The New York Herald Newspaper, April 25, 1876, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD| PAO th. ar a ent BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year. Four cents per copy. Twelve dollars per year, or one dollar per month, free of postage. All business, news letters or telegraphic j despatches must be addressed New Yous Letters and sealed. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. Met as PHILADELPHIA OFFICE~ NO. 112S0UTH packages sheuld be properly ICE—AVENUE D Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms es in New York. = VOLUME XII.- AMUSEMENTS TO-NIGHT. NO. 16 THEATRE. Kignold, BOO’ HENRY V.,atSP.M. G BROOKLY BELLES OF THE KITCH , TONY PASTGH'S NEW THEATRE, VARIETY, at 8 P. M. UNION Le ean THEATRE, FERREOL, at 8 P.M. ‘horne, Jr, EA VARIETY, at 8P.M. Mi BRASS, at 8 P.M. George Faweet CHATEAU MABILLE atS P.M. OLYMPIC THEATRE, BUMPTY DUMPTY, at 8 P.M PARISIAN VARIETIES, otsP.M. BOWERY THEATRE, DIXIE, at ® PM. Agate * | THIRTY FOURTH STREET OPERA HOUSE. VARIETY, at 5 P.M. FTU_ AVENUE THEATRE. FL PIQUE, atSP.M. Fannic Davenport. HOWE & CUSHING’S CIRCUS, at2 P.M. ands P.M. GLOBE THEATRE. VARIETY, at 87. M. wor CROSS THE CONTI jatinee at 2), M. SEUM. t8 P.M. Oliver Dowd Byron, afternoon and evening. SAN FRANCisCO MINSTREUS 8 P.M. 2 THEATRE COMIQUE. VARIETY, at 8 P. M. “ GEBMANIA THEATRE, THE KOLLERS, at 8 TIV VARIETY, at 8P. M. KE. ERTAINMENT, at & ING HALL. NEW YORK, 1 ee From our are that the weather to-day wili be cloudy, with rain, Notice to Country Newsprarers.—For abi and regular delivery of the Henaup y fast mail trains orders must. be sent direct to this office. Postage free. Wau. Strrzer Yusterpax.—Stocks were irregular. Gold closed at 112 5-8, after sales at 1127-8. A bearish feeling prevails. In- vestment securities are lower. ‘The coal combination is apparently broken. Money loaned at 2 1-2 and 3 per cent on call. The award of the Geneva bonds invited unusual attention. Mussrxa Buoyrs.—Information reaches us that the sea buoy.and bar buoy at Ocracoke Inlet, on the coast of North Carolina, have been out of place for the last five months, Lawyers’ Fres.—The case of Burke vs. Dawson throws some light on the qnestion of fees that a counsel may claim in contin- gent cases, and we hope the referee's de- cision will put in a clear light what a lawyer should get in such a case. Tne Emrenor Francis JoserH must be a very sanguine man if he believes that he will beable to settle the Turkish difficulty by dip- lomatic measures, His advice to the Sultan not to attack Servia or Montenegro is good for the Turk to follow as long as he can, but how long? Ler Taosr Wuo Tutxx that the President does not approve the candidacy of Mr. Conkling explain the appointment of Colonel Frank Howe to be Pension Agent in New York. Colonel Howe is the especial fri_nd of the Senator, and therefore is he | honored by the President with a position of dignity and responsibili Tur Growrno or Wueat in India for ex- portation threatens to become an important factor in ruling the price of that staple. The Mark Lane Express shows an inclination to bolster up the quality of the grain shipped from Calcutta, which, on account of | cheap native labor, can be sold at com- paratively low rates. os Tux “Rio's” Braancx, who is pulling his elf-lock in the delightful seclusion of Paris, will have to defend, through his coun- sel, of course, a suit in which he is asked to show cause why he should not pay back six | million dollars, or less, which he is alleged to have defranded the city of. Still the ex- lords of Tammany hide their heads from the storm, which has not yet “blown over.” Ir Is Gnatiyytxo to know that in a few days the American District Telegraph Com- pany will piace at the disposal of the public two hundred cabs, to be ran on a fair and reasonable tariff of charges. The combina- tion formed seems to be a perfect one, and it ia to be hoped that these ‘telegraph” eabs will be patronized in preference to any sthers. With a fair start and a good share of business they will not only be successfal but profitable. Tue Canter Arrenwave takes the shape of ficry but verbal protests against the threatened destruction of the fueros which lor ages have been recognized by the Spanish kings as of right belonging to the Basque As these absurd privileges stand in the way of the real unification of Spain | 2 is to be hoped that Alfonso’s government will prove itself strong enough, now that the wmed opposition is crushed, to reduce these woublesome to the governmental system which prevails in tho rest of tho reports