tablished for the pur- Adatast pose of guaranteeing Slavery Extension. and securing that insti- tation. Our fathers regarded slavery as a blot upon our country. They went down into thelr graves with the earnest hope and confident belief that but a few more years and that blot would be extingmshed from our land. No, citizens! This Repnblic was established for the purpose of seeuring the guarantees of liberty, of justice and righteousness to the peo- ple and to their posterity. That was the great object with which the Revolution was fought; these were the purposes for which the Union and tire constitution were formed. Slavery is sectional; liberty national. ([Immense &p- plause.] Ana, fellow-citizens, shall we, in building up this great empire of ours, in fulfilling that high and sacred trust imposed upon us by our fathers—shall we support this blighting, this demoralizing institution throughout the vast extent of our border? ([Voices, loudly, “No!”’] Or shal! we preserve this land es a free land to our posterity forever ? Rev. Z, M. Humphrey of the First Pres- byterian Church of Chicago then offered prayer amid the pxofound silence of the vast audience. The rules of the House of Representa- tives were adopted for the convention. The afternoon session was called to order at 5:15 o’clock. The committee on perma- nent organization reported the election of Hon. George Ashmun of Massachusetts as permanent president. The president was conducted to the chair amid enthusiastic dpplause. He then addressed the conven- tion: Gentlemen of the Convention, Republicans, Americans: We have come here to-day at the call of our country, from widely separated homes, to fulfill a great and important duty. No ordinary call has brought us together. Nothing but a momentous queéstion would have called this vast multitude here to-day— nothing but deep sense of the danger into which our Government is fast running could have rallied the people thus in this city to-day for the purpose of rescuing the Goverument from the deep degradation into which it has fallen. [Loud applause.] We are here in the last four vears has fully established the pro- priety and necessity of the organization and perpetuation of the Republican party; and that the causes which called it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, more than ever before, demand its peaceful and con- stitutional triumph. 2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independ- ence and embodied in the Federal constitution, “That all men are created equal; thst they are endowed by their Creator with certain 1inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; and to secure these rights Governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the con- sent of the governed,” is essential to the pres- ervation of our republican institutions; and that the Federal constitution, the rights of the States and che union of the States must and shall be preserved. 3. That to the union of the States this Na- tion owes its unprecedented increase in popu- lation, its surprising development of material resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its happiness at home and its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source. they may. And we congratulate the country that no Republican member of Con-’ gress has uttered or countenanced the threats of disunion so often made by Democratic mem- bers, without rebuke, and with applause from their political associates; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendency, as denying the vital principles of a iree government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke and forever sflence, 7. That the new dogma that the constitu- tion, of its own force, carries slavery into The Extension of any or all of the Ter- Sla ritories of the United et o States is a danger- Political Heresy. ous political heresy, A at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument 1tself. . 8. That the normal condition of all the ter- ritory of the United States is that of freedom; that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our National territory, ordained that “‘no person should be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law, it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the constitution against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individual, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the United States. 