The San Francisco Call. Newspaper, June 19, 1896, Page 6

THE SAN FRANCISCO CALL, FRIDAY, JUNE 19, 1896. 5 SILVER MEN WITHDRAW. Western Bimetallists Leave the Party Ranks. THEIR LAST APPEAL IS FUTILE. Sadly Twenty Delegates Sever the Ties That Bound Them to Republicanism. OVERWHELMED BY A GOLDEN TORRENT. The Convention Gives the Yellow Metal a| Heavy Majority—Teller’s Pathetic Words Before the Parting. Southern Hotel, 8t. Louis, Mo., June 18. The first thing on the programme this morning was the report of the committee on resolutions, which was read by Joseph B. Foraker of Ohio. Then followed one of the most dramatic scenes ever witnessed in a political convention. Chairman Thurston announced that he would recog- nize Henry M. Teller, s member of the resolutions committee,who desired to make a minority report. The convention was expecting this, and delegates and spec- tators were still. Every man in the convention waited expectantly to see what the next few minutes would bring forth. Would there be a bolt of the free silver delegates? Was the great Republican party threatened with division that would imperil its future? Then stepped forth Henry M. Teller of Colorado, United States Senator from that Stale, delegate to the convention and mem- ber of the resolutions committee, promi- nently mentioned as & joint Presidential candidate of the free coinage Republicans, Democrats and Populists. Those who had never seen the Colorado statesman craned their necks to get a glimpse of him. Small in stature, almostinsignificantin physique, THE CALL's Bnmmmu,% dressed in a long, somber black coat, his | forehead receding, his hair brushed straight back from it, grizzly gray and black whiskers and beard on his cheeks and chin, he looked for all the world like 2 minister of the gospel, and he talked like one. In fact, Mr. Teller’s appearance and manner of speaking resembles that of a Methodist preacher. He is emotional to a degree; his voice trembles sometimes tearfully; and he im- ! presses everybody as an earnest, sincere man. Though his conclusions may be er- roneous, yet he impresses his auditors as a man of sincere convictions, and his man- ner of expressing is eloguent and always effective. W hen Senator Teller stepped to the front of the platform he was greeted with a hearty and spontaneous shout from the little band of free silverites, and as he warmed up to his work, his voice trem- bling, his body fairly quivering with emo- tion, he forcibly reminded one of a pastor pleading with his erring flock. The St. Louis evening papers speak of Mr. Teller's address to-day as one of the grandest bursts of oratory ever heard at a convention. At the conclusion of his ad- dress the Colorado Senator folded his arms across his breast and took his seat on the platform, and a perfect storm of ap- plause went up. The free-silver men ap- plauded the sentimenis of their cham- pion, while others, who disagreed with his financial policy, were so impressed with the eloquent plea of this sincere man that they could not help joining in the demon- stration. Then followed the vote to lay the minor- ity report from the resolutions. committee on the table, which motion prevailed— ayes, 8181¢; noes, 105)%. The victorious gold-men made the convention ring with their cheers. Here followed the most dramatic and thrilling scene ever witnessed in a Na- tional political gathering. Benator Frank Cannon of Utah, son of George Q. Cannon, the famous Mormon statesman, began his valedictory address. The little band of free-silver voters had slated Frank Cannon for this duty. He read his speech, and though his aelivery was far from being a histrionic success his declarations were listened to with the most intense interest. The free silverites cheered him, but the gold men, who regarded many of his utterances as unnecessarily severe and ob- noxious, hissea the speaker. There were shouts of “Get out,” “Let him go” and ““Good riddance to bad rub- bish.” Chairman Thurston pounded his gavel vigorously and appealed to the crowd to give the speaker respecttul at- tention. He said it was not an occasion for criticism or display of temper, but should be regarded as a sorrowful episode in the history of the great Republican party. The crowd was then stilled and Mr. Can- non proceeded with his speech. At its close he stepped back from the platform. He is 2 young man of ordinary height, sturdy figure, curly brown hair and mus- tache. Senator Cannon was sean to stoop ar.d whisper a few wordsin Senator Teller’s ear. ++All aboard for Chicago!” shouted some one. ‘‘Take the first train; glad to get rid of you!’’ eried another. By this time the interest was intense. Men and women had climbed upon chajrs to get a look at the littie band of seceders from the Republican party. Teller and Cannon stepped down from the platform and the convention rang with cheers, hoots, hisses, catcalls and all scrts o