this morning the probabilities | NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, APRIL 25, 1876—TRIPLE SHEET. | The Canvass for the Presidency—The Utica Convention. | The Democratic Convention which meets to-morrow at Utica will have an important | bearing on the canvass for the Presidency. \ | It will decide the voice of New York | at the National Democratic’ Convention. | The importance of this State in the councils | ofthe party may be appreciated when we remember that the last three nominations of | the democratic party for the Presidency | were citizens of New York—McClellan, Sey- | mour and Greeley. This recognition of the prestige of the Empire State is due to the fidelity with which New | York has from the beginning served the | democracy. We trust that the unfor- will not dishearten our New York demo- | cratic leaders at St. Louis. © Let them re- member Jacob who, after foufteen years of disappointment and service, was blessed with Rachel. But for the distinguished democrat who. now governs the State ‘we should not have an efficient dem- ocratic party. It was rapidly falling into the slough of Tweedism® when Til- den rescued it. The memory of that daring achievement, added to the rec- ord of the victory over tho canal thieves, will be Governor Tilden’s highest claim to the recognition of the Convention at Utica to-morrow. From all we can learn the Convention will be in harmony with the Gov- ernor, The World, the democratic organ, in- forms us that the State has pronounced in his favor—that 317 delegates out of 384 are “committed to Tilden.” The Evening Post, whose editor has close personal relations with the Governor—and who is what Mr. Curtis would call a “Tilden republican”—- recognizes this fact, and at the same time hopes that the delegation to St. Louis will go unpledged for any can- didate, regarding this effort to pledge the republicans to Conkling as a grave mistake. “All,” says the Post, ‘that the delegation appointed at Utica ought to be instructed to do is to vote for a candidate of unimpeach- able character and sound convictions. If the delegation should then vote for so good a man as Governor Tilden it would be well for the-democratic party and the country.” ‘The Tammany organ, on the other hand, in- forms us that these figures are fallacious; that ‘Tilden’s friends claim many votes which are for Seymour and Church, and that Tam- many desires a delegation that will be unpledged. The democratic situation is in some re- spects like the republican situation at Syra- cuse. The candidate of the party is Tilden. Any other name is an intrigue. The repub- lican candidate was Conkling, and any other name is an intrigue. The opposition to Conkling arose from a few saints, who are al- | ways ‘‘reforming” any party which does not give them office, and a few New England politicians who swarm about the Union League, look upon New York as a Yankee suburb and support Blaine. The cry of “Grantism” was a pretext which became ap- parent as soon as it was seen that the oppo- nents of Mr. Conkling had been all along the friends of Grant. The attempt to destroy Mr. Conkling at Syracuse had the effect which may always be anticipated in a free country. Although he had not a place in the republican race before, although he was scarcely mentioned outside of that small circle of friends who have never abandoned his fortunes, the moment Mr. Curtis claimed to rule him out of the canvass in favor of a trimming politician like Blaine, the effect was to rally to his side the manly | sense of the party which disdains timidity and assassination. Leaders like Cameron, who had watched Conkling in the Senate and who knew his merit, came to his rescue, Independent journals like the Sun and the Henap, who cared nothing for either party save as the good of the country was served, insisted that Mr. Conkling should not be | thrown off the course for some inferior choice. The effect of the Syracuse meet- ing was to make Conkling a national candidate, to give him precedence in the race—a precedence that may result in his nomination. The same effect will follow the war upon Tilden. Mr. Church is out of the race, on the principle that candidates for executive position cannot be taken from the Bench. The highest office in the admin- istration of New York justice should not be tarnished by a scramble for any place, even for the Presidency. Seymour is the open friend of Tilden. He supports the Governor for the Presidency as warmly as he supported | Kernan for the Senate. In the case of Conk- ling we had half a dozen candidates