The San Francisco Call. Newspaper, June 19, 1896, Page 13

THE SAN FRANCISCO CALL, FRIDAY, JUNE 19, 1896. \ b i) WILLIAM \ i i / ] McKINLEY SR. tory—have been when everything was the lowest and cheapest messured by gold, for everything was the highest and the dearest measured by labor. We have no wish to adopt the conditions of other nations. Experience has demonstrated that for us and ours, and for the present and the future, the protective system meets our wants, our conditions, pro- motes the National design, and will work out our destiny better than any othfr. That all which McKinley said in that speech has come true, every intelligent citizen of the Republic who has watched the drift during the last five years knows full well. The bill passed Congress and became a law. It was attacked by theory, ignorance and prejudice, and for the moment, perhaps, it seemed to those whose protective principles were not firm & too radical measure. Then the prosperity which McKiniey predicted dawned, only to disappear in 1892, when the Democratic victory spread its blighting effects over the industrial regions of the country. Then followed two years of panic and dis- tress, which was only lifted from our pros- trated business when the principles so t forth in that address were again vie Following i speech by McKi of last year: They say prosp has come. Well, we have got more prosperity tpis year than we had last, because we had none at all last year. Taey say that wages are better this year than they were last, but we had little or no wages lest year, and we did not have auy prosperity in this country t er the elections of 1894. When the people is country, from ocean toocean, rose in theirmight and in their n extract from a notable inley in the QOhio campaign majesty as one man and voted in a Republican | House,that was the firs| tintheclouds. That was the first star in the business man’s constel- lation. Then, with the feeling that for two years the Democretic party could not injure his enterpri e business man commenced to do business the best he could, making his own advancement, and whatever prosperity we have got now we have got because of that victory and in spite of the Democratic party. And now you are ready tovote. The people of thiscountry everywhere ,are ready to vote, for they are sick and tired of this tariff tinker- ing and the increased bond-issuing, pension- cutting, queen-restoring Democratic adminis- tration. In an address, in 1895, to the laboring men of Chicago, McKinley expressed these eloquent s-ntiments: Peace, order and good will among the people, with patriotism in their hearts; truth, honor and justice in the executive, judicial and legis- lative branches of the Government, municipal, State and National; all ylelding respect and obedience to law, all equal before the law, and all alike amenable to law—such are the con- ditions thetwill make our Government too strong ever to be broken by internal dissen- sions and too powerful ever to be overturned by any enemy from without. Then will the government of the people, under the smiles of heaven, bless, prosper and exalt the people who sustain and support it. In America, no one is born to power; none assured of station or command except by his | own worth or usefulness. But to any post of honor all who choose may aspire, and history has proved that the humblest in youth are frequently the most honored and powerful in the meturity of strength and age. It has long been demonstrated that the philosophy of Jefferson is true, and that this, the land of the free and seif-governed, is the strongest s well as the best Government 1 the world. We ac- cept no governmentel standards but our own; we will have no flag but the glorious old stars | and stripes. That McKinley has comprehensive views on the vast educational system of the country his public utterances certainly indicate. There is nothing sectarian, nothing narrow about his views on this important subject. William McKinley is not only a sincere and earnest man, but a religions man. He is a member of the Methodist church. He ] is one of those who believe that religion is | the strongest, most lasting and most viva- | ciousof all the powers in the world; that | it is imbedded firm as a rock in the inati- tutions of the Republic. While himself a | member of the Methodist church, how- | ever, his religion is broad enough to in- clude all the Christian sects, and reach out to the broadest humanity. McKinley’s personal appearance is & great aid asa platiorm speaker. He a- | ways wears a black frock coat buttoned all the way down. His face ispale, and | he unconsciously assumes a statuesque | pose. At first, he is slow o1 utterance and | low of voice. This is a method with him, | for he has learned that he can only get at | the full strength of his voice and maintain |1t by reaching it gradually: By and by | | his voice grows louder. It takes but a few | minutes for him to measure the acoustic properties of the hall and know to a nicety | | (that comes only from experience) to what | key to pitch his voice. Then it rings out | | with a bell-like clearness, and cuts through | |and circles around the mightiest of | | throngs. As a rule, he makes but few l | gestures, but those he does maxe are | | emphatic. Having captured his hearers by his manifestation of sincerity and earnest- ness, he proceeds, step by step, to convince them by his logic; then he hammers into them the truth as he understands it; and | finally the sum is worked out, the problem | is solved and the argument nhas reached | its demonstration—and then McKinley is afire; his voice sounds like an anvil struck by a sledge-hammer wielded by his strong right arm, which now rises up and down with quick, terrific force; his form trem- bles with energy and seems to grow to | heroic size; his deep-set eyes flash out like | | living coals. This is the moment of the | orator's triumph. When his voice stops there is a thunder of apbplause, repeated | again and again. It may besaid of McKinley that asa | youth he was industriousand earnesi; as a | | young soldier, he was courageous and | noble: asa lawyer, painstaking and capa- | ble; as a statesman, able and honorable, and as a Governor, broad-minded and fearless in the discharge of all duties. | McKinley expressed himself from the | very beginning of his public career in Con- | gress as against the tariff reform | that means retrenchment and poverty |in the homes of America. He |is against the policy that would place | the American workingman in direct competition with the pauper labor of Europe and the semi-slaves of Asia. He | proposes to lead the battle of the people against the ruie and poverty of Demo- cratic free trade. In thename of the man- | hood which free trade would impoverish, of the womanhood which it threatens with degradation, of the childhood it would stunt and oppress; in the names of Ameri- can homes, American schools and Ameri- can citizenship; in the name of American toilers of every age and class; in the name of liberty, humanity and progress, Mc- Kinley pledges himself to fight free trade and industrial serfdom until complete and final triumph crowns the people’s cause. Where cheapness s only to be attained by a depression of the wages of labor to the neigh- borhood of the European standard I prefer that it be dispensed with. One thing must answer to another, and I hold that the farmers of this country can better afford, as a matter of pecuniary advantage, to pay a good price Jfor manufactured goods than to obtain them lower through the depression and inadequacy of the wages of the artisan and laborer.— HORACE GREELEY. MAN WHO MANAGED McKINLEY'S BOOM. A Pen Picture of Mark Hanna and His Methods. His Best Work for the Candi- date Was Done by Cor- respondence. Opens Every Letter and ‘Has a Fine Grasp of Detail—Wants No Public Office. One would hardly suppose that a man could manage a Presidential campaign and at the same time conduct seyeral im- mense business enterprises and neglect none of them, and yet that is what M. A. Hanna has been doing. Hanna is not a politician; he is a business man, but as a business man he has surrounded him- self with the ablest politicians. The most singular feature of the McKin- ley campaign, as managed- by Mr. Hanna, is that it was almost en- tirely a campaign of correspondence. There were no missionaries sent hither and thither, but the number of letters that were written is amazing. Andno less amazing is the grasp of detail that Hanna bad of the various districts in the various States, and the exact situation in each of the districts. A recent writer who spent two hours very pleasantly and very profit- ably in Hanna's political headquarters one day thus describes the scene: “There were present M. A. Hanna and Chair- man Dick of the State Republican Committee. Everything was in perfect order and absolute quiet reigned. Every minute or two a stenographer or mes- senger passed through the office into ad- joining rooms, * Bring me some ink, John, said Hanna, as the office-boy passed through, ‘and take these telegrams to the telegraph office at ornce.’ “And, never ceasing in his work and never looking up from his desk, Hanna gave his orders or made known his wants as each employe entered. “ ‘I see,’ said he, continuing to scratch away with his pen and addressing Chair- man Dick, ‘that you have marked this Thirty-third District in New York *‘Too late.” ’ ‘“ ‘Yes, sir,’ responded Mr. Dick. “‘You are mistaken. The primaries have not yet been held.’ “Hanna opens every letter and assigns it to the proper department for answer, and the way in which he can remember what each letter contains is one of the most astonishing things about the man. He gets five deliveries of mail per day, and at each delivery he now receives over abushel basket full of letters. He plunges into his correspondence as though it were a feast, and, not content with dictating replies, he answers in his own handwrit- ing a large variety of letters wherever he thinks the influence of a personal com- munication will be greater. Hanna is vastly resourceful and many sided and his capacity for work is immense. “Hanna calls the: McKinley campaign a spontaneous outburst of the people, and points to the heaping mass of unsolicited correspondence with a glow of pride. With an emphatic smash of his prodigious fist upon the desk, he declares that the masses are for McKinley, and with a still more vigorous smash of the selfsame fist he de- nies that the McKinley campaign is a campaign of boodle. He insists thatno money is being spent, and that manufac- turers are not being ‘fried,’ editors and statesmen to the contrary notwithstand- ing.” And now for a pen picture of the man who has suddenly risen before the eye of the public. He possesses a burly frame, a round head, a strong but not overintel- lectual face, and he is without doubt a very good liver. Hanna would impress anv one as a solid man, physically, men- tally and morally. In manner he is bluff and curt. When he opens conversatlon with you he does it with an ill-tempered growl, and you mentally resolve that you are about to spend a few unpleasant mo- ments. But at the next question his voice melts and his eyes twinkle, and you find that you are really having quite an agreeable time. There is good blood in Hanna, plenty of it, and Rudyard Kipling would add, “Ah, the bowels of him,” for he is a man of courage. He is fresh, vig- orous, wholesome, and his capacity for work rests upon firm physical conditions. How did Hanna make his money? He made it legitimately—that is, I mean it is a legitimate growth of solid business in- vestments and not the result of specula- tion. He foresaw very clearly, and was one of the earliest to foresee, the financial possibilities of the Lake Superior iron ore region. He became interested in the de- velopment of the iron ore districts and later in vessel property to transport the ore to the railways and the furnaces, and in that manner laid the basis of his colos- sal fortune. Then he undertook to operate street rallways in Cieveland, and is now the president of a very profitable consoli- dation of lines. He bought the Euclid- avenue Opera-house at a big bargain, and this now yields a substantial revenue. The question is frequently asked: Why is Hanna so deeply interested in McKin- ley’s campaign? He has certainly given McKinley a management which money could not buy, for he is in the campaign with all the energies that he possesses, The local papers say that he is slated to be Secretary of Agriculture, and he is frequently pictured in blue - jeans hoeing potatoes in the garden. But Hanna says he wants mno office, and he is evidently sincere in his assertion. He is in the campaign purely out of friendship for McKinley. He manifested the same impersonal interest in Sherman’s cam- paign eight years ago, and did all he could as delegate-at-large and a potent factor in State politics to keep Ohio in line for the statesman from Mansfield. Sherman’s return to the Senate the last time was largely due to Hanna's activity in his be- half. One must take a glimpse of Hanna's hothe life to ascertain the completeness of the man. Itis simple and cheerful. He Iikes to be with his family, and isin his element when the table is surrounded by guests. Above all, he likes to entertain ex-Governor McKinley. Whenever Me- Kinley comes to town he straightway re- pairs to Hanna’s home, and it is not an infrequent thing for Hanna to telegraph Schoolhouse Near Poland ,Ohio, Where McKinley Taught in 1860.61. to Canton on Saturday mornings inviting McKinley to spend Sunday with him, an the ex-Governor invariably accepts the in- vitation. Major McKinley did that last Sunday. & Outside of political circles it is a rare thaing to find a man whose reputation ex- tends over so wide a scope of country as does that of M. A. Hanna, who is one of the city’s most prominent, influential and deservedly honorea citizens, and one of the foremost men of the Buckeye State. The business interests of Mr. Hanna are not confined to Cleveland or Ohio, but are distributed over a wide territory, reaching into at least half a dozen States, and are ag diversified and important as they are extensive. 