noisy demonstration. “Good-by, my lover; good-by,” sang out and hisses. Here the band struck upa tune as if it were a farewell to the seces- sionists. The band played “Three Cheers for the Red, White and Blue,” and 10,000 voices joined in the chorus as the little band of silver rebeis walked down from the platform. Cannon frantically shook hands with Chairman Thurston. He wrung his hand as if to say “Well, so long, old ma good-by to the Republican party.” : Teller also bade the chairman good-by as he grasped him by the hand and the pair stepped into the aisle, They were joined here and there as they moved along by other bolters, and the procession made its way out of the south door of the con- vention hall, amid cheers, howls, hisses, songs and band music. Men and women were standing on chairs, shouting “good- by, good-by.” Those who walked out were: The entire Colorado delegation, three from Utah, all of ldaho, Pettigrew of South Dakota, Hartman of Montana and Cleveland and Strother of Nevada. When order was restored several dele- gates were recognized, who arose to ques- tions of privilege. Brown of Utah, Man- tel of Montana and other free-silver men explained that while they did not approve of the financial plank of the platform, they would remain true to the Republican party. ©. C. CARLETON. SR IO WALK FROM THE HALL. Cheers and Hisses Follow the Bolt- Ing Sllverites. CONVENTION HALL, ST. LOUIS, Mo., June 18.—At 10:30 o’clock all the delegates were in the hall, most of them in seats as- signed to their respective States, but many still surged up and down the narrow aisles, chatting pleasantly with each other or consulting about possible combina- tions. The galleries were closely packed, the fair sex being well represented. While all were waiting for the President to &n- nounce the opening the time passed pleas- antly enouch in listening to the strains of the band stationed above and behind the platform, the pleasure being somewhat dashed by a ditty in praise of protecticn, sung by a quartet of male voices. i At 10:35 the president, Senator Thurs- ton, announced that the divine blessing would be invoked by Rev. John R. Scott of Florida. Mr. Scott, & short, stout, very dark negro, delivered a short and feeling prayer, beginning: “Father of all, from whose hands the cen- turies fall like grains of sand, we meet to- day, united, free, loyal.” He asked a blessing oa the convention and its work and closed with the recital of the Lord’s Prayer. The chairman said the first order of busi- ness was the reception of the report of the committee on resolutions, and the chair recognized for the purpose Senator-elect Foraker of Ohio. Mr. Foraker as he stepped upon the platform was received with hearty applause. Mr. Foraker read the platform in a clear voice with distinct enunciation. He gave a pointed emphasis to the indorsement of President Harrison, which was received with cheers, but not with any overwhelming demonstration. As Mr. Foraker approached the financial plank, Mr. Teller left his seat with the Colorado delegation and moved up to the platform, where he seated himself at the end of the second row of seats to theright of the chairman. With the opening sen- tence, “The Republican party is unre- servedly for sound money,” which Mr. Foraker read slowly and very emphati- cally, a burst of cheering occurred, and the applause was repeated with redoubled volume when the pledge to promote an international agreement for free coinage was read. The cheering at this point was s0 prolonged that it interrupted the pro- ceedings for some time and compelled the chairman to rap for order. : The demand for American control of the Hawaiian Islands received approval, but the proposed building of the Nicaragua canal by the United States and the pur- chase of the Danish Islands for a naval station fell flat. There was surprisingly little enthusiasm over the Monroe plank, but the Cuban paragraph was greeted with loud cheers, though the convention missed the phrase demanding the intervention ot the armed forces of the United States in Cuba, which had appeared in unauthor- ized guesses at the platiorm. *‘Influence and good offices” appeared in place of “armed intervention.” Civil service enforcement was received in blank silence, but the demand for & free ballot and the condemnation of lynching elicited the enthusiastic approval of the colored delegates. The reading of the platform as a whole was listened to with marked attention and at the close it was freely cheered. The reading occupied twenty minutes. Foraker moved the adoption of the report as the Republican National platform for 1896. Then the chair, amid the breathless atten- tion of the convention, recognized Senator Teller, who sent to the secretary’s desk and had read the following minority re- port: We, the undersigned members of the com- mittee on resolutions, being unable to agree with that