The San Francisco Call. Newspaper, June 19, 1896, Page 14

THE SAN FRANCISCO .CALL, FRIDAY, JUNE 19, 1896. MEMORIES OF SOME BRILLIANT LEADERS, Men for Whom at Differ- ent Times the Nation Shouted. Names With Which Still to Conjure Enthusiasm and Patriotism. Conventions That Have Been Excit. ing and Struggles That Are Historic. How many even well-informed persons can recail with any clearness the fateful Chicago convention of 1860, when Simon Cameron came as near being an instra- ment in the hands of divine providence as he everdid in his life, engineering the renewed with increased bitterness. A more bitter fight was never waged in ® convention, but Conkling and Uameron held their foroes so well in hand that they were able to make Hayes the nominee by somewhat liberal promises to the friends of Wheeler and Morton of the honor of sec- ond place on the ticket. Never were more brilliant speeches made for the purpose of placing candi- duteg in nromination. That of Ingersoll nominating Blaine has been placed among the political classics. Stewart L. Wood- ford nominated Conkling. Noyes made tae speech for Hayes, and was seconded by old Ben Wade. Upon the first ballot Blaine had 291 votes, Bristow 113, Conk- ling 96, Morton 125, Hayes 65. There was N0 material change until the fifth ballot. The anti-Blaine managers held their men steady and Blaine stock went down. On the sixth the break was made for Hayes, Indiana withdrawing Morton and leading ;lmQ stampede, and the nomination was a act. In the Republican convention of 1880, at Chicago, ‘“Ceesarism’ was the great cry of the opponents of the Grant-Conkling com- bination. Grant had returned from cir- cling the world and was as much a popu- lar figure as ever. All the machinery of expert manigement was brought into play to insure the ex-President’s nomina- tion. Contests were acutely arranged. The unit rule was enforced to the extent possible. Garfield came to the front at once as an open antagonist of these crafty anti-Seward combine, defeating the New | methods, and was looked upon as a likely York statesman and nominating the ““lean | dark horse. His eloquent nomination of and lanky Lincoln,” as many of tihe news- | Sherman gave him much additional popu- paper headlines of the day expressed it; | that year when the great Charleston con vention was shivered to atoms; when the Douglas Democrats nominated the Little | Giant at Baltimore, and the seceders from | that convention took up John Bell of| Tennessee and Edward Everett of Massa- | chusetts; when at Richmond another wing | of the Democrats named John C. Breckin- ridge of Kentucky and Joseph Lane of Oregon; when the Abolitionists nominatea | Gerrit Smith, and the State of Texas flaunted a lone star Presidential banner inscribed with the name of Sam Houston. In this vast and active republic political events pile upon one another with light- | ning speed, and even the great tragedies resulting from the assassin’s bullet and those almost equally tragic blows of ill- luck which have remanded popularidols | 10 obscurity and death soon become vague and misty even in the minds of leading actors in the scenes of the time. Politics were very much simplified in | 1864, compared to those of 1860, when, amid the thunder of cannon all over the South, and when the horrid din of war was easily audible at the National capital, | Lincoln and Johnson were nominated at Baltimore, and General McClellan and | “Gentleman George” Pendleton at Chi- cago. The only ripple of discontent with | the old parties was the defection of the | radical Republicans who nominated Gen- eral Fremont and John Cochran of New York at Cleveland. Fremont, par- tially through jealousy, partially because of asincere dissatisfaction with the con- duct of the war, resigned his commission | in company with several generals of less | note, and had 2 sublime confidence in his | ebility to divert enough of the Republican | vote to insure his election. Yet how many public men, to say nothing of men not in | public life, will recall the holding of that | convention? The Radicals and Peace Democrats were ‘ alike remanded to the rear, and Lincoln was sustained, only to be killed by the | builet of Booth. 1 In 1868, at Chicago, it was inevitable that the Republicans should nominate Grant, and upon the ticket with him was placed Colfax of Indiana, who was then quite popular. At New York, a little earlier, Horatio Seymour had been nom- inated by the Democrats, with Francis P. | Blair of Missouri as the candidate fori Vice-President. The Grant convention | was full of the enthusiasm that must in- evitably associate with the name of the victorious general of a great war. There was no contest, and the spectacle was rather a mass-meeting to celebrate the re- | storation of the Union and the end of the term of the almost impeached Johnson, than a convention of a political party. For hours the vast assembly did little | but stand on its feet and cheer and sing | patriotic songs. Old Jesse Grant, father | of the general, stood near the front of the | staging, tears coursing down his cheeks, witnessing the glorification of his son. Penton and Wilson were both prominently in the race for the Vice-Presidertial