from | New York alone, and every one of them with a following. Tilden is alone. If Governor Seymour were in the fight we | could see an internecine rivalry. But Sey- monr in New York is like Cameron in Penn- | sylvania—the master of the situation. He supports Tilden as Cameron supports Conkling. The democratic leaders of | New York concede the standard to | | Tilden. His enemies are Tammany Hall | land the old friends of Tyeed, who | prowl about the ruins of their once | imperial palaces, But why ‘should Mr. Kelly join them? One reason is that in the last canvass the Governor did not take | an active part against the anti-Tammany | combination. The Governor saw, what Mr. Kelly did not, that if he had litted his hand against anti-Tammany it would have lost the State ticket. Another reason, | and the | true one perhaps, is that Tammany | never wants a citizen of New York | for President. A New Yorker, and | Governor Tilden of all men, would in | the White House not need the guidance of | Tammany to dispense the patronage. With | Judge Davis, or Thurman, or even Bayard as | | President, the Grand Sachem of Tammany | Hall would bo a power. With Tilden he | | would be no more than the humblest demo- | crat. So that the opposition to Tilden | which comes from the Tammany party | arises from the Grand Sacheni’s jealousy of | any brother near his throne. It is a part of | that obstinate policy which gave us a mayor | like Wickham and lost the Houseand Senate to the democrats. It will give Tilden the sympathy that benefits Conkling. The | | democratic party throughout the United States will not calmly stand by | jand see Tilden slaughtered to grat- | ify eithor the ambition or the re- venge of » dark lantern Know Nothing [ lodge, whose me:nbers are bound together H by oaths, grips and passwords, which was governed by Tweed yesterday and may have a worse than Tweed to-morrow—whose mns- ter now is a stolid, obstinate, manwuvring politician, the anthor of one of the most ter- rible defeats ever sustained by his party. If Utica throws Tilden at the command of John Kelly it will do more than anything else to secure him the democratic nomina- tion. At the same time, while we ask for Tilden the fair play and the consideration as a leader that we demand from the republicans for Conkling, we do not underrate the danger of defeat to each of them, Conkling, with New York and Pennsylvania, is far from successful; Tilden, even if he shoygld be the unanimous choice at Utica, would still be in a minority. But he can name the can- didate, if he is wise and does not waste his strength. He can give us either Bayard or Thurman. Either name will honor the party. He might give us Judge Davis of the Supreme Court—a candidate with many ele- ments of reserved strength, who was a can- didate against Greeley in the Cincinnati Convention, and who. has ben slowly gathering strength in all directions. Judge Davis would have a power in Indiana, Illinois and Ohio that would give him unusual influence in the West. Conkling could do the same with Hayes or Bristow. This was what Seward did in 1860. When he saw the Presidency vanishing he seized the portfolio of State. Defeated in the Convention, he was successful in the Presidency, and for eight years he was the master spirit of two administrations. If Douglas had shown this wisiom in 1860; if, instead of going from Charleston to Baltimore resolved to rule or ruin, he had withdrawn, named some one in his stead, he might have been the most powerful citizen of the Republic, One of the oldest of fables bids us not to lose the substance in seeking the shadow.- As it now stands the fortunes of the demo- cratic party are in the hands of Tilden and of the republican party in those of Conk- ling, but whether they are to win or lose the crown is a problem which will be can- vassed with varying enthusiasm until the assembling of the conventions. Behind each is the Great Unknown, and he comes to the front-with a steadiness of gait that may well make the backers of the favorites anxious. For ourselves, remembering that in the past elections when a Great Unknown has run, he has shown himself to be a Great Nobody like Polk and Pierce, we much prefer a candidate with a record, with con- victions, with blood and brawn, and not a negative, flaccid, trimming afterthought, taken up at the last moment by a weary con- vention. Thus far, however, Tilden and Conkling lead their respective fields. If they find that the-pace does not win let them so shape the race that the winning horses wear the colors of Oneida and Manhattan. Tye