portion of the majority report which treats of the subjects of coinage and finance, respectfully submit the following paragraph as a substitute therefor: The Republican party favors the use of both gold and silver as equal standard money, and pledges its power to secure the free, unrestricted and inde- pendent coinage of gold and silver at our mints at the ratlo of sixteen parts of silver to one of gold. Mr. Teller then advanced to the front and in earnest tones addressed the con- vention in explanation of his course: Gentlemen of the Convention: I‘will not attempt to inflict upon you a discussion of the by the convention will not permit me to more than state briefly our objections to the' finan- cial plank proposea for your consideratism. Iam apractical man, and recognize the con- ditions in this country, foreshadowed, as they and by it rejected. Loyalty, my opinion and consideration for the great interest which is felt in this subject compel me, in the face of unusual difficulties, to present this for your consideration, not with that bounding hope or with that courage that I have presented this in other bodies with a greater measure of suc- cess than I can hope for here. The local and supreme importance of this shall have to say to you in connection with the subject. In my public capacity I have dealt with it for twenty years. I representa | and cries of *‘goon.”] I contend for it because [ I believe there can be no sound financial sys- departure from everything heretofore held by the party that it challenges our Republican- ism to accept it. The platform contains some platitude about an international conference. It provides that we will maintain the gold standerd in this country until the prineipal nations of the world shall agree that we may do otherwise. This is the first great gathering of Republicans since this party was organized that has declared the inability of the Ameri- can people to control their own affairs, All the silver delegates rose in a body at this pomnt and howled their approval of the speaker’s sentiments. Do you believe the American people are too weak to actually maintain & financial system commensurate with the greatness of the coun- try of their own fruition? Gentlemen of the contvention, you would have & bimetallic agreement with all the great com- mereial nations of the world, and it cannot be obtained. So this is a declaration that the gold standard is to be putupon this country and kept there for ali time. . Do you believe Great Britain, that great com- mercial nation of the world, our powerful com- petitor in commerce and trade, will ever agree 1o open her mints to the free coinage of silver, or consent that we shall open ours aslong as she has the advantage of lower prices and de- clining values that have brought this country, by the adoption of the gold standard in 1873, to partial demonetization? We are the great debtor Nation of the world. | great financial question which is dividing the | Great Britain is a creditor. We pay her every veople, not only in this country but in the | year millions and hundreds of millions of dol- | whole world. The few moments allotted me | lars as an income on her investments in this country and on her loans. The gold standard, in my judgment, lowers prices and decreases values. And she buys of us millions and mil- lions more than she sells. She buys upon the gold stendard at & lower and depreciating are, by the action of the committee. This | standard. How long do you think it would be plank was presented to the whole committee | before she will agree to assist in raising values in this country ? It is a solemn declaration that the Republican party intends to maintain Jower prices and stagnant business for all time to come. [Cheers from the silver States.] There is a beneficial provision in this plat- form about the tariff. I subscribe to that. [Applause and cheers from all over the house.] 1 believe in a protective tariff. [Applause.] I have been identified with that for forty years. question is my excuse now for the few words I | [Applause.] But it is my solemn conviction that.a protective tariff cannot te maintained upon a gold standard. [Applause and cheers from the silver people.] The tariff protection | State that produces silver, but I want to say to | an irreverent and rustic spectator in the | you here and now that my advocacy of this | toil. It 18 for giving to the producer ample gailery, and this sally was greeted with a | propositionis not in the shghktest degree in- | compensation for hislabors. The gold stand. roar of laughter, followed by cheers, howls | fluenced or controlled by that fact. [Appiause | ard, on the contrary, everywhere that it is | enforced, is for the purpose of reducing values. | principle is for raising the price of humen Now, gentlemen of the convention, I am led | tem in any country, nor in the world, that | to make this simple