office, | and there was much soreness over theé nomination of Colfax, and not a few were pleased with that gentleman's subsequent humiliation. The Republican Convention of 1872 was little more than an indorsement of the administration, but it was amid tremen- dous enthusiasm, which fairly lifted the roof from the old Philadelphia Academy of Music when the “Galena Tanner” and the “Natick Cobbler’’ were placed in nom- ination. In 1876 there was a strong feeling in favor of the nomination of Grant for a third term, but this dissipated long before the Republican Convention met at Cin- cinnati in June, and party affections were divided between Blaine and Conkling, with numerous favorite'sons in the back- ground. It was the contest between the two bril- liant leaders transferred from the halls of Congress to the floor of the political con- vention. That Blaine had the great dele- gates as well as the popular following no one denied. Conkling cou'd not control the celegation from his own State, Came- ron was able to divers the vote of Pennsyl- vania from Blaine only by securing in- structions from Hartranit. Bristow, as an “anti-boss’’ Republican, had s stroug fol- lowing. Otiver P. Morton, Logan, Hayes, Evarts, Morgan, Wheeler, Adams, Hart- ranft and other favorite sons trailed along, their hopes being based upon a probable breakdown of the leaders, On the very Sunday previous to the meeting of the convention, and when | nearly all of the delegates were on the ground, Blaine was stricken while on his way to church in Washington with some- thing closely akin to apoplexy, and his adherents and opponents alike were gloomy and sympathetic. Later reports of the favorable condition of the patient revived the Blaine enthusiasms and an- tagonisms, and on Monday the fight was as intense as though the hand of disease had not touched the man from Maire. Edward McPherson, who died a tragic death at his Pennsylvania home a few months 8go, was made permanent chair- man of the convention. The most sensa- tional episode of the time was the excite- ment that followed McPherson’s ruling in the case of Pennsylvania’s delegates, John Hampton, the brilliant Pittsburg lawyer, among them, who protested against the casting of the entire vote of the State by Cameron as a unit. Excitement was intense, and at one time it appeared that McPherson would be driven from the chair. prevailed and the convention sustained Finally order | A1 larity. Joy of Michigan nominated Blaine, and creasted some amusement by mistaking his candidate’s initials, calling him *‘James A. Blaine”’ when he rounded his hnal period. Conkling nominated Grant in ap eloquent speech. The long balloting and intense excitement have been equaled in no other convention. The famous 306 phalanx of Grant was never seriously broken, and when the stampede came for Garfield on the thirty-sixth bal- lot, giving the latter the nomination, the Grant delegates never for a moment | swerved from their fealty. The Republican Convention at Chicago in 1834 was again the scene of the conten- tion of the Blaine and anti-Blaine forces. Arthur, made President by the assassina- tion of Garfield, hoped for the nomination, and to some extent the office-holding ele- ment was controlled for him. Robertson, however, who was Collector of the Port of New York, was a stanch friend of Blaine. Arthur, Sherman, Logan, Edmunds, Haw- | ley and Biaine was the great array of names presented to the convention. This time popular sentiment was triumphant. Biaine was nominated on the fourth bal- lot, amid the craziest enthusiasm, which was almost equaled when Logan was nominateu for second place. [ turned out 10-cent pieces at a cost of 30 cents each! And a great deal more of the same kind, ending with a declaration that one term was enough for any man. In fact, however, the real issues of the campaign related to currency and banking and the tariff. General Harrison’s position on that snbject was aathoritatively stated in these words: “He is in favor of such judicious tariff zegulations as shall pro- vide for the actual wants of the Govern- ment and protect the National industry, without affording the means of extrava- gance, or a surplus beyond what may be necessary to discharge its current and ex- isting obligations,” hotding it *‘to be the duty of the Government to keep its ex- penses within its ordinary revenues.” It was, however, the opinion of General Har- rison and his supporters that even upon this moderate view of tariff legislation a sufficient protection might be bhad to give to the farmers profitavle prices for their products, and to the artisans and laborers of the country ccnstant employ- ment, fair wages and prompt pay--in short, “$2 a day and roast beef.” Qut of a total of 2,411,700 votes, ot which 7059 were for an anti-slavery candi- date, Gen-ral Harrison had a majority of 146,315, and in the electoral colleges 234 votes against 60 for Mr. Van Buren. Among the Whie pictures we reproduce two of the most characteristic, entitled re- spectively *“Harrison and Prosperity,” “Van Buren and Ruin.” The method of these pictures is familiar enough now, but they were a great deal of a novelty then, and rendered powerful service for