5 For half a century the Hanna family has been most closely identified with the commercial, financial and industrial his-* tory of Cleveland, and its members during that time have contributed as much as those of any famuly toward the building up of the city and its many industries and institutions. Mr, Hanna’s father, Dr. Leonard Hanna, was a leading citizen of New Lisbon, Ohio, until his removal to Cleveland in 1852, when he at once took rank with the prominent men of the city. He was one of the founders of the whole- sale grocery house of Hanna, Garretson & Co., which was one of the largestand most important firms in that line in the city, the partners being his brother, Robert Hanna, and Hiram Garretson, both of whom were then and later very prom- inent among the leading business men of the city. o M. A. Hannais a native of Ohio. He was born at New Lisbon, Columbiana County, on September 24, 1837, and it was in that county that his early boyhood was spent. He attended the schools of his native town, and upon his removal to.Cleveland was given the full benefit of the city schools, and the thorough public school education he .there obtained was supplemented by a season at the Western Reserve College. His business career began in 1857, when he became an employe of the firm of which his father was a member. He continned with that firm and its successor, Robert Hanna & Co., until 1867, and during thai time originatea the Buckeye Oil Company, whick he managed in connection with his other duties, thus giving evidence at that early age of the splendid business taients and capacity which have been so fully developed in later life. On September 27, 1864, Mr. Hanna was married to Miss C. Augusta Rhodes, daugh- ter of the late D. P. Rhodes, and three years later, when the great pioneer iron and coal firm of Rhodes & Card retired from business, he became a member of its successor, the firm of Rhodes & Co., the other members of which were Robert Rhodes and G. H. Warmington. They were heavy dealers in coal and iron, and for a number of years did anex- tensive business, their mines being located in the Tuscarawa Valley, while their trade extendéd all over the country. The firm was dissolved in 1885, being succeeded by M. A. Hanna & Co., of which Mr. Hanna became the senior member. While Mr. Hanna’s labors were for a number of years given to this great enter- prise, he was and is interested in many ways in other lines of commercial and business activity. In 1872 he organized in connection with other leading capitalists the Cleveland Transportation Company, which built a line of steamers and their consorts for the Lake Superior iron-ore trade, and of this he has been a director from the first and was for several years its general manager, resigning the same when other business interests grew to such an extent as to demand the most of his time. In 1881 he organized the West Republic Mining Company of Marquette County, Mich., and was elected its president, which position and that of director he still holds. In 1882 he organ- ized the Pacific Coal and Iron Company, with headquarters at 8t. Paul, Minn., was elected its president, and still continues in the same position. He was a director in’ and vice-president of the Hubbell Stove Company of Buffalo. In 18382 he purchased a controlling in- terest in the West Side Street Railway Company, and, with his usual enter- prise and courage, put money and man- agement enough into it to make it a success. He was elected president of the company and has remained at the head of that enterprise during its changes and consolidations. Mr. Hanna is a director of the Globe Iron Works, one of the largest ship-building concerns in the country, and to him as much as to any one man is due the credit of making Cleveland the largest ship-building point in the United States. Mr. Hanna has always been a Repub- lican and a believer in a tariff for the pro- tection of American industry. He is one of those who believe that every business man should exercise the right influence in the conduct of affairs, believing in per- sonal effort as a matter of right and duty, and he has been active in the politics of Ohio for a number of years; not a seeker after office, but a seeker after good government administered by the best men. He is recognized to-day as one of the political leaders of the State, his ad- vice and counsel being sought on all im- portant occasions by those having in charge the various campaigns, and in this connection, it may be said, in the lan- guage of one of his friends, **M. A. Hanna is a power in Ohio politics, and he has always stood for clean and honest methods.” In 1884 he was one of the dele- gates-at-large from the Republican State Convention to the Nalional Convention in Chicago, and during that and the follow- ing years served on the Republican State Executive Committes of Ohio. In August, 1885, he was appointed by President Cleve- land as one of the Government directors of the Union Pacific Railroad, a position un- sought, but accepted, because it was an honorary one, to which no salary was at- tached and in which he could serve the public without the charge of personal motive. In the fall of that year he was summoned to the West by reason of the labor troubles along the line, and gave several weeks to a careful and proper set- tlement of the question at issue in connec- tion with other directors of the road. In 1888 he was elected