The New York Herald Newspaper, October 24, 1860, Page 4

4 NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, | mult of it bas been that ail party, compalentions existing | between the slave and the free are deat and goav, Parties are arrayed strictly by @ geographical |i ver. ritory—that line which marke the division between the lave and the free States That ts the condition of the uptry. What has done this? Why, be has been a very uo- Fuccese/ul observer Of political events wno does not know tbat it is the result, and the result alone of the struggle for political power—a& stroggle to get possession of the feteral government for the purpose of administering it according to the tastes and designs of the party seeking to obtain it. That is the regalt of the working of our governm nt, and always has been from its origia to the eet ae The republican party, now called the | democratic party, was a party whose purposes and polic: addressed themselves tavorabl wo the portlet throug bout all the (States, and for a series of years, with exceptions only numerous enough to mark the eveat, the political power of the country was ir the. hands of the nan 7s eapeclaliy im the Northern States, re expect iD the Northeastern States, where public The Balance of Power Betweem South opinion’ most couscsratet and where mevulation i srost | dense. Ip these States their interest in the common govera- and North in Congress Lost. | ment was of acbarncter that caused them tw repadiate THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT. Speech of Senator Mason, of Virginia. THE REPUBLICANS AN ABOLITION PARTY. TBE AGGRESSIONS OF THE NORTH. democratic policy and keep them in a minority. It al Ways bappeus in seeking political power that parties in a minority will avail themselves of any existing condition of things, be it political, moral or religious, which will | Dest enable them to combine pitts, parties for political | purpores They took held of the slavery question as it existed ip the Southern States, first because it was con- | fined to certain States by a s*egrenpie) division which | exhausted their population. Thoy took hold of it again because it was @ subject which enlisted the sympathies and, through the machinatious and intrigars of politicians, Sgitated aud perverted the judgments of the people of the non élavebolding States, looking at it either in a religious OF moral aspect. And all this bas been done withia the | last fourwen or Ofteen years They have brougbt this | subject into public view and made it a potential eogine of political power, attracting to it the atteation of the coua try and grasuaily dividing parties upo it. We have but for a moment to consider and look at this thing exactly aa it presents itself, as it ig our duty t> do if we can; to | charge nothng, to exaggerate pothfg, but to eviso»rate the tacts which bave Drought about the present danger- ous condition of our federal reiations, Al! has been ma- | tured within the last fourteen years Here is the proof In the public addresses which I have made in the | Inet The Senate Will Soon be in the Hands of the North. ONLY TWO PARTIES NOW IN THE COUNTRY. ALABAMA WILL NOT SUBMIT. Measures for Secession in South | Carolina, LOUISIANA MOVING INTO LINE. few weeks to the people in various parts of Vir ginia, I beve feltBaatioied that the best exponent of the varying bue of the political complexion of the different sections of the country could be found, by ab examipation into the mutations which have taken a i} ARGUMENTS IN FAVOR OF SECESSION, | &e., &o &o. | OCTOBER 24, 1860.—TRIPLE SHEET. Political circies in Virginia eas a Uber political associates w the oath trick to deceive iming no great - | €r Sagacity than those with whom I was associated, | saw | distiwetly that it was poub! more than the opposition perty in # trapaition state to the abolition party, aud I Warned my friends at that day that this thing woich ap- | peared to be the American party, would turo out to be the cheat that it was Qve years ago at the Philadelphia Convention, which our whig frieuas of the 30. th aban doped beeanee they found themeetves in the grasp of an evemy. From tbat time the whig party has beea sepa rated North apd South There ie uo whig party North or South, The only organization known is the black repub- liean organization on ove side, and the skeleton of the democratic party op the other, Every oue of e8 yielded to the surge of abolitionism in the orth, a8 did every otber Institution, religious, 80 cial and moral ll bave been swept down by the irresistible force of this devastating element, aud there remaiLs Dow bo party other than those which are marked by the geographical line which divides the two sections. Ip adoition to the mutations in the political oo nplexioa of the Senate, to which I have already referred, | would adduce @ further fact to show the condition of the demo cratic party in the Northern States Of the few remain- tng democratic Senators from the North, consisting of not more than six, there is ope from New Jersey, who was loet to us by the last elec iow, a republican having bean elected in bis stead There is another democratic Seuator trom the same State, who has but two years to serve, and 8» far ux we can’ judge . the election to fill the vacancy to cecor at the close of that period will fall to the lot of the same Legisiature that recently elected the black re publican In Pennsylvania the deed is done There is but one democratic Sevator now from that State, Mr Big: Jer, and it i* but reasopable to suppose that be will be tet aside at the close of the present term Ip Ohio, Mr. Pugh is to be succeeded by Mr. Chase, an abolitionist of the ultra schoo}; and in Ijipois there is but one democratic Senator, Jucge Douglas (applaune from the Dougias clique), at present a candidate for the Presidency In Indiana ‘& Senator ix also lost. I present these facts te you, my countrymen, for the purpose of showing the oxisiing #tate cf parties in the country. I want to show you the pitt ve condition of the demoeratic party of the country, at you may see that there is no democratic representa tion from apy of the States now in the federal councils, except from ibe Southern States Te what does all this load? We have fought the battle. Those with whom [ have been associated in the Cougrese of the United States, in both hovres. from the South have fought their battles ffort