the Whig cause, as, althongh much exagger- ated, of course, they were descriptive of an actually existing condition. These car- toons admirably iilustrate not only the political morals of the time but the crude condition of wood engraving as weil. Brilliant and Ben ficent. Ex-Governor John D. Long of Massa- chusetts makes a claim for Republicanism in his “History of the Republican Pariy” which will be accepted as true by ail Re- publicans. He says: ‘Parties, like indi- viduals, sometimes suffer from the un- broken sequence of their own good record. No politieal party in any age or quarter of the civilized world ever had so brilliant and beneticent a career or lived up to its | own standards so faithfully as the Repub- | lican party of Lincoln and Harrison. There | has been at times a tendency rather to | fling at its grand old record than to count | tue value of its work.” e All that we have ever asked in our National platforms and in the debates of this chamber is that the people who dwell in the United States shall have a fair opportunity—the | scale of wages being the rule—to compete | with all nations and all people dwelling in | other countries.—WILLIAM B. ALLISON. Standing Army 200,000. il A VAN BUREN AND RUIN. THE LONGEST CAMPAIGN. Log Cabins Dragged Through the Streets, Songs Sung and Hard Cider Drunk. The Presidential campaign of 1840 was the longest in the historv of the country, and, excepting that of 1860, altogether the most exciting. It began eleven months before the election with the nomination of | General W. H. Harrison at Harrisburg in December, 1839, The campaign that succeeded was one of extraordinary . excitement and incident. According to'Mr. Benton it was conducted on the Harrison side by the banksand their agents, who ‘‘used money in fabu- lous amounts,and in waysnot dreamed of.” The Harrison men—otherwise the Whigs —were not in the least moved by the com- plaints and charges of the Democrats, otherwise the “‘Locofocos,” but continued to hold their big meetings, toexhibit their pictures, to sing their doggerel rhymes, to drink their hard cider, and to drag their canoes and log cabins on wheels through the streets and along the country roa-s. They ‘“got back” at the Locofocos with charges quite as serious as those against which tbey were called upon to defend themselves. They declared that Mr. Van Buren— ‘SPEAKER REED'S AMBITION. He Has a Bent for Literature and Could Write the Great Amer- ican Novel. It may not be generally known but it is true that Mr. Reed has literary ambitions. 1 have myself heard the Speaker eay that if he had not gone into politics when a young man he would have tried to make a cempetence in the law, and alter that would have tried his hand at literature, He believes, in & modest way, be could | have made a name for himself with his pen. Literature is his natural bent, It is his pasuion. To this day he has aspirations in that field. There are few | things worth reading that he has not read. He has read the best in French ana Italian, and is now turning his attention to Spanish. He does not like translations, but loves the original tongue. French and Italian he has mastered, Svanisbh he will bavein a few months and German will come next. Reed talks more of books than of politics. Among his friends his literary attainments, his analyses and critiques, his play ‘of fancy and imagina- tion, are greatly admired. One of these friends, himself a literary man of note, said to me: “If Mr. Reed would go into literature he would make himself famous. He could write the great American novel ern—was an aristocrat, a monarchist in fact, who lived in roysl style in the White House, who ate his soup out of spoons of gold and his pie with knives of silver; who honored the rich and despised the poor; who demanded a standing army of 200,000 men under his, own control, for what sinister purpose of enslavement of the people is easily inferred. He had wasted the public revenues, had increased the public expenditure, and had added $20,000,000 to the public debt. He was hostile to the churches in all their sects, and sought the destruction of the minis- ters of religion. He was the enemy of free 1abor, who aimed 10 bring the wages of merican workingmen to the European level, and to destroy the profits of Ameri- lie chairman. Blaine out ofdanger, as it was reported to the convention, the strug- zle between the conténding elements was can farmers. Anoni the minor charges were two: That he had established new minis in which it cost 40 per cent of the value of gold eagles to coin them, and that THE REPUBLICAN FINANCIAL RECORD, How the Great War Debt Was Reduced by the Great War Party. Only to Be Increased by the Monstrous Bond Issues of Cleveland. A Monetary History of Which the Party and the Nation Have Rea- son to Be Proud. The story of the connection of the Re- publican party with the question of the tariff makes an interesting and instructive chapter in the politics of the country dur- ing the past third of a ceatury. In the beginning of its career the party did not concern itself seriously witn industrial or monetary questions. Opposition to slav- ery extension into the Territories was the issue which called the