objection as to the pro- all these years, because I believe the Republican party was made for the great masses of men, that its legisla- tion was intended to lift up and elevate and hold up and sustain the fortunes of our people and give ail equality before the law. [Ap- plause.] Idonot believe it can be had with the gold standard. You may doubt my judgment, but 1 shall not doubt it. I must act upon my judgment, and not upon yours. I must answer to my conscience and not to my neighbor’s; I must do my duty as it is pre- sented to me, and not as it is presented to you. Isay to you now that, with the conviction upon me that this gold plank means ultimate distress and disaster to my followers, I cannot subscribe to it, and if adopted I must, as an honest man, sever my connection with the po- litical organization which makes that one of the main articles of its faita. [Prolonged ap- plause.] Irepcat here what Isaid yesterday. I was not acting upon my own judgment alone. I dare not take this step alone. My friends, I am sustained in my view of the danger thatis coming to us and coming to the world by the adoption of the gold standard by the intelli- gence of the world. They may say the silver guestion is & craze. Letme tell yow, the best part of Europe, the best of the world, is with the advocates of bimetallism. All the great political speakers of Europe, with the excep- tion of five or six, are pronounced advocates of bimetallism — unrestricted, unrestrained bimetallism. All of the great teachers of political economy in European colleges, with- out exception, are in favor of bimetallism. My own judgment, based, as I have said to you, upon careful preparation and eareful study for twenty years, bears me outand puts me on record with them, and I would be recreant to the trust given me by my people if I failed to protest here and failed when the Republican party makes this one of the tenets of its faith to sever my connection with that party. [Cheers and cries of *‘No.”” Mr. President, I ask your kind permission to say & few things, and when I have said them, having told you what my conscience de- mands that I shall do, I will leave this ques- tion for your consideration. Do you suppose myself and my associates who act with me and iake the same view of this question that I do—do you suppose that we can take this step without distress? Do you suppose we could take it for any personal advantage or any honor that could be con- ferred upon us? We say it is a question of duty. You may nominate in this convention any man you choose. If you will put him on the right kind of platform I will toil for him. Youmay take any methods to nominate him that you think proper. I will abide by your judgment and support him if the plat- form is right. But when asked to surrender to you my principles as an honest man I cannot do that. Irealize what it will cost us. I realize the gibes and sneers and contumely that will be heaped upon us, but, my fetlow-citizens, I have been through this before, before the po- litical party to which you belong had being. I have advocated a cause more ynpopular than this. I have stood for the doctrine of free men and free speech, Iamused todetractions. which makes a gold plank one of the princi- plearticles of its faith,” the Senator paused ahd swept hiseyes across the hall. The galleries rose with a yell and mingled with the yell was a fusilade of hisses. A mo- ment after, when he said, “If under such circumstances he would be unfaithful to his trust,” enthusiastic cries of “No, no,” came from delegates in the Western and Southern States. There was pathos in the Senator’s voice and those nearest him could detect the glimmer of tears when he said there would be heartburnings and grief in the sacrifice he and his colleagues were to make for their consciences. When Teller folded his srms and sank into his seat cheers began with the silver men in the 'galleries and were caught up by many gold delegates, who were on their feet from admiration of the man, not his cause. This time the hisses were very few. 4 The demonstration was followed by lond cries of “Foraker, Foraker,”’ from all parts of the hall. Foraker of Ohio, chairman of the com- mittee onresolutions, moved tolay Teller’'s substitute on the table. Senator Lodge of Massachusetts seconded the motion. The ayes and noes were demanded by the States of Colorado, Montana and Idaho, and the vote was taken. The calling of the roll was often greeted with applanse when, on a po!ll of States being demanded, some well-known delegate recordeda his vote. This was particularly the case when T. 8. Grant, in the California delegation, following after L. A Sheldon, Garfield’s chum, and J. A. Spreckels voted for silver by recording a ‘‘no’”’ on the motion to lay Teller’s substitute on the table. As States usunally classed assilver States, such as Nebraska, North Dakota, Oregon and South