to avert the curse that is now im pending in the struggle for political power, not between political, but geographical parties—a struggle upon which Speech uf the Hon, James M. Mason at Richmond, Va. SPECIAL BAVPORT FOR THE HERALD, Ricutonp, Va , Oct. 20, 1860. The Hon James M. Mason delivered an address here to- night before the Breckinridge and Lane Demooratic Asso- ciation, in respoose to an invitation of that body. A large crowd was in attendance, and the speaker was enthusias- tically received. After a few brief remarks by L. W. Glazebrook, Faq, ‘resident of the association, iatroducing the orator of the evening, and expreesive of a hope that due attention | would be given to him, Mr. Mason came forward aud said:— GuNTLRMRN OF THE: DEMOCRATIC ASSOCIATION OF anp My Fat.ow Crmzans oF Tue CITY oF « ept the invitation of your committee to meet you here to night, and to address you upon tbe questions of public interest which are now pending before the country. I need not tell you or any intelligent audience of Virginia anywhere in this canvass that the subjects which are to be dirposed of by the re- sult of the election now pending are of more than ordinary iptorest to the country at large, and of particular interest to the Southern States. The election for a President of the United States is always looked to by the Ameri- can people with concern, because it importe, as it really takes with it,a new departure in the policy of the government when the people, who are tho electors, indicate the n me very great pleasure to a general course of policy, or the general caste of measures | which {t is their pleasuro to ordain or indicate through the President. States is not only the tirst office in the gift of the people, but an office which takes with it a very large measure of public power. It is not alone that the President Is the dispenser of the profits, bonors or emoluments of the pub- | He offices, but it is because the President not oaly bas it in bis power, but is required by the constitution, to ind! cate to the people of the several States what the condition of the country is and wbat messures, in his jadgment, should be recommended for enactment, and it follows Ubat the recommendations of the I’resident to the Con- gress of the United States oarry with them very great in- uence, almost potency. 1t is for this reason that we are Accustomed to look at each successive election of Presi- dent for the settlement of old mecounts, the opening of new books and the commencement of new credits. There f# another aspect in which it is to be viewed. The else- jon of Preaident indicates ibe numerical strength and bo political power of that party of whose mesures and porposee and principles the President is the exponent, Lecause it gevorally follows—sometimes to be sure there are exceptions—it generally follows that the legisiative ‘wili is Dut in waiting upon the l’residential recommen- dations. [tis in this aspect, fellow citizens, that we are Ww look to the recurrence of the election pow with more than ordinary interest. The public policy of our coustry, the position of the government for the time being, Is always in keepicg with the political sentiments of the party which brings the President into, ‘and the measures to be ordained during the term he is in, power, and is indicated by the political caste or complexion of the party who lect him So long as the political par ties of our country were of that healthful character which belongs to popular institutions—eo lung as the popular di- ‘visions which divide the popular mind are Dased u healthful lstues, uo danger need be apprehended to the country from the result of any Presidential election It may happen thata President comes into power whose ‘views of government or measures of government may be found unacceptable to a very large portion of the coma nity; but it is bet @ transient administration of four years’ duration. The people bave it im their power to correct the errors, if they have existed, in the election to take place, and “to bring,” ae Jefferson 80 weil and wisely said, “ the ship of siate upon the trae repub ican tack ’ [say this was the case as long as political divi- Bioos in Wwe country were bared upou tealthfal issues, under the constitution of the country; because political parties then were distributed equally, and if unequally, ovly to mark the exceptions. in short, poiitical ries wery to be found distributed equally North, South, East and Wert. Some years ago there ‘was & political organization in intimate, coa- Gdeotial, frateroal communion, extendieg from the Guif of Mexico to the northeast, and from the waters of the Atlantic to the ns in the weat—an existing political or- Dliation aod sympathy in all the States, American mind was originally divided upon t great partice—the republican party on one side, and federal party on the othe r—each jacluding in ite nombe the enlighteped intelligence and the petrivtic purposes of blest, the best, the purest mea tn the land. In Vir qinia, Masaachusetis, Georgia, Kentacky, and, in tact, all the States, divisions existed, but the objects and sentiments of all were no inex patriotic. The, parties differed only on those issues out of which political parties necessarily arise, the points of dilference being as to the Dest meane of attaining the common good But it was a common cori, and those who lovk back upon political partios ae they were then divided | koow will sustain me whee [cballec ge history to fay that, however we differed with the federal jy of that day in what was beet for tbe common good, yet we accord, aa bi will accord, {> them that thelr great end and aim were their country's good, apd the common good. (Loud applause.) Where Gy We stand now’ I am speaking to you, my country. men, of political parties, but in no partisan sense. If there be apy in this assembly who expect ac address from me, the object which might be Ww elevate or depress the principles of any polt tical party ip the South, they will be very much m's taken, (Applause) The time for discussion and diffe reaces among ourselves i goue by. (Applause) And whee I speak to you, therefore, of political partios, 1 pray you to underviand that I refer to them only as expo cents of the popular will, a# exponents of the popular mind, not ins party sonse I say, then, that those partes to wbi bd | have alluded—the repubdiioaa and fede- ral partice—at