Silver Dollar. There is some excitement over the silver dollar question as one calculated to commit us to some scheme that looks like repudia- tion. This is because there is a bill before the Senate directing the coinage of silver doliars, which are to be legal tender, at the same rate as dollars in gold. The hardship of this is shown in the fact that silver is now much cheaper than gold. It is said that the motive is to give an increased demand for the products of the great silver mines of California. The objection is that we have no right to issue money as specie that does not represent the full value of the gold dollar, and that it will be a blun- der to make a silver dollar of shifting value, that may be one price to-day and another to-morrow. These arguments are sound, but there is a still better one. The silver dollar will bring what it is worth and no more, let Congress do what it will. No act of Congress can change that. It was tried in the war when Mr. Stevens proposed to make legal tenders always par by act of Con- gress. Silver will bring its value. The dif- ference between a silver and a paper dollar is that the one represents a substance, the other a sentiment. With all of our esteem for our national credit, we shall look kindly on the substance when it comes, whether as silver or gold. For that reason we are in favor of the bill to coin silver dollars, It is a step toward hard soil. The Freedman’s Bank, We regard the failure of the Freedman’s Savings Bank in Washington as the most cruel and disgraceful event of this adminis- tration. We have looked with interest for the report of the committee of Congress which has been investigating the matter. The report has not been made public, but we have some of the evidence which has been taken before it. Mr. Creswell, for- merly Postmaster General, testifies that the bank is largely insolvent, and that he will not be ‘able to realize more tham forty per, | cent of the deposits. It turns out that the money was loaned to members of the Wash- ington Ring, such men as Kilbourn and Evans, who used it for purposes of speculat- ing in real estate. Loans were made to the Howard University, a concern built up in Washington for the glorification of General Howard; to the Seneca Stone Company, the Young Men's Christian Association, and to a man named Vandenburgh, who | seems to have been an agent of Governor Shepherd. Anyhow, the money which had been collected from poor and credulous ne- groes under the impression that they were lending it tp the government as a depositary they could trust was taken out of the bank and squandered. The negroes have to lose | it, while the men who did this thing are to. day influential and loyal members of the dominant party. We shall feel’ that justice in this country is a name if some of the scamps who robbed the poor negroes are not committed to jail. They are much more de- serving of punishment than Avery or Me- Donald. They robbed the nation; these Freedman’s Bank thieves robbed the poor, trusting, ignorant negro. Eoypr'’s Apyssrs1an Camparoy has resulted rather ingloriously. The boasted victories eannot have been of any consequence, for we find that the Khedive's troops are march- | ing home. Wo fear the American officers would require American soldiers to accom- Dlish what was expected of them. Mr, Blaine’s Vindication. | We think the long statement made in the | |“House yesterday by Mr. Blaine will be | | accepted as satisfactory by candid men of | | both political parties. To be sure, it is an ex parte statement, and for that reason does not produce quite the same impression that would follow an exculpation by a committee | of Congress who had probed the sub- | ject to the bottom and declared their belief that the charges against Mr. Blaine are totally destitute of founda- tion, But he assigns very ‘good rea- sons for collecting the evidence himself and coming forward in his own vindication. The action of a committee of Congress, he says, would necessarily be slow, and the ac- cusation would hang over his head for two or three months, during which he would be compelled to be silent. He thonght it would be better to refute them at once and put an immediate stop to injurious and groundless aspersions. He produced letters from Mr. Rollins, the Treasurer ; Mr. Dillon, the Pres- ident, and Colonel Scott, former President of the Union Pacific road, and also from | Morton, Bliss & Co.