party into being, and that question presented itself in such a portentous shape that for several years no other issue could get a hearing. The platform of 1856, adopted in the first Na- tional Convention which the Republican party ever had, confined itself to the ques- tion of slavery extension in its varions bearings, except that it coupled polygamy with slavery as *‘twin relics of barbarism,” which Congress legally could and morally should prohibit in the Territories, and that it advocated a ‘‘railroad to the Pacific Ocean” and appropriations for the *‘im- provement of rivers and harbors of a Na- tional character.”” The Democratic Walker tariff of 1846 abolishing the specific and compound duties of the Whig act of 1842, putting ad valorem duties in their place and making a general reduction in rates, was in opera- tion when the Republicans held their first National Convention, and a year later than this or in 1857 & bill making a further re- duction was passed. This brought the gen- eral line of duties to a lower level than it had touched since before the war of 1812. A few months after the cut in dutiesin 1857 ths panic of that year oc- curred. The balance of trade was against the country during almost the en- tire life of the tariffs of 1846 and 1857, ana in nearly every year of the period the gold exportation was heavy. Though the mer- chandise imports were larger the duties under the act of 1857 were so low that the Government's revenue fell short of its ex- penditures, loans had to be made and the debt was increased. Manufacturers at the same time cried out for bigher duties for the purpose of protection. In the Vermont State Convention, which met on July 13, 1854, and which_adopted the name Republican for the new party which was just arising to keep slavery out of Kansas, there was framed a declaration of principlesin which appears thisdemand: “A tariff for revenue, with proper dis- crimination in favoy of American indus- try.” This was the earliest tariff plank ever placed in a Republican platform. Other States in the next few years made similar declarations, but. none were incorporated in a National convention until the party was siz years old. Here is the first tariff plank which ever apveared in a Republican National platform: “*That, while providing revenue for the support of the General Government by duties on imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imports as to encourage the de- velopment of the industrial interests of the whole country.” This declaration was made by ‘the Republican National Convention in 1860. But before the Republican Convention 0f 1860 met a measure passed the House which was discussed oftener and longer in the coming years than any other act of its class ever placed on the National statute book. This was the Morrill tariff. It re- ceived this name from Justin 8. Morrill, a member of the sub-committee of the Ways and Means Committee, who reported the billand who took a prominent part in framing it. The object of the bill was revenue and incidental protection, both of which were assailed by the law of 1857. “The Morrill tariff bill,”” said an eminent statesman then and stil in Congress, “‘came nearer than any other to meeting the double requirements of providing ample revenue for the support of the Govern- ment and of rendering the proper protec- tion to home industries.”” (Jobn Sher- man, in “Recollections of Foriy Years,” vol. I, p. 188.) The &crriu {aniff bill passed the House, in which the Republicans bad a plurality, on May 11, 1860, by a vote of 105 to 64, but it was obstructed in the Democratic Sen- ate until after the withdrawal of many Southern members on the secession of their States, when it went thrcugh that body by a vote cf 25 to 14, on February 20, 1861, and was signed by President Bu- chanan on March 2. The act changed, as far as practicable, the ad valorem rates of the tariff of 1857 to the specific form, ana advanced most of them. The principal increase was on iron and wool and the produ f each. At the time when it was framed, however, there was no serious expectation of war, and it proved inadequate for the revenue 13 liguors, tobacco, and bank circulation, to which, in 1886, oleomargarine was added. A decided downward tendency in duties began witi the law of July 14, 1870, affect- ing many articles, Tea and coffee were placed on the free list May 1, 1872, and June 1, 1872, a cut of 10 per cent in duties was made on most of the commodities on the tariff schedules, while July 1, 1879, qui- nine was made free. Before the latter date, however, an up- ward swing in duties set in. The panic of 1873 reducing the Government’s income, the 10 per cent cut from the duties in 1872 was restored March 3, 1875. A few changes, generally of minor importance, were made in the next few years, and on March 3, 1883, an act based 1n a general way on a report of the tariff commission appointed by President Arthur was signed. The desire of the commission was to re- duce the average duties about 20 per cent, but the cut made by the law did not reach this figcre. The treasury surplus or ex- cess of receipts over ordinary expendi- tures, which amounted to $100,000,000 in the fiscal year 