Dakota, cast their votes in favor of tabling the resolution, and adcded to the rapidly growing majority in favor of that motion, there were demonstrations of de- light from the exulting gold standard men. When Alaska was reached one of the delegates from that Territory asked if, under the new rules as adopted yesterday, Alaska was not entitled to four votes, in- stead of two. The chair replied in the affirmative. Alaska then voted four ayes. The District of Columbia being called, Colonel Perry Carson, the gigantic colored delegate who shares with Andrew Gleason (white) the representation of the National capital, supplied one of the most humor- ous incidents of the day. Raising his towering form to its full height, he said, with his peculiar negro dialect: “Mr. Chairman, ayes so and s0; noes so and so. I want to know what it all means.” JAMES JANDERVENDER, TENNESSEE N JOH\BJRN& . MISsSouU —— Rt 7 [Sketched for * The Call” by J.Kahler.] CoL. CHURCHILL ,MISSOURY - NEw MEXiCy. ! FRoM LLnots Some Interesting Character Sketches Made in t he Lobby of the Southern Hotel, St. Louis. does not recognize this prineiple. I contended for it in 1873, when it was ruthlessly stricken from our statutes, and since which time there has been continued depreciation on all the products of human labor and human energy. I contend for it because in this year 1896 the American people are in greater distress than they ever were in their history. I contend for 1t because this in my judgment, the great incubus that has struck down enterprise and destroyed progress in this favored land of ours. I con- tend for it because I believe the progress of my country is dependent on it. I contend for it because I believe the civilization of the world is to be determined by the rightful or wrongful solution of this finaacial question. 1am tolerant to those who differ with me. I act from my judgment, enlightened as best I have been able to be by my study and my rears of thought. In my judgment the American people, in the whole line of their history, have never been called upon to settle a question of great importance like this. The great contest in which this Nation once participated was not more important to the people than the ques- tion of finance. 1 have said enough. This is mot a question of policy, buta question of principle. It is not a mere nothing, but a matter on which hangs the happiness, the prosperity, morality and independence of American labor and Ameri- can producers. [Applause.] Confronted for the first time in history this party of ours— confronted, I say, for the first time—with the danger of a financial system that, in my judg- ment, would destroy all the great interests of this land, we are called upon to give this pro- vision of our platform our adherence, / Mr. President, I do not desire to say unkind things,.and I touch only for a moment upon why I objeet to this provision of this platform. The Republican party has never been the party of the single standard. [Applause.] It ‘was a bimetallic party in its origin and in all its history. In 1888 it declared for bimetallism, in 1892 it declared for bimetallism. In 1896 it de- clared for the single gold standard. In 1888 we carried the State that Ihere represent for the Republican nominee; we carried fton a bimetallic platform; we carried 1t with a ma- jority that was equal, considering our vote, to that of any State in the Union. [Faint ap- plause.] It hasbeen a Republican State from the hour of its admission. It has kept in the straight road. Mr. President, I promised you I would not discuss the silver question, and I will not, ex- cept to say that this platform is such s distinct tective system—that it is in danger, and I will call your attention to one other fact and then leave to your judgment whether this platform shall be adopted or rejected. Under existing conditions we undoubtedly have the gold standard. I do not deny that. What I have sought for is to change it for a bimetallic sys- tem. I believed and do believe that when the Almighty created these two metals he intended the world should use them for uses for which they were created. [Applause.] And when he blessea this land of ours with more gold and more silver than any other country in the ‘world he meant that we should use them for the purposes for which they were intended, to wit: to use by the people as stand- ard money. And to-day you would re- verse the traditions of our country and declare we will use only onme. If the American people are in favor of that I have nothing to say. I mustsubmit to the majority voice in this country of ours. Ido not believe this party of ours, if it could be polled, is in favor of the gold standard. I believe 90 per cent of the people are in favor of bimetallism of the old-fashioned kind that existed in this country up to 1873. . Mr. President and gentlemen of the conven- tion, I promised you that I would take but a few moments. But I want to say a few things that may seem to you to,be personal and ought not to be introduced in'an audience like this. 1 musi beg your indulgence if I seem to tra; scend the proscribed limits on this occaston; if 1shall say something personal td myself. 