9. That we brand the recent reopening of the African slave trade, under the cover o year there was a general recognition through- out the North that all who intended to make & serious fight against the pro-slavery Democ- racy would unite under the flag of the Repub- lican party. In its very first effort, without compact or- ganization, without discipline, it rallied the anti-slavery seutiment so successfully as to carry nearly all the free States and to secure a plurality of the members of the House of Rep- resentatives. The indignation of the people knew 1o bounds. Old political landmarks dis- appeared and party prejudices of thrée genera- tions were swept aside in aday. With such success in the outset the Republicans pre- pared for & vigorous struggle in the approach- ing election. The way had been paved by the Free- soilers and by the Abolitionists. The re- peal of the Missouri compromise bronght nearer the strugele which eventuated in the Civil W4r after the struggle in Kansas and otherevents had brought on *‘the irre- pressible contiict.” Again Mr. Blaine is quoted on this point: In the South they saw and felt their danger, and they determined at all hazards to defend themselves against policies which involvea the total destruction of their social and indus- trial fabric. They were not mere malcontents. They were. not pretenders. They did notaim at znfl things. They had ability and they nad coursge. They hed determined upon mastery within the Union or a continental cmpire outside of it. So much in general for the cause which - 3 R Oy f T e 2250, \ ", \ ABRAHAM LINCOLN. had been transmitted by Buchanan to Congress. The John Brown raid had taken place at Harpers Ferry. The Democratic party had been split into opposing wings. Beveral members of the Buchanan Cabinet retired because they took issue with Bu- chanan concerning the right of the Gov- ernment to prevent the secession of a State from the Union. The conventions of 1860 had brought sbout a complete polit- ical revolution. Had the Republicans carried the States of Pennsylvania and Indiana in 1856 they would have suc- ceeded. They were The Stirring all aware in 1860 Days Just that the Bouth Bsfore the War. would not accept the “'squatter sovereignty” plan suggested by Stephen A. Douglas, and the North was not willing to adopt the extreme views of the more radical pro-slavery ad- vocates of the South. The Democratic National Convention which mef at Charles- ton April 23, 1860, at once began a heated controversy. A resolution was adopred that, as differences had existed in the party - as to the nature and extent of the powers of the territorial legislatures and to tbe powers and duties of Congress under the constitution over the institution of slavery, the Democratic party would abide by the decision of the Supreme Court on the question of consti- responsibility than those within the hearing of my voice. You do not need me to tell you,. gentlemen, what the responsibility is. While one portion of the adherents of the National administration are endeavoring to insert a slave code into the party platiorm, another por- tion exhibits its readiness to accomplish the same result through the action of the Supreme Court of the United States, willing, by the in- dication, to do indirectly that which, if done directly, would bring & blush even to the cheek of modern Democracy. While these and other stupendous wrongs absolutely shocking to the moral sentiment of the country are to be fasténed upon the peo- ple by the party in power if its leaders are able to bring the factious elements that com- pose it into any degree of unanimity there seems left no ray of hope exceptin the good sense of this convention. Let us, then, invoke you to act in a spirit of harmony, that by the dignity, the wisdom and the patriotism dispiayed bere you may be en- abled to eniist the hearts of the people and to strengthen them in the faith that yours is the constitutional party of the country, and the only constitutional party; that you are actuated by principles and that you will be ded by the light and by the example of the athers of the Republic. Hon. David Wilmot of Pennsylvania, the temporary chasirman, on. taking the chair spoke as follows: A great sectional and aristocratic party, or interest, has for years dominated with a'high hand over the political affairs of this country. That interest has wrested, and is nOW wrest s ®e, Snne cese SO SALMON . CHASE _oo*” S, aa. ""Q‘i,n 000 D! o 0 F m PV NI § T i e o UV @ e ordinary capacity as delegates of the people to prepare for the formation and cerrying on of s new administration, and with the help of the people we will do it. [Applause.] No mere controversy about miserable abstractions has brought us here to-day; we have not come here on any idle question. The sacrifice which most of us have made in the extended journey and in the time devoted to it could have been made only upon some solemn call; and the stern look which I see on every face and the earnest behavior which hasbeen manifested in all the preliminary discussions show full well that we will have a true and deep sense of the solemn obligation which 1is resting upon us. ‘Gentlemen, it does not belong to me to make an extended address, but allow me to say that I think that I have & right here to-day inthe Ashmun's Im- name of the Americal 4oq0hment people to declare that a e