delegate to the Republican National Convention and sup- ported Senator John Sherman’s candidacy before that convention. He labored zeal- ously for the success of Senator Sherman, who is his warm personal friend, and to him. that gentleman owes, probably more than to any other man, his last elec- tion to the United States Senate. But, in a large sense, we cannot dedicate, ‘we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here have consecrated far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note mor long remember what we say here, but it never can forget what they did here. It is rather for us here to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that Jrom thése homored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; thatwe here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain; that this Nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the people and Jor the people shall not perish from this earth.—From Lincoln’s speech at Gettysburg. REPUBLICANS HAVE GUARDED INDUSTAY. Words of Eminent Advo- cates of the Protective Tariff. The Burning Eloquence of James G. Blaine and John A. Logan. National Wealth and Commercial Pros- perity Have Followed the Policy of Protection. It is generally conceded that in the let- ter addressed to the National Republican Committee by James G. Blaine accepting the nomination for the Presidency in 1884, the arguments in fayor of the American policy of protection were thoroughly pre- sented. The issue of such vital importance is once more before voters. What Mr. Blaine said in 1884 remains true. The progress of the country under the Repub- lican policy was ably traced by the great leader. Some parts of his letter make lively reading. Almost the first act of the Republicans when they came into power in 1861 was the establishment of the principle of pro- tection to American labor and American capital. This principle the Republican party has ever since maintained,while the Democratic party has steadily warred against it, and has succeeded in over- throwing protective tariffs more than once. **After 1860 the business of the country was encouraged by a‘protective tariff. At the end of twenty years the total property of the United States, as returned by the census of 1880, amounted to the enormous aggregate of $44,000,000,000. This great zesult was attained notwithstanding the fact that countless millions had in the in- terval been wasted in the progress of a bloody war. It thus appears that, while our population between 1860 and 1880 in- creased 60 per cent, the agerezate prop- erty of the country increased 214 per cent, showing a vastly enhanced wealth per cap- ita among the people. Thirty thousand millions of dollars had been added during these twenty years to the permanent wealth of the Nation. “These results are regarded by the older nations of the world as phenomenal. That our country should surmount the peril and the cost of a gigantic war, and for an entire period of twenty years make an average gain to its wealth of $125,000,000 per month, surpasses the experience of all other nations, ancient or modern, Even the opponents of the system do not pre- tend that in the whole history of civiliza- tion any parallel can be found to the ma- terial progress of the United States since the accession of the Reonblican party to power. “The farmers see that in 1860 Massachu- setts and Illinois had about the same wealth—between $300,000,000 and §300,000,- 000—and that in 1880 Massachusetts had advanced to $2,600,000,000, while Illinois had advanced to $3,200,000,000. They see {. that nine agricultural States of the West have grown so rapidly that the aggregate addition to their wealth since 1860 is al- most as great as the wealth of the entire country in that year. They see that the South, which is almost exclusively agri- cultural, has shared in the geueral pros- perity, and having recovered from the loss and devastation of war has gained so rap- idly that its total wealth is at least the double of that which it possessed in 1860 exclusive of slaves.” This was a part of the picture painted by Mr. Blaine of the prosperity of the country in 1884, resulting from the pro- tective volicy of the Republican party, these words being written only a few months before the Democratic party took control of the country. Mr. Blaine went on to point out more particularly the agency of the Republican party in that prosperity : “In these extraordinary developments the farmers see the helpful influence of a home market, and they see that the finan- cial and revenue system enacted since the Republican party came into power has establ.shed and constantly expanded the home market. They see that even in the case of wheat, which is our chief cereal export, they bave sold in the average of the years since the close of the war three bushels at home to one they have sold abroad; and that in the case of corn, the only other cereal