the commencement of the government, in the various agpecta and the various names under which they Binee parted down to a recent period, hare always been governed by one common, patriotic purpose, ant bat was the good of ihe whole country (Applause ) But from the moment that these parties in ihe Sout! made the first concessions to the fansy of the North, they have been stepping down, down, in increasing mi porities, until they no longer preserve a trace of their nationality. The olf federal party, to which I hare already given full credit for purity of parpese, because gobsequentiy trantformet oo the whir party, whica ‘was 00 leas patriotic. ed the! pert) ata more’ recent waa chan pe! © pow Nothing party, as they called thomanver at tal day Taey sabsequently re- im the name of the American party,” now of the “Union party.” terms in any (avidious ; Rod the re It is a new era—a new epoch— | The office of President of the United | piace in the American Senate. of of The term of senator ta longer than that of officer in the legisla partmentjo! the federal gove ment, the constitution so ordalaing ia order that | Senate might be less subject to the mutations anf) that frequently arise Toe condition of therefore, may be looked t state of the public mind during which time it bas been body as one of toe honored r Virginia, the anti-slavery vote the Senate, the best expouen a threatened comparatively, cratic party— in referring to parties, | do it ws exponents of th | mind, and not in any partisan fee period of fourteen years the oppo party in the Senato, eo far as the cerned, did not number more thi were Ubree or four. Ther the wbig party; and that party w South, and they bad a com the managemect of their affairs the elements o tion whieh infused itself into that party ago, amounted to only three or four vot ing Up Committees this vote was looked at in no pe eense, Or a8 a political element exercising any and were placed om committee without any re their political predilections or opinions. nt condition of the Senate. 1850—I take that period because the shorter the period | the better the illustration of the views that I am to pre- councils Of the country this question of slavery and anti- | slavery in a very dangerous form, the federal Union con sisted of thirty Statce—iifteen slave States and fi'en | free States. the twelve being of the whig party. I bave a little ne- morandum, to which, for greater accuracy , I shall refer. equally balanced. There was but ove more of the demo- cratic party from the slave States than there was from the free States, and one more in opposition from the free States than from the slave States. This was a healthful condition of parties. The opposition from the slave and free States formed a homogeneous party. They bad a party organization existing in all the States North, apd ofiliated in ali the States South, combined for the common purpose of opposing the democratic administra. tion, because they believed its general tenor was wrong. But they wrere patriotic men, who arrayed themselves | opposition sole y for the common good. sympathizing, afhiating and acting together from siotives the most rj and patriotic. (Applause.) Now let us see where we stand. The same thirty States—I take the number as it stood at the period referred vo, in order to make my \llue- have been added since then—taking the same thirty who are these twenty diver any ether party than of the abelition Ned | States now from the free States, | twenty-five from thirteen within ten years, every man | ts an abolitionist pure and simple. Now, what is the condition of the slave States during these ten years? [ bave shown you that in 1850 there were from the fifteca siave States eighteen democrats In 1860 these demo- crats have increased to twenty eight—('oud applause) — | and the opposition, which in 1860 was tweive of the whig party, is reduced in 1860 to two, so that in the fifteen poe | slave States at thie day, there are of the whole number of Senators but! two in opposition to the democratic par ty, or, to speak with greater accuracy, there is in truth | but one, because on the 4th of March next Mr. Critten. | dem goes out and Mr. Breckinridge, if not elected to the | Presidency of the United States, takes bis place Fm Applause arose at the mention of the name of Mr. Brock | mriage). I adduce these facts for the purpose of bring | (mg to your minds a knowledge of the existiog truth, | that the whole opposition party to the democracy in the | free States is an abolition party, pure and simple, and | that the very causes which have increased that party in ten years from thirteen in opposition to tweaty five in the free States, have increased the democratic party in the South from eighteen to twenty nine; the same causes bringing abort opposite resulta, bat tiog upon the public mind North and South precisely in the same mau ber. I bring this matter before you as the best index of the condition of the public mind of the country in the divi Hic parties that ailect the election now pending, Where do we stand in the South’ We have before us that great pomerical majority existing in the nou-slave holding States, outaumodering the populatic of the Southern States a4 more than two to oue, We bave them bound together by & common prinel- ple and for s common purpose, and that bond of union of & ecbaracter which bas become self-created 0 inet ea years; which bes Bad the eotei the government, ‘ng poreeenion of the public mind in all the Northern States; which bas had the effect of pressing down all political parties by combining the fragments into ove new party, potYfor any parpeee of common good, but for Pparely sec Uonal, and whieh, if successful, can only be successful at the expense of the eocial condition of the whole of the Af teen Southern States. We are to meet that. Look at it as it existe. Ihave told you, fellow citizens, that there was no existing [arent Organization anywhere, of any party, in cowmon between the free and siave States. And that does not refer to pelitical organization alone. Sach has been the viciour and separating influences of this sectional question of slavery and anti-slavery, that it has brokea up all arsociations of every type—moral, religious aud po litical—between the people of the free and slave States. There men who bave succeeded in raising up that party for the nefarious purposes of mapping and destroying