1881, $145,000,000 in 1882 and $133,000,000 in 1883, dictated the re- duction in the last-named yesr. This is a ravid survey of the changes in the tariff and internal taxes from the beginning of the war down to 1883. In dealing with the finances the Repub- lican party during the war pericd was forced to create an immense debt, which it refunded at lower rates of interest after- ward and then reduced to comparatively small figures. An enumeration of the suc- cessive loans, with their varying periods and interest rates, would be tedious, and the matter will be touched on here in only its larger features. On March 31, 1865, the Government’s cobligations reached their highest mark,. which, in rournd fizures, was $2,846,000,000. Of this amouant $2,381,- 000,000 bore interest—$830,000,000 of it at 7 3:10 per cent, §1,282,000,000 at 6 per cent, and $269,000,000 at 5 per cent. The annual interest charge at that date was $151,000,- 000. By successive refunding schemes the in- terest rate was cut to lower figures, and through excess of revenue over expendi- ture the debt was for years steadiiy and rapidiy reduced. In 1891-94 the interest- bearing debt was at its lowest since 1862, $585,000,000, and consisted of $560,000,000 of 4 per cent bonds and $25,000,000 of 414 per cents continued at 2 per cent. The an- nual iuterest charge at the time was $23,- 000,000. The interest-bearing debt started upward in 1894. Through successive bond sales by President Cleveland the debt was increased $50,000,000 in February, 1894, and $50,000,000 in November of that year, and at the rate of 5 per cent, and $63,000,000 1n February, 1895, and $100,000,000 in Febru- ary, 1896, all at the rate of 4 per cent. As part of the same scheme to provide money for the Government, which it did through the sale of bonds, the National banking system was created. At the be- ginning of 1861 there were about 1600 banks 1 the country operating under the widely different laws of the several States, which banks had a circulation of about $200,000,- 000. This comprised the greater partof the country’s currency, and these institutions had about $116,000,000 specie, prit:cipally of gold, against this currency and their other liabilities. The banks suspended specie payments December 28, 1861, and the Government did likewise on J anuary1l, 1862. On repeated recommendations from Secretary Chase a banking system based, in some of its features, on the scheme in vogue in the State of New York was adopted. When first proposed in 1861 Samue! Hooper of Massachusetts was almost its only outspoken friend in the House, and Jobn Sherman was one of its earliest and wost active friends in the Sen- ate. Itdid not go through Congress until a year after the first greenback bill was enacted. In the Senate the vote was 23 (twenty-two Republicans and one Demo- crat) for to 21 (fourteen Democrats and seven Republicans) against, and in the House the vote was 78 (seventy-six Repub- licans and two Democrats) for to 68 (thir- ty-nine Democrats and twenty-five Repub- licans) against the bill. ‘The bill was signed by President Lincoln on February 25, 1863. On May 3, 1865, an sct was passed taxing the notes of State banks 10 percent, wiping out that elementof the currency. As modified at different times, the bank- ing system created by the actof 1863 has been in operation ever since. SPECIE PATNENT RESUMED. Eiward McPherson Relates How It Was Brought Abcut by Republi- cans Alone. Edward McPherson of Pennsylvania says, in his review of “The Rise and Progress of the Republican Party,” that “it is a sug- gestive and mortifying yet actual fact that the Democratic Senators and Representa- tives in Congress were arrayed in almost solid opposition to all the tarift and in- ternal revenue legislation of 1881-62 and 1864. “Likewise, they were unwilling to assist in establishing the National banking sys- tem in 1863. The act was proposed and passed, not at all as a favor to the banks, but as an aid to the United States. It goes without saying that the Democracy, in Congress and out of it, were in no mood to oppose such a measure. They violently disapprovea it. Opposing it made com- plete their opposition to all the great tax and money measures of that period.” In another passage the resumption of specie payments is thus deseribed : *“When Mr. Tilden wrote of what would be the in- evitable failure of resumption under the act of 1875, the greenback do!lar was worth 90.2 cents in gold. Tilden’s defeat and Hayes’ election gave the country as- - LOOK ON THIS SIDE, THEN ON THAT—THE PLATFORMS OF THE TWO PARTIES. The parallel column is herewith employed to present handily, for reference and comparison, sample planks from the platforms adopted respectively by the Republican and Democratic parties, assembled in National convention from 1856 to 1892, inclusive of poth years, In 1856 public affairs were rapidly approaching a crisis. The issue before the people was the extension of slavery into the Territories, and this was so sharply defined as to furnish the incentive for, and to give birth to, the Republican party as a National orgapization, and on this issue the first campaign was made. There were constitutional questions concerning the status