which we ex- port to any extent, 100 bushels have been used at home to 34 bushels exported. In some years the disparity has been so great that for every peck of corn exported 100 bushels have been consumed in the home market. The farmers see that in the in- creasing competition from the grain-fields of Russia and from the distant plains of India, the growth of the home market be- comes daily of greater congern to them, and that its impairment would depreciate the value of every acre of tillable land in the Union.” Mr. Blaine had no fear that foreign com- merce could suffer ‘under the protective tariff, and drew the following picture, which is as illustrative now as it was then: “A frequent accusation by our oppo- .nents is that the foreign commerce of the country has steadily decaved under the influence of the protective tariff. In this way they seek to array this importing in- fluence against the Republican party. It is a common and yet radical error to con- found the commerce of d country with its carrying trade—an error often committed innocently and sometimes designediy— but an error so gross that it does not dis- tinguish between the ship and its cargo. “Foreign commerce represents the ex- ports and imports of a country regardless of the vessel that may carry the commod- ities of exchange. Our carrying trade has, from obvious causes, suffered many dis- couragements since 1860, but our foreign commerce has in the same period steadily and prodigiously increased—increased, in- deed, at a rate and to an amount which absolutely dwarfs all previous developments of our trade beyond the sea. From 1860 to 1884 the foreign commerce of the United States (divided with approximate accuracy between ex- ports and imports) reached the astounding aggregate of $24,000,000,000. The balance in this vast trade inclined in our favor, but it would have been much larger if our trade with the countries of America, else- where referred to, had been more wisely adjusted. “It is difficult even to appreciate the magnitude of our export trade since 1860, and we can gain a correct conception of it only by comparison with preceding re- sults in the same field. The total exports from the United States from the Declara-’ MRS. WILLIAM McKINLEY SR. tion of Independence in 1776 down to the day of Lincoln’s election in 1860, added to all that had been previously exported from the American colonies from ‘their original settlement, amounted to less than $9,000,000,000. On the other hand our ex- ports from 1860 to the- close of the last fiscal year exceeded $12,000,000,000—the whole of it being the product of American labor.” Mr. Blaine was never tired of talking about the great home market which a pro- tective tariff served to preserve to Ameri- can industry. “Facts touching the growth and con- sumption of our cereals at home give us some slight conception’ of the vastness of the internal commerce of the United States. They suggest also that, in addi- tion to the advantages which the Ameri- can people enjoy from protection against foreign competition, they enjoy the ad- vantages of absolute free trade over a larger area and with a greater population than any other nation. “The internal commerce of our States and Territories ig carried on without let or the world, makes it utterly absurd to in- stitute comparisons between our own economic systems and those of other Gov ernments, and especially to borrow sys-* tems from them. We stand alone in our circumstances, our forces, our possibilities and our aspirations. “Although in the great number of re- forms instituted by the Republican party sufficient credit has not been awarded to that of tariff reform, its benefits have, nevertheless, been felt through the land. The principle underlying this measure has been in process of gradual develop- ment by the Republican party during the comparatively brief period of its power, and to-day a portion of its antiquated Democratic opponents make unwilling concession to the correctness of the doctrine of an equitably adjusted protec- tive tariff by slowly following in its foot- steps.”’ The following utterance of General Logan may also be recalled at this time: “Now, if the products of those (for- eign) countries are to be placed in our markets, alongside of American products hindrance, without tax, detention or gov- ernmental interference of any kind what- ever. It spreads freely over an area of 3,500,000 square miles—almost equal in ex- tent to the whole continent of Europe. It is impossible to point to a single monopoly in the United States that has been created or fostered by the industrial system upheld by the Republican party. “Compared with our foreign commerce, these domestic exchanges are inconceiv- ably great in amount, requiring merely as one instrumentality as large mileave of railway as exists in all the other nations of the world combined. “These internal exchanges are estimated by the