—that is to say, from all the persons who were in a position to be cognizant of the transaction charged—and they all declare in the most explicit language and with the strongest em- phasis that no transaction of the kind ever took place in which Mr. Blaine was directly or indirectly concerned, or in which he or anybody representing him or interested for him received any pecuniary advantage. This evidence niust be regirded as ccnclusive until some responsible accuser appears with | proofs to support his charges. It is difficult | to conceive that such proofs are possible, when every person who could have been cog- nizant of the transaction if it was not ficti- tious, whether bankers or railroad officers, make the most absolute and unqualified denial that anything of the kind ever took place. It may be said, perhaps, that Mr. Blaine’s statement would have been more complete had he also procured a letter from Mr. Harri- son, of Indianapolis, formerly a prominent director of the road, and who has been con- stantly cited as the original author of the | charge. What Mr. Harrison is understood to allege is that he found in the books of the company evidence of a transaction in which sixty-four thousand dollars had been paid ont in a suspicious manner, and that when he asked to have it explained he was told that it would be better to keep it quiet, lest it should injure Mr, Blaine. Mr, Harrison didnot pretend to have any knowledge of his own connecting Mr. Blaine with that unexplained entry in the books of the company, and he could have thrown no light on the subject if hoe had been called upon. But every person who must have known the facts, if any such facts existed, denies upon knowledge what Mr. Harrison had reported on mere vague suspicion and hearsay. It was quite un- necessary to call on him, because he was a mere inquirer after information and pos- sessed none himself beyond a book entry which he says he did not understand. Mr. Blaine, beside the direct refntation of the story, goes into a clear and apparently frank explanation of his connection with the Arkansas Railroad, and shows that nobody could have any motive to influence his ac- tien in Congress, because Congress had nothing to do with the affairs of a corpora- tion which. held all its franchises from a State grant. Accepting Mr. Blaine’s vindication as satisfactory, the public will be curiéus to know who inspired the accusation. Who has stood behind Mr. Harrison as his prompter? He is a republican in politics, and is understood to be a personal and political friend of one of Mr. Blaine’s Presi- dential rivals, It would now seem to be in order, Mr. Morton, to rise and explain. The Bourbons for Bristow. The Kentucky Bourbons, one of the most interesting parties in the country, and whose organ is the Louisville Courier-Journal, give Bristow a capital send-off as a Presidential candidate. But this support will do Bris- tow harm. There isa large element in the republican party composed of those stern, sincere men who beligved the war was a dispensation of God's providence for the abolition of slavery ; who pressed forward the impeachment of Andrew Johnson and who will not take a candidate whose in- dorsers are Beck and Stevenson, of Ken- tucky, and the Lonisville Courier-Journal. The republicans, at least the radical wing of them, have had enough of Johnsonism to | last fora generation or two. Without this wing the republicans will be as helpless as the democratic party would be without its | rebel wing. _ There are two classes that must not be left out of political calculations—the abolition- ists and the rebels. The republican party | depends upon the one, the democrat? upon the other. Each of these classes is ccmposed of men of courage, principle and ability. One side fought to save slavery, the other to destroy it. They would fight the battle over | again to-morrow if the same conditions ex- | isted. To expect to run either party without them would be to expect a man to live without his spinal column. The “reformers,” the saints, the truffle hogs, the old maids, the dandies, and | all the modern brood of politicians may plane and chip and sandpaper the platform as much as they please; but unless they | make a platform and a candidate that will satisfy these two vast, sincere and prepon- | derating elements neither will get on. | Nothing, therefore, will do Bristow more | harm than the “support” ho is now receiv- ing from Kentucky. Conxuixa =axD = Parwnsrivanta. — There seems to be an opposition to Conkling in Pennsylvania in the interest of Mr. Blaine. This opposition has the active leadership of Mr. MeMichael, the editor of the North Amer- ican cnd the former Mayor of Philadelphia, a gentleman of wide