the social fabric of Sfteen States of this Uaion, in direct viola Hon of all cenatitational and political right, took hold of the very subject which, of all others, was best calcuiated to bring about the ruin and destruction which is now foreshacowed. It bas already disturbed the public miad to an alarming degree, both in tte moral, religious and social character. The churches at first took hold of this question of riavery, and this fact reminie me of a remark made by that truly great and tlestriow® man, Jona C Calboun, formerly Senator from South Caroli speech which be delivered in the Seunte of the Uni States. In that speech he brought the attention of the public mind to the fact that the cords wbich boand society together in the strongest and moet permanent Mmanner—the cords Of religious agociation—were, in the empbatic inpguage peculiar to that great man, rapping one by one. | think the Methodist Charch was the first to Introduce this subject of slavery into Ite counciie, and AB A consequence, It Was speedily rent amuoder North an hon abolition waver, such men as m the Beil Everett) I bave taken the Sonate &s the expovent, because the Senate has the lougeet term Sions that aflect States by transieot aod local questions from being in the beginning almost of utter insigniticance tot, | about is seeking to get political pows orth ag well as icterest and purpose in influence, far leas apy political power in the deliberations of the Senate. They were not felt one way or the other, let us go back ten years, aud see how matters stood in that aasembly. In sent to you—in 1860, when we bad brought before the Of the thirty Senntors from the slave States thore were eighteen democratic to twelve in opposition, In 1860, the same year, there were from the free States seventeen democrats aud thirteen in oppoeition—almont tration more iptelligible—we all know that three States States tn 1860, wo Gnd that there are now in the Senate from the iree States five democrats—a reduction from seventeen in 1850 to five in 1660; and in opposition there are poy from the free States twenty .five—increased from thirteen in opposition tn 1860 to twenty five in 1860 And Not one single Senator of rty, otherwise call increased to ie staked the existence of the whole South, if the Union should continue. And we have fought the battle, as you have seen by the result. We bave made concession after coneessior to avert the curse that is 4 fo! nd the result has been that the whole North—every free State ip the United States, with the exception of the three States upen the Pacific border—eo far as we know, is in the » | bands ofa party who are pledged to each other, whose organization ia upon the asia of destroying the social brie of their Gfteen sister States of the South. What this abolition party, or this black republican party, as they choose to call themselves. Ihave told these gentle neo very frequently in cooversation th at amougst them there are some enlightened men, and that what they No peeuliar cial relatious existed between me them; but | these remarks were made in such ® way as remarks w !! | rometimes, pass between one gentleman and snother. | They bave tola me that we have no right to call them abolitioniste, that they did pot belong to the abolition party ; that there wis an abolition party existing in some ¢ | of the free tates represen ‘ed by Garrison, Wilson, Wen | was am opposition from the Southern ag well a# | deli Phillips and that clas, but that they, the repudli | from the Northern States; but Uw opposition | can party, had no common purposes with them I put to | wos made up of what was called, at that day, | them this test from which they never could escape. You may profess, gentlemen, what you please, but this black republican party bas no common dasis of Union but that of apti-slavery. @ that away, and your party would break to pieces like a potter's vessel (Applause) It is therefore an aboliti»n party, call tt what you please, and their common object is to get ion of the govern ment for the purpose of destroying the Southern States. How are they to do it? The const tution of the United States, as we all know, was framed at a tme when ‘ail the States who were partice to it were siave States, with one exeeption. But at that time the experience of the country has shown that climate alone could regulate the tustitutioa of african bondage, aud under its influence the institution was forced from the North and concentrated in the more genial climate of the South According to my recollection of the history of events in 1789, pot more than ons eighth of the num. ber of slaves in the coantry were north of the Potomac. The thing began to a. just {welf; and the people saw that this African population could be concentrated at the Seuth. Circumstances have arisen eince that gave an additional Impolse to that movement The great in- creage in the value of Southern products increased the demand for African labor, and as @ consequeace tenced stil more to concentrate ‘this class of population in the South In forming the constitution this resalt was fore seep; and the States who were parties to that compact, became parties to it alene upon the condition that Afri can bondage should be a. ‘and that it should be allowed to protect itself. were no safeguards, no other guarantees by words or otherwise, which coutented the South at that day for the safety of this concentration of African bondage within their borders. They stipu: Jated for @ provision in the constitution, which would en- able for all future time the slave rotect preeen day that this propert; - other ot aay propert xb of & peculiar charac. ver, differing from all other descriptions of property in one sense, t! it has the reasoning faculty, and could, therefore, the more easily escape from its owner—it was, I say. known at that day that this property neeted some additional provision to meet the difficulties which would result from the peculiar facility for escape which this reasoning faculty afforced it Accordingly a clause was ingerted tu the coestitution, pang | i) be Property it cal the republican = party. e them | should be returned to its owner wi eecaped Diack republicans. (Applause) Bat of the | The statesmen of that day saw that you could not get rid whole opposition in the Seuate of the United | of that condition of things—I mean slavery—but at the expense of the social condition