1 have formed my conviction on this question atter twenty years of study, twenty years of careful thought and careful reading. I have ‘been trained in a sehool that, it seems, fits me well for reaching a just conclusion, and I have formed my conclusions to such an extent that they have had the effect of influencing my conscience. & Ibelieve the adoption of the gola standard by tne United States will work a ' great hard- ship; that it will increase distress, and that no legislation touching upon the tariff can re- move the difficulties that now pervade this -land. I belfeve the whole welfare of my race is wrapped up in a rightful conciusion on this question; that the morality, civilization, nay, even the religion of my country, is at stake in this contest. 1know, and you know, that men in distress are neither patriotic nor brave. You and I know that hunger and distress will destroy patriotism and love of country. " To have love of country, patriotic feeling an independence you must have your citizens tomfortably fed and comfortably clothed. That is what Meecham said in 1856; that is what made me a Republican Iam used to abuse and I have had it heaped upon me without stint. When the Republican party was organized I was there. It has never had & National candi- date since it was organized that'my voice has not been reised in his support. It has never had, until now, a great principle enunciated in its platform that has not had my approval, ‘With its distinguished leaders, its distinguished men of forty years, I have been in close com- munication and close friendship. I have shared its honors, and in 118 few defeats and disasters. Do you think we can seyer our con- nection with a varty like this until it becomes. a duty, a duty not to our States, but a duty to the people of this great 1and? [Applause.] Mr. President, there are few men in a politi- cal party that have been more honored than I have by the people in the State in which they live. There are few men in this convention, or anywhere else, that have been longer con- nected with this organization thanI. There are few men in it who have been more active, and not one who has been more attached to the great principles of this party than I have been, and I cannot go out of it without heart- burnings and a feeling no man can appreciate who has not endured it; and yet I cannot, be- fore my country and my God, agree to the proposition that shall put upon this country a gold standard, and I will riot. [Great ap- plause.] AndIdonot care what may be the result. If it takes me out of political life, Iwillgo out with the feeling that at least 1 maintained my consistency and man- hood, and that my conscience is clear, and my country will have no right to find fault with me. [Cheers.] I beg your pardon for saying this, so personal, but yet I think it ‘but just to myself and my associates Ishould prociaim to you that we take this step, not in anger, not in pique, not because we dislike the nominee or otherwise, but because our consciences require, as honest men, that we should make this sacrifice, for a sacrifice we feel that it is. 3 Thanking you, zentlemen, for your kind at- tention, retiring from you as I do, perhaps never again to have the opportunity of address- ing a Republican Convention, I cannot do it without saying that, after allIhave on my part a hope, nay, I have the expuctation, that if you should be foolish enough to adopt this platform and force us to leave the party, better counsels will prevail and ultimately on a true Republican platiorm, sustaining Re- publican principles, I may have the unesti- ‘mable privilege of again addressing you. After Teller had said: “Imust sever my connection with the political party Being informed, he said: “Then we’ have voted right.” The result of the rollcall was announced: Ayes 81834, noes 105)4. So the motion to lay Senator Teller's substitute free-silver plank on the table was carried. Mr. Foraker was recognized to move the previous question on the passage of the resolutions. Senator Dubois of Idaho, rising in the body of the hall, asked thata separate vote be taken on the financial plank. There were cries of ‘‘No,”” The previous question was ordered with only a few feeble noes. Dubois demanded a rolleall of States on the passage of the financial plank, and Colorado and Montana seconded the call. The chairman said the question to be voted on was: “Shall the financial plank be adopted as the sense of this conven- tion?” On this the roll of States was calied. The rollcall proceeded amid so much confusion that the chairman had to sus- pend it until order was restored. Mean- time the two secretaries were puzzling over the result of the vote as announced on the previous motion, which footed up apparently more delegates than there were in the convention. The result of the rollcall on the question of the adoption of the financial plank was announced: Ayes 81214, noes 11034, “And the financial plank is adopted,” added the chairman, amid cheers. The rest of the platform was adopted with ringing cheers of ayes, there being but one solitary no. The chair answered that it was required, as a question of per- sonal privilege, that a statement prepared by certain members of this convention be read. “Is there objection?’ he asked. Wait- ing a few seconds and receiving no re- sponse, he announced : ““As a matter of personal privilege the chair will permit Senator Cannon toread the statement, and the chair asks respect- ful attention and perfect quiet.” Frank Cannon, the youthiul Senator from Utah, advanced to the platform and, with Senator Teller sitting by his side, read, in ringing tones and with many ges- tures, the following protest: On announcing the purpose asserted in this paperitis due to our constituents and to our= selves that there shall be a public showing of vindicating facts. The sole authorized expression of National Republican faith from June, 1892, until the present date has been the piatform adopted in National Convention at Minneapolis. Neither the utterances of State conventions nor the ate titude of individuals could change the tenor of that platform or abate the sanctity of its binding force. Every delegate to this con- vention was elected as its adherent and its advocate. True, one of its most important paragraphs has been subjected to such a diver- gence of construction as to make its language unsatisfactory during the intervening time and dangerous if continued in the future, but of the intent contained within that language there has never been a doubt. It is the province of this convention to re« vise the party tenets and to announce anew the party purpose. The majority of this cone vention has this day made official enuneiation of Republican law and gospel. With much of the platform we agree, believing that in many essential particulars 1t comprises the needs of humanity, affirms the maintenance ot right and proposes the best remedy for wrong. But it declares one elemental principle not only directly in contravention of the expression of party faith in 1892, but in radical opposition to our solemn conviction. We recognize that in all matters of mere method it is but just and helpful that the mi- nority shall yield to the majority, lest we have chaos in parties and government. But as no pronouncement by mejorities can change op- posing knowledge or belief sincerely enter- tained, soit cannot oblige majorities to abans don or disavow their principles. As surely as it is requisite for peace and progress that mi- norities shall yield to majorities in matters of mere method, just so surely is it necessary for that same peace and progress that minorities shall not yield in matters of fundamental truth. The Republican platform of 1892 affirmed that American people favored bimetallism and demanded the use of both gold and silver asstandard money. This was accepted by us as a declaration in behalf of the principle upon which rests the interest.of every citizen and the safety of the United States. In such terms the platform was then satisfactory to the be- lievers in ' bimetallism within our party; only because of equivocal declaration and evasion has it since been demon- strated to be insufficient. day adopted in the N vention at St. Louis say The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. Itcaused the enactment of the law pro- viding for the resumption of specie payment in 1879. Since then every dollar has been as good as gold. We are unalterably opposed to every measure calculated to debase our currency or impair the credit of our country. We are, therefore, opposed to the free coinage of silver, except by Inter- national agreement with the leading commercial nations of the world, which we pledge ourselves to promote, and until such an agreement can be obtalned the existing gold siandazd must be main- tained. Allour silver and paper currency now in circulation must be maintained at parity with gold, and we favor all measures designed to maintain inviolable these obligations of the United States, and all our money, either coln or paper,at the present standsrd, the standard of the most en- lightened nations of the earth. As the declaration of 1892 has been, by a majority of the party, construed to justify a single gold standard for our monetary basis and as the recent trend of the official power of the party has been in that direction, we can but assume that the money plank of the new platform, being much more favorable to per= petuate gold monometallism, will be deter minedly used