experience and unusual ability, who was the friend of Henry Clay, and is the representative of those interests which aro purely Pennsylvanian—the inter- ests of protection and the development of | our industries. Mr. McMichael announces that the vote of Pennsylvania will in no event be given as a unit to Mr. Conkling. This mutiny is also understood to have the powerful aid of Colonel Forney, who comes back from Europe with renewed vigor, and not so much interested in the Centennial as to forget the dominating interest of the cam- paign. But while we acknowledge the im- portance of this opposition, it Joes not take from Mr. Conkling the aid of the great State of Pennsylvania. The opposition will only serve to keep the Cameron men in their ranks, Centennial Trash. One of the peculiar outcomes of the Cen- tennial period has been the passion it has awakened for all sorts of old trash. First of all everybody wanted to get copies of old newspapers antedating the Declaration of In- dependence so they contained a scrap of reference to the struggle brewing or opened in America, Then the passion arose for autographs of George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Patrick Henry, John Hancock, orany one prominent or otherwise in the Revolution. Then came the mania for old chairs that Washington sat upon. There are at least ten thousand of these in existence, 8o that up to a few weeks back there was no difficulty in meeting the patriotic demand. Then came the omnivorous craving for any- thing a century old that was in any way attached to the Father of his Country—old pots, old crocks, old hats, old boots, Any- thing that was musty enough to look a cen- tury old was fastened on by the patriots as relics of Washington. All this patriotic fervor has Jed to lament- able results. People who have always had the reputation of being truthful and honor- able citizens have fallen into habits of lying shameful to contemplate. Sacha one finds in the attic an old dust-covered cocked hat that had been used years ago in amateur theatricale, He says to himself, ‘‘Washing- ton may have worn such a hat.” ‘Then he tells his friends that Washington actually did wear it. The hat is put undera glass case, and Brown and Jones and Robinson become the dupes of Smith; but Smith re- proaches himself inwardly that he is o liar in this centenary of American Independence. The Centennial deceit does not end here. Jones, Brown and Robinson heap up heca- tombs of falsehood about their ancestors who ‘shivered with Washington at Valley Forge, by Jove !” or ‘‘cheered for the great Jehovah and the Continental Congress with Ethan Allen at Ticonderoga, by thunder !” or, at least, ‘held Lafayette’s horse when he was going to see the surrender of Corn- wallis.” If this were the limit of the decep- tion it would not be so dreadful, but Jones, Brown, Robinson and Smith have called forth a Nemesis of mercenary counterfeiters who prey upon them and a Centennial-mad society. The counterfeiting of the newspa- pers of a century ago has taken alarming pro- portions. The reproductions are so like the originals that it would be difficult to say which is which—same old type, same paper, same yellow age-tint, same torn edges, same dog's ears. The Washington Old Chair Manufactory keeps six reliable work- men employed painting ‘“‘G. W., 1776,” on the seats; six steady old women are engaged collecting cobwebs to be laid upon the choicer specimens, and a dozen silent but sturdy fellows toil night and day kicking the otherwise completed spurious old chairs round a musty cellar to give them appropriate mildew, dints and cracks. The Centennial Autograph Works is also very busy turning out faded let- ters from all the. Revolutionary patriots. In a secluded part of the State, where the revival has not reached, twenty- five aged spinsters—the remains of a sewing bee of godlier times and a young pastor—are stitching upon spurious quilted petticoats of Martha Washington, unmindful of the wrath tocome, We would, therefore, caution the people against the dangers besetting their souls and would advise them, whatever tre- mendous yarns they spin about their Revolu- tionary forefathers or their relics, not to be- lieve the stories that others tell in the same direction, and to smile respectfully, but irri- tatingly, at their Reyolutionary bric-d-brac ; not to invest even paper money in old pa- pers, old chairs, old letters, old hats or Martha Washington petticoats, or if they have already bought them to stow them ig- nominously away until another century of the Republic has given them that much gen- uine antiquity. Tae Riots 1x Barsapos.