of entire communities. ell ey om pony. oe at the begin- ping—always baving the sym in 0 sition at the North—this abolition iu foe ars. tively recent period were realy ok: ing Abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia would be ineuiting to the public mind of the South and a very example of ion as otra ns baad hyp aod pon the Northern party, outnumbering the South numerically, almost by two to one, Gnd ves strong enough quires a fugitive slave to be restored to bis master when be eecapes, but they can do this—and their whole ener to that end—they can take care that in fies are tended all future acministrations of tbe there shail be no admission in the futafe of slave and in thet way, by circumscribing the infinence of slavery, they will dimtn'sh its power as an element of political power How can do this? They oan only States out of Territories, and if they exclude slavery from the Territories, ‘States formed out of them must necessari- ively few; but in the North the whole opposi tion claimed the power, and the democratic mind in the free States, to say the least of it, was uusctted and insecure. The baitie was’ fought upon ‘wis queetion over aod over agsin. Wo knew E it wes a vital question for the South, Tt was the jt upon which ihe existeore of slavery de. pended. If we bad not a right to expand that population as ail others are when they become too dense, if they were to be hemmed in, it would inevitably result in ove of two things. If {t ebould happen that the slaves wore pot to be expan ted, one of two things should happen either tbat the whites sbould abendoo the lende to the pegroes, or that the negroes should be exterminated. We fought the battle upon the question of the right of Coo grese to exotude sinves from the Territories, for upon that the whole question revolved. I must ask pardon for this very Gry diseumsion, for there questions, though regarded os legal in their character, are questions also of a political character, and of the last moment pow to the country. 1 was a pariy in the discursion of this question, as the ive of Virginia, and whatever of intellect I was brought to the Consideratioa of this question We were aenociated in that day with some of the most able and eplightened men that ever addreswed tne Ameriran Senate, and I will do them the justice on both #ides to expreen bere my knowledge of the fm that the desire of democrats and Rverett— (i ‘Choate, when be lived, and others of that clase, who yet claim to pti 3 fg party alliance at home—no party lation. y stand in thetr day and generation ae the marbie columns that are left of some magnificent, | reference neat rand, original etrvetore, that in ite day attractet the eye | upon the trne weory, that the constitutional construc pa gh 57 G4 ie in ruins. | tion, the construction of the democratic party of the ee ‘There ina fy existing tm Vir. | South, wae thie—That the constitution of the United ‘all the Southern States: ea States was a compact between the States who were par of opinion, of seatiment or of party purpose or political baa be Bedi d a Sy fh SF na Scathe between the whig party of Virginia and the South. in aggregate masses of several |, a8 the constitution orn Mates, The whig party is gone. What became of it? | of Virginia or Kentocky is, but it was a contract or com Why, i wae broken up in Philadelphia fre | pact made betworn the States who were partice to it— years ago, ani, like the buttery coming | made in their separate rovoreign oharacter; and it re. cot | chryeal state, i¢ came out an | folted from that, mat if there was a violation of that sbolition party; and the whige from the South floding | ¢ mpact of a chara ster grossly injurious or fatal to the they could only remain ip a common organization at the | interests of any Stave, such State hel a right expense of the interests of their section, abandoned that | to determine for itee'f whether it ould party. I recollect well, for I took part in the celebrated | remain in 8 cotfederney after — th rms Campaign of 1856, when that Keow Nothiog mania—that | of fe'eration had been vio i by the agence h the trang Union American orgasiaation of political partios, | confederacy bad crested. ( 1 . 4 ine mm of the wanle | tio mipaet was (be last ree ‘. ‘ ae 't claimed to be—had taken porces® Northern mind, I remember it wae *pokeo of in our medicine thet # ‘ itor j wrong tt our ; it was the theory of our fathers; It | the true and actual condition of the South waditbe toeory the political oburch to Virginia from | aud We had, up foundation of the‘ ; ib was the theory of | caused the Nebraska Madison, and of all ‘who were honored in those | party at North with whom we days with public trust and confidence (Applause) We | of fraternal friendship. Whea we know, tm our and 4 it had wot only | candidate for the Licnaaeesm § the delegates from the the sanction of , but thas it was founded on | Northern States were admitiei to an equal participation good sevse, and law reason. But we knew that it | with those from the South, with « ‘was ab exireme question; we knew that this question of | was not one of the States certainly east of the ‘Territori a8 @ disturbing question; and if the claims | Mountains that would cast a democratic vote. sites Sus Sopa Pevcneem autores | youn sreeiarriee roars slavery from ‘erritorics were ‘very ev! juestion rv ry rr A mod that ich those who favored tha’ doctrin to us— | of the Constitution, in deflance of the law, in defanos of | bis life and fortune ‘Sa namely, the continuance of this slavery agttation—would | the decision of the Supreme Court, should be made the | Swer was noble grand, inevitably follow (Applause.) I say that the patriotic | shib! ‘of the democratic perty, from necessity and by the crowd. One old en of the Senate, from every section of the country, | actual 'y when that demand was made by those | and tottering form went into council! with an bonest and earnest desire to, it democrats from the Northern States, it was not only re. | score years and ten, called Gen. W. they could, dispose of that Territorial question ‘It | pudiated by the demoeracy from the Southern States, but | closed, and with tars runaing began in 1847, aftor I became member of the | the all political association with them. They “General, I wiah I was young— Sevate, in the case of the Territory of Oregon Gid exactly what bad been dope by the churches, and a » 1 do not bonestly Tbat was a Territory acquired by discove- | whathad been done by the whig party. (Applause.) las leaders, that ry, apd Great Britain claimed that ‘they were They bad no alternative but to ive up, not their j- | crowd that dissented from Gen. the first that discovered it. This claim existed fora tutional rights alone, but their birthright, or dissolve po- | people are now shoroughly aroused, ries of years; but it was settled at last by a conveation, | litical association with them. If I had besa a wo and the line between the territories was drawn. Califor: | tbat Convention I would not only have gone with the nia was acquired in the meantime. end the gold discove- ries attracted thousands toto that Territory. from this & great many found their way to Oregon, and soon it be- gan to organize @ Territorial governnent The church members betook themselves to the task of prohibiting slavery in the Territory; and in that state of things, Mr. Clayton, then Senator from Delaware, made an appeal to the Senate on all sides. (He was a whig, but an en- lighteved and patriotic map ) He asked them to come togetber in a common council, to see if there was no mede by which this dangerous question of slavery in the Territories could be finally settled. He was met in tbe spirit in which the proposition was made, anda committee was raised to which the subject was referred. Upon that committee were genclomen of the Senate of bigh reputation from every quarter of the country and of ai! parties, Joba C Calhoun went upon that commit tee, a8 other gentlemen, with an earnest desire and 4 hope that when minds like these were brought to boar upon the subject they would dispose of it forever. The committee was ip session some four or five weeks. The deliberations of course were in private; but! remem- Trwoula have gone alone "(Applause)" upfounded, but im ly unfounded, The d from the Southern Sates were not to be of bave abown to you, of vital importance to the South the Territories with the common property of all States. (Applause) We thought we disposed of question. 'e had disposed of it if public faith Ap but that faith has been broken. at age time this question was being acted upon by the committee. One Sunday morping, at a late period in summer, it being then a long session of Oon- grees, Mr. Calhoun. about one o'clock io the day, called ‘at the bouse on Capita: Hill occupied by Mr. Bunter, my colleague, Judge Butler, of South Carolina, Mr. Calhoun’s colleague, and myself, aud raid:— Gectemen, I have come to take a Sunday dinner wits you; T want t talk to you I bave jnst come from the Capitol, and just left tke committee ana I am happy to say to you that 1 think ff you, geotie men, and frou the Ponthera States, agree with me in opinion, we have at last found a mode by which we can quiet once and forever this dangerous question of slavery; and | want to advise with you t» see if your jndg- met confirms ming, There are two propositions upon whicl my mind is clear first is that the constitu’ of the Upited ptates is the law of the Territories aa i Is the law of she States; and the second are we clear io the conativational reading that tbe conatitation denies the powrr to Congress to: probibit ‘pork in the Territories If we are clear upon these two subjects. [think we can dispore of the question to the en- Ure eatiafaction of the South Mr. Webster bad denied it. He took, what seemed to me, & very strange position—that the constitution of the’ United States was the law of the Staves, but not of the Teritories, and that it had no binding obligation what- ever with respect to the latter, That could be disposed of, however, very easily by putting in the Territorial law ‘a clause that would make it applicable to the Territory. This is the constitutional question We agreed that ho judicial mind under the solemaities and responsibili ties with which the judicial miod acts in ite place, brought to copetrue the constitution in referenoe to this power of probibiting slavery in tbe Territories, could de cide against the South, And having thus agreed, that great and i/lustrious man, Jobn C. Calhoun, of whom, whatever may be ssid of bim in his day and generation— he bad a great many enemies and, strange, some who do- rided bim, but nove ever said ‘that there existed upon the covtipant, in the public councils or out of them, any ope man whose loyalty and devotion exceeded bis; he was ‘ap evlightened statesman; South Carolina was bis coun. try apd only country; the South was his inheritance and bis only inberitance; ho looked with one equal glance over the whole Union, but his affections bound bim to ut two yrars after the Kansas-Nebraska bi tended to dip: some remarke from his colleague (Mr. Trumbull) sa\d:— My anawer then carries slavery there let it go, aed no power on earth ean power but the deople can carry it the true decis‘on of aflected my vote for oF against the 1866. Mr. Cass held this lapguage;— T bave beard this subject mentioned took any notice of it before. cor struction between the North and the south on the he was pot able to see very far into shis millstone. Tho: tion proprio vigore, of course believe that no power ia given 1 do. that there is no uch constity course ‘hw of that bill, but from the nature of tbings. and the South construe the constitut consicers their slaves you cap give n if'erently. Ueve of course that the power is given to the Legisiature. succivct, but expressive manner, that the Souto differ in the construction ries with its elave rence that caused preme Court. bothing on earth but the name of property. It is calle slavery as the usual term that defined the character an roperty. of property as recognized and secured to the owner ; the aw. Northern dogma tb. that this coustruction of the constitution being to, that great and illustrious man in that committee gave bis cor- dial assent and approbation to this proposition which I it was Jobn C. Calhoun. Hone seminal 1 have mentioned of making this Territorial question a sub- | OV€r And over again. If it bo the creature of ject for jadicial decision (Applause.) It was done A | Positive law, show the law by which Dill was reported to the Senate by that commitwe, or | Slavery was carried into Virginia or any other State and gauising a Territorial government 1a D, leaving to | erected there. Well, it was » dogma—an unfounded one— the Territorial council organized