in behalf of that idea. The Republican party has won power and renown by pursuing its purposes courageously and relentlessly. It is, therefore, only in accord with the party’s history to assume that if it shall come to political authority in the United States it will crystallize the administration under this tempting platform into perpetual single gold standard in ourfinances. This, if long continued, will mean the absos lute ruin of the producers of the country and, finally, of the Nation itself. The American people not only favor bi. metallism from tradition and interest but from that wise instinet which has always been manifest in the affairs of a people destined for a world’s leadership. Under the operation of our’great aemand for advancement wé have ecome to other nations the greatest debtor Nation of the world. We pay the vast charges which every year accumulate against us in the clearing-houses of the world with the money of the world procured by the disposal of our commodities in the markets of the world. Wa are a Nation of producers. Our creditors are nations of consumers. Any system of international or National finance which elevates the price of human product makes our burden lighter and gives promise of that day when it shall be entirely lifted and our country freed financiaily, as it is politically, from the domination of mon- archy and foreign autocracy. Any system of finance which tends to depreciate the price of human products,which we must sell abroad, but in so far adds to the burden of our debt and conveysa threat of the perpetualservie tude of the producers of our debtor Nation to the consumers of creditor nations. To us it is a folly without a parallel that this country or any political party therein should deliberately accept 8 money system which en« riches others at our cost. History, philosophy, morals, all join with the commonest instinct of seli-preservation In demanding that the United States shall have a just and substan- tially unvarying standard composed of all available gold and silver,and with it our coun. try will progress to financial enfranchisement, But with a single gold standard the country will go on to worse destruction, to continued {alling prices, until our people would become the hewers of wood and the drawers of water for the consumers in creditor nations of the ea: The platform this onal Republican Cons . r:al:nch an unholy end we will not lend our« selves. Dear as has been the Republican name to its adherents, that name is not so dear as the faith itself and we do not sacrifice one jot or tittle of the mighty principles by which Republicanism has uplifted the world when we say that at this parting of the ways we cling to the faith; let the name go where it "o hold that this convention nas seceded from the truth; that the triumph of such se- cession would be the eventual destruction of our freedom and our civilization. To thatend the people will not knowingly follow any poli. tical party and we choose to take our place in the ranks.of the great mass of citizens who be- lieve that the hour has come for justice. Did we deem this issue less important to humanity we would yield, since the associs tions of all our political lives have been inter- twined with the men and the measures of this party and its past mighty achievements. But the people cry aloud for relief. They are bending beneath & burden growing heavier with the passing hours; endeavor no longer brings its just reward. Fearfulness takes the place of courage, and despair usurps the throne of bope; and unless the laws of the country, and unless the policies of political parties shall be converted into mediums of re. dress, the effect of human desperation may some time be witnessed here as in other lands ana in other ages. Accepting the fiat of this convention as the present purpose of the party, we withdraw from this convention to return to our con- stituents the authority with which they vested us, beileving that we have better discharged their trust by this action which restores to them suthority unsullied 'than by giving cowardly and insincere indorsement to the greatest wrong ever willfully attempted within the Republican party—once redeemer of the people, but now about to become their op« pressor unless providentially 1estrained by the votes of free men. ‘When Mr. Cannon had nearly finished the reading of the document cries of “Time!” and counter cries of ‘‘Let him finish I’ were raised. ‘The chair again ap= pealed for respectiul attention to the pro« test, which he said was nearly finished. At his closing words, declaring that the Republican party, once the redeemer of the people, was now about to become its oppressor, a storm of hisses and groans was raised from all parts of the hall and cries of “Down "’ were raised. % The chair, with his resonant voice rising above the tumult, said: ““The chair suggests to this conventiom