—What the people of the fertile little West Indian island are shooting each other about is not very plain, but we strongly suspect the truth of the despatch which says that the rioters claim to have the sanction of the Governor for sacking houses and planta- tians. This Governor is John Pope Hennessy, the only young Irish commoner of any prominence who attached himself to the tory party in the English Parliament and got his reward. It is most unlikely that he would sanction anything of the kind. It is much more probable that the merchants who do not relish the direct control from Eng- land try to throw the blame of an outbreak upon a Governor whom they have not found pliable enough to suit them. “Taxe Away Tuat Bavsts.”—In spite of the school books, ‘he poet Spenser, the An- topines and the Russian bogy, by all of which Mr. Disracli has sworn Victoria shall be Empress of India, the English liberals in the House of Commons keep up their war upon the proposed title. The discussion of a motion by Mr. Fawcett for an address to the Queen praying her not to assume the im- perial title will probably take the form of a | vote of censure, when we shall hear strong language from both sides of the House. Perhaps all this is paving the way for an- | other Cromwell to repeat the famous order of the Protector in a former English Parlia- ment. Pourrrcs as a Bustxess.-—Pennsylvania is a good state for politicians, ‘There every- thing is ona business basis, The repub- licans are under the command of Cameron and the democrats under that of Wallace. Wallace and Cameron are under the com- mand of Scott, who runs a great railroad. On all questions of “principle” Colonel Scott allows each party a large discretion. But when it comes to “business” the Colonel has everything straight and comfortable. This makes Pennsylvania an interesting but monotonous State. ‘The Imprisoned Fenians. When England, in 1871, consented to ro lease the most prominent of those Irishmen convicted of high treason and treason felony in the Fenian movement of eight or ten years ago, we naturally supposed that the whole thing was over—that she was deter- mined to leave Ireland no grievance on the score of imprisoned martyrs to get up agita- tions about. After a short interval, however, agitation was resumed in Ireland, and a few weeks ago a meeting was held in this city calling for the release of the remaim ing Fenian prisoners, Mr, Bducicault't letter to Mr. Disraeli will be recalled in this connection. The fact was, England did her ammesty business so bunglingly that she did not make the Irish people feel that there was any neces- sity for being grateful, and although Fenian- ism was. apparently dead she treated it as ‘a live force by continuing ‘the imprisonment of a score or so of the minor offenders, The men thus excepted* were principally soldiers who had joined the Fenian organi- zation, and who, although their offence wore a serious aspect at the time of their convic- tion, were not possessed of higher intelJi- gence and accountability than the civilians who were charmed at the prospect of a fight with the ‘bloody Saxon” under the leader- ship of their ‘head centres.” These men have now suffered five years of imprisonment more than their leaders, and we cannot think that England is serving any useful purpose by continuing their incarceration, The moral effect, if any, of their pun- ishment has long since been gained, and their continued imprisonment only gives a handle to the agitators whose fulminationa would cease for want of oratorical nitro- glycerine if the remaining Fertians in Bfitish | jails were let go. We observe that Mr. Boucicault has by no means given up his peculiar mode of agitating this question. He has, as will be seen elsewhere, turned the theatres of the large cities of ‘England and Scotland into magazines for the dissemi- nation of handbills, placing the sentences upon these prisoners and the punishment they have undergone in the hands of every one who goes to see the ‘“‘Shaughraun.” This process has the merit of novelty, and it looks as though he would succeed in raising a public opinion which will make it desira- ble for the English government to do what, after all, is a stroke of simple mercy, and, in view of the leaders being pardoned long ago, little more than an act of justice. We do not think that any political exigency calls for the further punishment of these men, and we hope that England will take a leai from America’s treatment of her really for- midable rebels and let