under the law the dispo | Utterly untenable by one instance of proof If slavery tition of all questions of domestic interest, and, amongst the rest this question of slavery, whetber it should be there or not, was made dependent upon the power of Congrese to invest that power, the objact being to re move the question from Congress. We were clear in one construction of the constitution—that Congress could not Other gentlemen were of a contrary opicion to the Senate, and it passed that House by an undivided vote of the democratic party South and a |i ion of the democratic y North. ‘The bill was defeated in the other Honse. cause It is ‘not pecessary to go into. But some principles were after. form ef reason: wards adopted in reference to the other Territories, and , mystifying and impressing the popular mind with afterwards carried out in the Kansas Nebraska bill which idea that the South was aggressive in tts demands, has beea the true source of all the diflloulties. I have | that it asked ion from Uongress to carry sla ‘thos given to you what I believe to be a full explanation | ‘2 the Territories, the people are decetved and of the constitutional rights of tne States to determine for | Dds perverted. doctrine of tho South is that ‘that the constitution of the T'n'ted States is It wasa question which the States bad aright to deter. | ‘Al law within ite jurisdiction, which law, when operating A DISGUSTED SECESSIONIST. mine for themselves, or they might have it decided by | & the law of the tory, as it dees, is bound to protect General Cornelius Robinson, of Alabama, offers that committee of 1847. Under the counsel of sach a | flavery there—not to carry it there, but to it. | valuable plantations and for sale. He is ‘di man as John C. Calhoun we assumed the great respons), | THe Was a difference between the North and Soath, and ted,” be says, “with the submission policy 'of bility of waiving the political right of the State of Vi ia | this judteial decision was to dispose of it, finally and for- ith,’ and is determined to convert his property to determine that question for agreeing to submit | ever. Mr. bas acted in a statesmanlike manner. He | leave. preme Courtand to make {t for the time a judicial question. Isay the rea but the arbitrament being made, he concurred in it cheer: lity was great—great ia this, that we took from Virgi fully. eens, Now, fellow citizens, to make a little & portion of ber political power, her political right, and spl of 1 ventured to we referred the arbitrament of ‘right away from her to a | define. The Southern States are placed in a position now tribunal in which we fidence—the in which they bave no support whatever, in any i bi i : “ men every where, we have select Sipe 9 ia the Southern States as this fond wos e — keep ourselves united, in order that we may show i us in the immnence of the election, € & 4 £ i sponribility of divesting our States of that power, with a regular nomination of the Na- | Conscientious conviction Uhst we did. it wilt sell sense. | {0L8l organization. It is very natural that they should save taken up this opinion. Before the emoke ted cleared of the responsibility, aad & purpose to adhere to the bar: a= good faith: penitent as we would have we would not only have submitted to the arbitra- ment, but would bave applied to our States to susiain us. | i applause Ms Apa they would bave sustained us. \y’ Because the honor of the South was committed to | abide by the decision. Bat the decision was in our (a. | 2 vor. The question went to the Supreme Coart in the case of the negro, Dred Scott. The sole question involved in that case wae, as every lawyer knows, whether or no | Congress had power wo bit slavery in the Territe- Tee, apd the decision of court, out and out, without qualification or condition of any kind was, that the con | *titution gave no such power—oome, The decision rus tained the Southern reading of the constitution, was eet that two things w that the constitution gave no such power to Congress, and of course , that could not impart to | the Territorial jatures, which are bat the creatures of foder legisiatig, & power which it did not pat pe. Had we not a right wo expect, after all the grave solemnities under which — the law was expounded, that the parties on the other side would bave yielded to the decision? Aod how were wo mow Why, they grew up at once in the Northwert, and & portion of the democratic party, under the lead of Mr Douglas, who is now the exponent of their opinions, and who is their nominee for this great office of President, also cy, *. ‘and said afier the decision was made, after the ith bad been committed to that decision, weil, it | is perfectly immaterial what a court may decide, a Torri. torial Council bad it perfeetiy in their power to get rid of ala T confess, when {saw that first promulged | by A public man with whom [acted in counct|—promulged by bim in bis canvass with Liacoin in Lilinois, 1 cond @ evidence of my own senses. Besides, | departure the plainest letter of the law, and the spirit of the law whi { that was in bringing ‘equatter sovereignty.” It bod of Vi 7 Te an - ‘hat popular Sovereignty in? Why, i Wien ofthe all our popular instituttons. The # { the people is ® political community: but as a political commanity alone the poopie o tbe ferrite” Fave. no | lende me to bel power. Frerybody knows, who knows anything’ that | lonely taken what they can do and cannot do in self goverament ts not | oat their dependent upon their wif, but upon she will of heow thet Everybody knows that to form the foundation of ibe | know Rreck—every powes Of every Kael ieicuirial govern: | tne most dungerons erosion otabotiion, twey will resol OF executive, which the peopie of a’ Territory exercise, if i that while there may be some an emandtiog ot of thelr will, but of we wil of the few tn the Bae phy ae! pers by nda sovgrese aited s base u ‘ g jermee or jumble of pupr svveetgntr wperteonty ae pnd the facts beg Bae do cae phew Lo ee ; tories aa & tople ¥ die ta noted aoaw agara, | wWite than on the tomoeratis nominee as the expoveut of ater of ai stion t Now, | have told you thaj | have spoken of potion, var, | @mocratic principles. (Applause ) in ® partiran re fs them ooly | Mr, Maron eloaed with « few remarks, denying a charge # re resentatives (tho po | mate through the preer of hit bavirg applied the epithet, tical sof th ry. Now | am toghow