the w2 impeach the admin- (dministration. istration of our General Government of ihe highest crimes which can ‘becommitted against a conmmn::nl g:‘n;-. ment, against a free people and against, hu- manity. (Prolonged cheers.] The catalogue of its crimes is not for me to recite. It is written upon every page of the history of the presentad- ministration, and I care not how many paper proteststhe President may send to the House of Representatives. and applause.] The platform which was adopted had, among others, the following significant planks: : 2 5 1, That the history of the Nation during the 2 3 our National flag, aided by verversions of judicial power, as & crime against humanity and a burning shame to our country and agh; and we call upon Congress to take prompt end efficient measures for the total and final sup- pression of that execrable traffic. 12. That, while providing revenue for the support of the General Government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imports as to encourage the developmentof the industrial interests of the whole country; and we commend that policy of National exchanges which secures to the workingmen liberal wages, to agriculture remunerative prices, to mechanics and man- ufacturers an adequate reward for their skiil, labor and enterprise and to the Nation com- mercial prosperity and independeace. Their platform was adopted on the second day of the convention with a great show of enthusiasm. The nominations were made on the sncceeding day. Wil- liam Evarts nominated William H. Seward, and there were several speeches seconding this nomination, among the speakers being Austin Bluir of Michigan and Carl Schurz of Wisconsin. - The nomi- nation of Abraham Lincoln was' made by N. B. Judd of Iilinois, and Caleb 8mith of Indiana seconded. The other candidates for the Presicential nomination were 7 first and second ballots, but it was argued that he could not cirry the States which the Republicans failed to win in 1856, viz.: Pennsylvania, Indiana and Illinois, and on ‘the third ballot Lincoln whks nomi- natea. Hannibal Hamlin of Maine was nominated for Vice-President. Much has been written by James @. Blaine concerning this period of more than ordinary interest: It is ome of the contradictions not infre- quently exhibited in partisan bodies that Mr. Seward was defeated because of his radical ex- pressions on the slavery question, while Mr. Lincoln was chosen in spite of expressions far more radical than those of Mr. Seward. The “rrepressible conflict” snnounced by Mr. Seward at Rochester did not go as far as Mr. Lincoln’s declaration at Springfield, that “the Union could not exist hali-siave, half-free.” Neither Mr. Seward nor Mr. Lincoln contem- plated the destruction of the Government, and yet thousands had been made to believe that Mr. Seward made the existence of the Union depend upon tke abolition of slavery. Ar. Lincoln had announced the same doc- trine in advance of Mr. Seward, with direct- ness and bluntness which could not be found in the more polished phrase of the New York Senator. Despite these facts, a large number of delegates from doubtful States—delegates who held the control of the convention—sup- ported Mr. Lincoln on the distinct ground that the anti-slavery sentiment which they repre- sented was not sufficiently radical to support the author of the speech in which had been proclaimed the doctrine of an irrepressible conflict between freedom and slavery. While there were four Presidential tickets in the field a positive policy could be justly attributed to oniy two. Mr. Lin- coln favored the prohibition of an exten- sion of slavery by law. Mr. Breckinridge favored laws to promote its extension. During the campaign the Republican forceswere strengthened by accessions from the Douglas following. The division of the Democrats helped Mr. Lincoln. His opponents joined in one electoral ticket to defeat him 1n New York, New Jersey and Rhode Island. A fusion ticket was run in New Jersey embracing three Douglas, two Bell and two Breckinridge electors. Mr. Lincoln secured four of the electoral | votes in New Jersey. Calfornia and Oregon gave him pluralities, and in every other free State he had majorities. All the slave States, with four exceptions, were carried by Breckinridge. Bell car- ried Maryland, Kentucky and Virginia aud Douglas carried Missouri. The popu- lar vote was as follows: Lincoln, 1,857, 610; Douglas, 1,291,574; Breckinridge, 850, 082; Bell, 646,121. As soon as the results of the election were known movements for secession were begun in the South. The issue of protection, which has been consistently advocated by the Republican party, no doubt had g its effect upon the Protection successof the Repub- Led to Republican lican party at this Success. time. In evidence of the accuracy of this statement the words of Mr. Blaine are once more quoted: The crushing defest received in