of the Federal Government in relation to the States in their individual capacity. These were considered by both the Republicans and the Democrats, and the platforms of 1856 touched on the Govern= ment’s prerogatives. The main resolutions adopted in 1856 only are presented for re- view for that year, and this rule has been followed in selections from succeeding plat- forms up to and including 1892, the idea being to give the spirit of the time. In 1860 the 1ssue was the same as in 1856. Four years later the conduct of the war was the subject of controversy between the two great pnrfiea. Then in 1868 the terms and details of the work of reconstruction furnished platform material. An anomalous condition of affairs existed in 1872. The Republican National Con« vention declared strongly in favor of the amendments to the Federal Constitution, which were intended to secure such political rights to the freedmen of the South as were enjoyed by the white voters of that section. The Republican party of the North was not thoroughiy agreed and the Liberal Republican movement came into the polit- jcal arena and selected Horace Greeley as its standard-bearer, The platform adopted by the Liberal Republicans approved of the war for the Union, ete. The Democrats were forced by the logic of the situation to take up Greeley as their candidate, and as the Presidential candidate and the platform eould not very well be separated, the Democrats adopted with Greeley, for campaign purposes only, a code of. principles which they disapproved. The tariff issue came to the front in the Republican’ plat- form of 1876. ‘The Democrats attacked the Republicans for failure to bring about the resumptioh of specie payments up to that date. The tariff was fairly considered in 1880 by both parties, and both put themselves squarely on the record. The Republicans declared for a tariff which should *‘so dis- criminate as to favor American labor,” while the Democratic National Convention set their mark at ‘a tariff for revenue only.” This has been reiterated, in varying phrase but with the same intent, in each succeeding campaign. The Democratic National Conveation of 1892 denounced ‘‘Republican protection as a fraud.” The comparative texts tell their own story adeqs REPUBLICAN.... Asour Republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our National territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law, it becomes our duty to maintain this pro- vision of the constitution against all attempts toviolate it for the purpose of establishing slavery in any territory of the United States by positive legielation prohibiting its exist- ence or extension therein. g REPUBLICAN. The Federal constitution, the rights of the Statesand the union of the Btates mustand shall be preserved. The normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom. We deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial leg- islature or of individuals to give legal exist- ence to slavery in any territory of the United Btates. That & railroad to the Pacific ocean is im- peratively demanded. REPUBLICAN........ 18 We pledge ourselves, as Union men, ani- mated by a common sentiment and aiming at & common object, to do everything in our power to aid the Government, in quelling, by force of arms, the rebellion now raging sgainst its authority. Asslavery was the caute and now consti- tutes the strength of this rebellion, and as it must be always and everywhere hostile to the principles of Republican government, justice and the N ational safety demand its utter and complete extirpation from the 30il of the Re- public. REPUBLICAN.. Sonsevein 18 ‘We congratulate the country on the assured success of the reconstruction policy of Con- gress, as evinced by the adoption, in a ma- jority of the States lately in rebellion, of con- stitutions securing equal Civil rights to all. No citizen of the United States, native or naturalized must be liable to arrest and im- prisonment, by any foreign power, for acts done or words spoken in this country. The bounties and pensions provided by the laws forthose brave defenders of the Nation, are obligations never to be forgotten, REPUBLICAN.......... The recent amendments to the National con- stitution should be cordially sustained be- cause they are right; not merely tolerated be- cause they arelaw, and should be carried out according ta their spirit by appropriate legis- lation. REPUBLICAN........ The revenue necessary for current expendi- tures and the obligations of the public debt must be largely derived from duties upon im- portations, which, so far as possible, should ba adjusted to promote the interests of American labor and advance the prosperity of the whole country. ..1860. .1876 uately. ......... +...... DEMOCRATIC The Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing in Congress, or out of 1t, the agi- tation of the slavery auestion, uuder whatever shape or color the attempt may be made. The Federal Government is one of limited power derived golely from the constitution, and the grants of power made therein ought 1o be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the Government and that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubt- ful constitutional powers. ..DEMOCRATIC [Breckinridge Platform.] All citzens have an equal right to settle, with their property, in the (any) territory, ‘without their rights, elther of person or prop- erty, being destroyed or impaired by Con gressional or Territorial legislation. * * * The State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether its constitu- tion prohibits or recognizes slavery. The Democratic party is in favor ot the acquisition of Cuba. The Democratic party pledges itself to *.