you! ‘leprous,”’ te the dea 08 think I have shown you that this paltry cry of disunion is not only \decorous!; di from ePag ane ace ioneed, ea anpentny | Calpe cat ne fas i wee ‘of disunicn, wi juestion S oneh seat | matter what she should maintain this doctrine of the right to go = ber an occurrence very well which took place at the | Caes participated. T will read @ little from this to show Mr, Toombs, of Georgia, introduced a bill in- of & question in relation to Kansas, upon which the debate arose, Mr. Douglas, in answer to was, and now is, that if the constitution ake itaway. But if the constitution dors not carry it there, no re. Whatever might be ‘on of the constitntiv@al point would uot have Nebraska bill That was a clear and candid construction of that law in diy, but I never Tt to suid thore is dilTerouse of Kansas Nebraska act. Pecessarily it must be so; and if the honor- able genveman from Lilincls (Mr Frumball) comid uot see that we who believe that s'avery goes to the Territories under the constitu: the Legisia ure to prohibit slavery. But thee who believe. ae yosl provision believe, of jiainture has the power to legislate on this o apy other subject The difference does not result from the words ‘The Porth power to Yertere with tem. The major part of the North believe thas the constitution secures no such right tothe Sonth. They be- Now, there was stated by both Mr Cass and Mr. Doug- Ing the true state of public op.nion and action upon that Dill in 1856 Mr, Cass has stated in a very happy and North and ‘of that question, The South considers that it bas a right to go into the Territo- t was that point of diffe- reference of the matter to the Su- We reagon thus on tue word slavery—it is Condition of this proverty; but it is pothing but the name t slavery could exist only ae the creation of positive law, that to say, be fore slavery is permitted, there must be a law ordaining, creating 04 establishing it, We met tuis in the Senave ‘was the creature of poritive law, you could not take it any place where there was not a jositive law creating it; and that gave rire to the term free soil or free territory, a8 distinguished from slave lerritory. We dealed this doctrine; and then they have *«id that if there is no exist- ing law creating siavery in the Territorics of Kaosag and Nebraska, or Utah and New Mexioo, and youtake a glave there, he is free. We denied it; and then, upon the same ing, they say that the constitution carries Siavery into the Territories. Dougias says that the South. People insisted that the constitution establ shed siaveoy ic the Territories By all this confusion of slavery is but a condition of perty, baving no distine- ton on earth between it int na see rty, and iliel eal Tt ts our duty to ition party in the Northern States, now almost upoa that although we are in & minority, we are unterrified, and from that show to ‘these people in advance that we can, as trust we shall, preeect this practical truth, that the moities whose rights are secured by constitutional law caa, when those rights il EF of baitle, mea could not determine at the ear Now, then, for 4 the Gemocratic party; the frst was that there is Measures for ession. TO THE EDITOR @F THR CHARLESTON MERCURY. Seeing in your paper of the 16th tnat. a call made upem me, as the Senator representing St. Andrew's parish in Legisiature, to give my views on ihe it sate 1 do #0 ‘and wa- In the event of the elect on of a United i f i ft | Fe # Eges He fs L fF Easced position: Will be just, and, there(ore, God will be on our side WM. I2ARD BUI ‘Traitors. the Charleston Mercury, Oct. 19.] If words are sometimes things, they are certainly sometimes not. The black republicans rival the Dougiaa Squatterites in their denunciations of the Southerm people, who declare that they cannot and will aot submit to the rule of abolitionists Gocmgh the goneral govarm- meat, They are “traitors.” The Tribune sayn:— Though the high administration officials at ‘ais potmt bave given aid and comfort to the designs of Southera disunionists by constantly croaking about great impemd- ing changes, there are not wanting, just now, jamhose quarters, indications of a disposition to repudiate the idea that the mere election of Mr. Lincola shall be the siganl for carrying out the objects of such traitors a Yancey, Rhett, &o. M words should be given their just signification, the people who get up @ sectional government of the Usion over #0 abelished constitution are the real traitors to the Union. in spite of all their affected indignation, they know that the South ought to dissolve the uolon with the North rather than to sabmit to a sectional despotism. They know it—hence their furious denunciations Mem are bever very earnest in opposing what they think not justifiable by circumstances, because it is not likely te take place But an invader looks for resistance robber dreads being shot or bung. So with these black baters and oppressors of the South. They are conscious of ey fear resistance, and therefore they wy to Drowbeat. it by deounciatious’ and abuse, Even talk- ing about “‘impenaing dangers” is ‘giving aid and com- fort to the designs of Southern disupionisw’’ ff Mr. Lincoln is elected, by the 10th of November next the Tribune! may see cause to multiply its vocabulary of ‘traitors."’ : A Separate Camere ef the Cotten iates. the St. Augustine (Fia.) Examiner, Occt. 13 } 7 ‘his paper was started as @ democratic journal, sa im- dent organ of Southern opinion It has hitherte| maintained its original position, and eo long as we con. duct ft shail continue to advocate, with whatever abili we possess, the interests, honor and political equality the South. ’ In the preset political canvass we have ported Breckinridge as the candidate whoee e'ection mperatively demanded by the interests of the South the eafety of the Uvion. With that view we hoisted Dame at the bead of our columns previous to hws nvurt tion. We shal! covtinue to support bim with zeal, em gy and confident hope till thelection And if, unforta. Dately, he shoulofbe defeated by his black repub! compeiitor, very every Southern State to unite in defence of the righ the . We shall advocate with all the force God Miscellaneous Items. LOUISIANA MOVING. The Sow im the Union er Oat of It. [From We propose, in this ir, without admixture of passion, of ili will or sect! with moderation BgRieeres peste 3 Hy as tTE Zt Hie (i