Statistical Bureau of the Treasury Devpartment to be annually twenty times as great in amount as our foreign com- | merce. It isinto this vast field of home | trade—at once the creation and the herit- age of the American people—that foreign ! nations are striving by every device to enter. Itisinto this field that the oppo- nents of our tariff system would freely ad- | mit the countries of Europe—coumriesl into whose reciprocal trade we could not | reciprocally enter; countries to which we should be surrendering every advantage of trade, from which we should be gaining nothing in return. ‘*As a substitute for the industrial sys- tem which under Republican administra- tion .has developed such extraordinary prosperity our opponents offer a policy which is but a series of experiments upon our system of revenues—a policy whose end must be harm to our manufacturers and greater harm to our labor. Experi- ment in the industrial and financial system isthe country’s greatest dread, as stability is its greatest boon. Even the uncer- tainty resulting from the recent tariff agi- tation in Congress has hurtfully affected the business of the entire country. Who can measure the harm to our shops and our homes, to our farms and our com- merce, if the uncertainty of perpetual tariff agitation is to be inflicted on the country ?"’ General John A. Logan, accepting the Vice-Presidential nomination on the ticket with Blaine, also. discussed the tariff in a manner not uninstructive to voters now: “If there be a nation on the face of the earth which might, if it were a desirable thing, build a wall upon its every bound- ary line, deny communion to all the world and proceed to live upon its own resources and productions, that nation is the United - States. There is hardly a legitimate necessity of civilized commu- nities which cannot be produced from the extraordinary resources of our several States and Territories with their manu- factories, mines, farms, timber lands.and waterways. This, taken 1n connettion with the fact that our form of government 18 entirely unique among the nations of either the American capitalist must suffer | in his legitimate profits or he must make | the American laborer suffer in the attempt | to compete with the species of labor re- | ferred to. In the case of a substantial re- | duction of pay. there can be no compen- | sating advantages for the American la- | borer, because the articles of daily con- sumption which he uses—with the excep- tion of articles not produced in the United States, and easy of being specially pro- vided for, like tea and coffee—are grown in.our own country and would not be affected in price by the lowering of duties. “‘Therefore, while he would secure less for his labor, his cost of living would not be decreased. Being practically placed upon the pay of a European laborer, our own would be deprived of facilities for educating and sustaining his family re- spectably; he would beshorn of the proper opportunities of self-improvement, and his value as a citizen, charged with a portion of the obligations of government, would be lessened. ““The obvious policy of our Government is to protect both capital and labor by a prover imposition of duties. This protec- tion should extend to every article of American production which goes to build up the general prosperity of our people.” ‘William McKinley has been one of the staunchest defenders of the American pro- tective tariff. His views are embodied in the following utterance: “The general question of the tariff in- volves higher considerations than we are wont to bring to its discussion. Our polit- ical system differs from all others. Uni- versal citizenship and equal suffrage con- stitutes the foundation upon which our Republic rests, and the real and wider question of the tariff is what will best maintain our industrial pursuits and labor conditions suitable to the high political duties of our people and the exalted trusts that are confided . to them? That is the real question in its comprehensive view. It touches the health and progress of the Republic, for it touches the condition, mor- al, physical and intellectual of the citizen from whom it must draw its force and character, and strength You cannot affect the citizen either for good or ill without the Nation feeling it. The rela- tion of the people to the Government ana the Government to the peopleis so close and intimate that you cannot touch the one without its being quickly felt by the other.” 8o, Mr. President, when I speak for the people of Towa on'this question I speak for them as citizens of a common country, having interests in common with all the people of every part of this country as @ common Nation and a common people and as agriculturists, prospering becavse other por- tions of the country prosper that are not engaged in agriculture.—WILLIAM B. ALLISON. AN X SR X iy ol S el ) The Home of Major McKinley at Canton,