the person of Wilmot (Free-soil candidate for Governor of Pennsylvania) occurred on the very eve of the financial distress of 1857. The Demdcratic canvass had been made while there was yet no suspicion of impending panic and revulsion— made, indeed, with the constant boast of the general prosperity, and with constant ascrip- tions of that prosperity to the well- defined and long-centinued policy of the Democratic party. From that time the Democratic party became embarrassed in Pennsylvania. With a tariff of their own making, with a President of their own choice, with both branches of Congress and -every department of government under their control, a serious disaster had come upon the country. The promises of Democratic leaders had failed their predictions, had been falsified, and as & cousequence their strength was shattered. The Republicans of Pennsylvania, seeing this advantage, pressed it by renewed and urgent demands for & protective tariff. On the other issues of the party they had been hopelessly beaten, but the moment the hostility to slave labor in the Territories became identified with protected labor in Pennsylvania, the party was inspired with new hopes, indeed, received new life. It was thiscondition of public opinion in Pennsylvania which made the recognition of the protective system so essential in the Chi- cago platform of 1860. Itwas to that recog- nition that Mr. Lincoln 1n the end owed his election. The memorable victory of Andrew G. Curtin, when he was chosen Governor by a majority of 82,000, was largely due to his able and persuasive presentation of the tariff question, and to hig effective appeals to the Iaboring men in the coal and iron sections of the State. But for this issue, in fact, there no reason why Curtin should have been stronger in 1860 than Wilmot was in 1857. Indeed, but for that issue he must have beem ‘weaker. The agitation over the repeal of the Missouri compromise had somewhat subsided with the lapse of years; the free State victory in Kansas was acknowledged and that issue was removed ; while the Dred Scott decision, failing to arouse popular resentment at the time it was pro- nounced, could hardly be effectual for an aggressive canvass three years later. If Gover- nor Curtin could have presented noother issue to the voters of Pennsylvania he would un- doubtedly ,have shared the fate Wilmot met when he had these anti-slavery questions as his only platform. Governor Curtin gave a far greater propor tion of his time to the discussion of the tarift and financial issues than to all others com- bined, and he carried Pennsylvania because a majority of her voters believed that the Dem- ocratic party tended to free trade and that the Republican party would espouseand maintain the cause of protection. At its successful entry into American political control the Republican party was opposed to servile labor and strongly favored protection to American industries, and 1t has maintained its position con- sistently throughout. The withdrawal of Southern Senators and Representatives from OCongress, in pursuance of their policy of secession, left the Republicans in control. They very soon enacted the Morrill tariff bill info a law. No Democratic Senatpr voted for the bill and no Republican Senator voted in the negative. The House adopted the bill. *It was a singular combination of circumstances,” remarked Mr. Blaine, «which on the eve of the Southern revolt led to the inauguration of a policy that gave such industrial and financial strength to the Union in its hour of dire necessity, n the very crisis of its fate.”” The Republican party throughout the Civil War was united in favor of prose- cuting the conflict vigorously to a ter- The Victories mination. The re- at Gettysburg and ver during the Vicksburg. Peninsula campaign and after the second battle of Bull Run gave the Democrats several State elec- tions and the Republicans had only a narrow majority in the new House, The capture of Vicksburg and the Gettys- burg victory strengthened the hands of the war party. The Democratic party was split into two factions. One wing united with the Republicans in the Union party, a name that was adopted to permit of this fusion. The other wing of the Democratic party sympathized with the Bouth and openly declared that the war was a failure. The chief event in which the Republi- can party was conspicuous during the period of 1860.65, apart from the conduct ot the Civil War. was the emancipation of the siaves. Thé Republican party did not enter upon war with the purpose of abol- Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania, William Layton of New Jersey, Edward Bates of Missouri, Jobn McLean of Ohio and Jacob Collamer of Vermont. Seward led on the ishing slavery, but abolition came about as a logical conclusion. President Lincoln said that he would save the Union with slavery if he could save it so, but that he