these insignificant offenders go free. Tue Revewations or Mansu, the friend of Belknap, and of Whitley, the especial confi. dant of Babcock and Boss Shepherd, are among the interesting incidents of our mod- ern politics. But there is one point which has not yet been explained. What were the motives which led Marsh and Whitley tosud- denly turn and peach? We have not yet seen an adequate explanation of this circum- stance. It is too interesting to be over- looked. There must have been motives which do not appearto induce Marsh and Whitley to betray associates who had only befriended them, and whose fall would be a public proclamation of their own infamy, Let some philosopher solve this interesting problem. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, Olive Logan’s amber hair is frosting. The butchers are in favor of the metric system. So ‘Schenck ts going back to England.” The denca, you say. ; Macaulay said :—‘I love a little of.the epicurean elo ment in virtue.” Five or six millron gallons of spirit are annually im- ported into Belfast. Cardinal McCloskey will go to Seton Hall College, South Orange, N. J., to-day. Congressman T. C. Platt is man enough to have his boys to romp with in Washington. In Lower South Carolina the people are in a business condition which threatens them with actual starvation, Matthew Arnola regards the Charch of England as a Great national society for the promotion of what is com- monly called “goodness.” The business men of Toledo, Ohio, are considering the feasibility of abandoning the credit system and doing all business upon a strictly cash basis. Sir Philip Francis, speaking of Pitt, who loved isola» tion and was pretty good company'for himself, said:— “Tho lion walks alone; the jackals herd together.” Ex-Governor Bross, of Iilino‘s, is lecturing on the “Western Empire.” He believes in Western men, of whieh he is a sounding Bross and a tinkling symbol. Schuyler Colfax writes to a triend that he has served in public life long enough and that he could not accept a nomination for Congress. He is still a republican. Alenry Clay Dean’s house having burned down ho ig now living in the smoke house. He thinks it is the dirtiest place he will live in on this side of the grave. During tho last twenty yoars many prizes havo been oftered tor the best treatise on political economy, but | We donot remember hearing of any prize being paid. A college is about to be established in Borlin for the especial cultivation of the sciences which bear upon fermentation and distillation by the great German dis- tillers. The South is giving up cotton and fs raising corn and small grams. If the Savannah News editor thinks this 1s not a personal lie may remember what is made out of corn and rye. 8 Nature is the disposer of civilization. She provides that every California forty-niner should be able to bo upholstered with a shiny chin whisker and a droop. tng, whole-souled mustache, | The grent obstacle to white immigration to Tennessee has been that the European ts as unwilling to competo with the freedman as he was with the slave, or as the | American is with the heathen Chinese. | The Saturday Review says that civilization has un. | doubtediy* in many ways promoted and intensificd cruelty, as it has promoted other vices also which say. ages have learned for the first time from their European conquerors, | A cable telegram from London, under date of the 2th inst., reports as follows:—Count Lowenhaupt, tho new Swedish Minister to Wasbington, and Countess Lowenhaupt sailed from Liverpool for New York in the steamship Scythia on Saturday last. An Indianapolis couple were divorced. The man afterward, under an assumed name, advertised fore wife, A lady replied. He sought an interview andet agasiamp. It wasshe! They were remarried, Thus truth is stranger than a atatemont in the Courier Journal, Tho Atlanta (Ga.) Constitution, speaking of the demo cratic nomination, says:—“Under no circumstancea, wo hope, will the namo of any Southera man, for patent reasons, be presented for the Vice Presidency. ‘The nomination of a Southern man would insnre tho defeat, we foar, of the ticket, We notice the name of Sir John Rose, Baronet, among the passengers by thé Russia, which arrived yosterday. We beheve this is Si# John’s first visit to this country Since his arrival hero in 1871, on a special mission from the British government, which resulted in the Appoint ment of tho Joint High Commrssion, the Treaty of ‘Washington and the final settiement’of the difficulties Detween the two Countrics arising out of the Alabama | { | {