* * gecure the passage ofabill * * * for the construction of & Pacific railroad. 64 DEMOCRATIC This convention does explicitly declare, as the sense of the American people, that after four years of tailure to restore the Union, by the experiment of war, * * * justice, hu- manity, liberty and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be made tor a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate con- vention of all the States, or other peaceable means, to the end that, at the earliest practi- cable moment, peace may be restored on the basis of the federal union of all the States. 68.:.urireen...... DEMOCRATIC We do, with the return of peace, demand: Immediate restoration of all the States to their rights in the Union under the constitution and of civil government to the American people. Amnesty for all past political offenses and the regulation of the elective franchise in the States by their citizens. The abolition of the Freedman’s Bureau and all political instrumentalities designed to se- cure negro supremacy. Equal rights and protection for naturalized and native-born citizens. T2:e0eieeiens..... DEMOCRATIC The Democratic party in 1872 accepted the platform of the Liberal Republicans, which ;mou other statements contained the follow- ng: ‘We pledge ourselves to maintain the union of these States, emancipation and enfranchise. ment,” etc. DEMOCRATIC We denounce the financial imbecility ana immorality of that party which, during eleven years of peace, has made no advance toward resumption (of specie payments), no prepara- tion for resumption, but instead has obstructed resumption. REPUBLICAN................1880................ DEMOCRATIC We affirm the belief avowed in 1876, that the duties levied for the purpose of revenue so0 should diseriminate as to favor American labor. REPUBLICAN....... St 1t is the first duty of & good government to protect the rights and promote the interests of its own people. The largest diversityof in- dustry is the most productive of general pros- perity and of the comfort and independence of the people. We therefore demand that the imposition of duties on foreign imports shall be made, not for revenue only, but that in raising the requisite revenues for the Govern- ment, such duty shail be so levied as to afford security to our diversified industries and pro- tection to the rights and wages of the laborer, to the eqd that active and inteiligent labor, well as capital, may have its just-teward and the laboring man his full share in the National prosperity. REPUBLICAN....ccccovve....18 Home rule, honest money, consisting of gold and silver and paper, convertible into coin on demand; the strict maintenance of the publie faith, State and National, and a tarift for revenue only, ciesieeiene..... DEMOCRATIC From the foundation of this Government taxes collected at the custom house have been the chief source of Federal revemue. Such they must continue to be. Moreover, many industries have come to rely upon legislation for successful countenance, so that any change of law must be, at every step, subject in the exectition to this plain dictate of justice—all taxation shall be limited to the requirements of economical government. * * * We, there. fore, denounce the abuses of the existing tar- iff; and, subject to the preceding limitations, ‘we demand that Federal taxation shall be ex- clusively for public purposes, and shall not ex- ceed the needs of the Government, economic- ally administered. B8 s .DEMOCRATIC HARRISON AND PROSPERITY. whose father had kept a country tav-; which we have all been looking for so| demands which the creation and suppcrt of large armies and a strong navy en- tailed. Mr. Morrill estimated that 1t would produce $65,000,000 a year, which would be sufficient for the requirem ents of peace, but which was far below the /needs of war even in the first six montns of the conflict. Every possible source of revenue was | ; war, and the tariff, :‘ § usually, surance of stable purpose. On the 1st of January, 1879, the value of the greenback | 4. dollar became par, not only without in- jury to th finite relief.” Our established domestic industries and en” terpriges should not and need not be endan. gered by a reduction and correction of the ‘| burdens of taxation. On the contrary, a fair con- | and careful revision of our tax laws, with due lloy for the difference between the wages nd foreign labor, must promote ‘We are uncompromisingly in favor of the mericant many years.” Speaker Reed is a fluent French scholar and his library contains the works of ali | tar the best writers in the 1, p larly those of Bourget, Mau det, Coppee, and George Sand. He omnivorous reader and seldom lays