The New York Herald Newspaper, January 24, 1860, Page 10

10 NEWS FROM WASHINGTON. THE PROCEEDING; OF CONGRESS, Speech of Senator \'ouglas on the Protec- tion of States from Invasion. N Our Washington Correspondence, ‘ Wasmverow, Jan, 20, 1960, WashingionThe Prevailing Stagnation and Suspary — Dui 6 € Thee hednir tim he Ove All Sound, Facet Among he Shesv pers — ve Starvet Out—Other Amusements o d @nter- sick Receptions, B.— Sarge wy Town— Inhabitants’—Selution of P 6 Spearership 4 May Morning in January 2 oy a Cungressionad Protlen Wasnin, ia hard up—short, * 4 fact—nigh and dry No Speaker, no appropriations, D’, money. Mr. Secretary His Opinions of the Toctrines of the | %'» ba: three millions under "yock and koy, which weeks Black Repub: caus. SPEECH OF WR. CORWI\ IN THE HOUSE, NO BALLOT FOR SPEAKER. Tmportant Proposed Changes in the Patent Office Affairs. The Proceedings of the Harper's Ferry Investigating Commitiee, be., ae, do. @ur Spectal Waenington Despateh. WasuinGren, Jan, 23, 1860. WAT WAS DONE IN CONGRESS. ‘The Senate and Honee were thronged today. In the Former Mr. Dovglas made a speech, which disappointed Deis friende, it being in substance e reiteration of hic lili- mos stump speeches, Southern men say they can inter. pret Mr. Douglas’ speech to-day as in favorof @ slave eode, while the opponents of the siave code say they are Bavetied with it. Mr. Corwin was the chief attraction in the House. Ina Dengthy speech he covtrasted the patriotic sontiments of fhe fathers of the republic with the disunion dectrines of the present day, and denounced the later 2 comeasured terms. He bas the floor w-morrow. There was no ballot for Speaker to-day, and it is doubt- fui ¥ one will be allowed to-morrow. ark B. Cochrans’s phys! writes that Mr. ©. ie not insane, and that he will be able to resume his Con- gresswuel duties soon. His friends wili obtain a pair for tam, 50 that his vote will not be lott. THE HARPER'S PERRY INVESNGATION Realf concluded his tsumony before the committes to- day It wasa cetailed account of the organization Brown Provisional Goyernment in Canada, which has already beew published. He testified that he went to Bug- Jand wp 1858, and knew nothing adout Brown's operations: after that time, He was requested to examine certain letters found in Brown's tosee it he could identigy ‘thom, but teetriod that he knew nothing about Brown's correspondence or the authorsh'p of the letiers. The commintes give hum credit for frankness. He will re- @ive about $600 mileage, having been brought from Texas. Tt is evident that some mombers of the comm‘. tee have been disappointed in Realf’s testimony, he hav- wg tertified to nothing of any importance that was not before in evidence. Mr. B. BR. Newton, the Vermont member of the Nationa Konsae Committee, and previous)y the leader of a colouy at Maplctom,Bourbon county, Kansas, confirmed the tes- ‘mony of Mr. Arny concerning the refusal of the National Conmittee to furnith arms to Brown in 1867. When he eoamenced tertifying relation to the invasion of Kaueas by armed bodies of men, he was stopped. Senator Wilson went before the Senate Brown Raid Committes today, aud viormed the Commitee that if ‘teey Would aliow bim time he would produce a copy of ‘be letter he wrote to Dr. Howe concerning Brown’s movements, based upen the information he received from Colone! Forbes. He had sent to Natick for it. The Chair- man informed him they were willing to give kim bis own time to prepare his testimony. THE PRESIDENCY. Report says that Jefirson Dayis is in faver of nominst Yog Mr Breckenridge at Charleston, Another authority gays Gen. Perce is bis choice. The latter is most likely. THE SQUATTER SOVEREIGNTY QUESTION. Attorney General Black's argument against Mr. Dougias’ equatter sovereignty ideas has been extensively sub cribed for by the heads and endordinate officers of the @ partments for purposes of distribution, The rumor is hat when Gen, Cass was asked to subscribe he declined, om the ground that Mr. Douglas was in favor of the doctrine which be bad advocated all his life. RESIGNATION OF THR COMMISSIONER OF PATENTS. Mr. Bishop, of Connecticut, Commissioner of Pat bas resigued. Samuel} Ingham, of Conny , Commissioner of Cus- toms, bar been ofiered the place of Commissioner of Pa- tents. He deciined it, but bas since decided to taxe it, And will assume the duties on the lstof February, when Mr. Bshop’s resignation takes effect. Mr. Bish ‘vate financial affairs compel bim to resign the post. IN TROUMLE. BOSTON OFFICEHOLDERS Crstom House, will soon be rem the Treasury insists upo’ not liking the treatment of hw subordinates ‘uclined to yield the point. Dr. Lor- ing, of Salem, and Col Isaac H. Wright, are here, either ready to become the successor of Austin. The Naval Oilicer of Boston is also a can: cal execution. of tin towards some of late for politi- AFFAIRS IN MEXICO Private advices received here to day, brought by the overiand mail, state that @ report was prevalent at El Paso that an emeute bad taken place in Calnuahua, which had resulted in putting General Ange! Trias at the head of the gevernment at Chihuahua, The letter furt that the people of that State are desirousof being ai w the United States, IMPORTANT TO INVENTORS. Toe Senate Committee on Patents have prepared a new patent dill, which contemplates some important changes tw regard to the laws which govern that department. The biil will be reported to morrow. The first section changes the present plan so far as to compel the attendance of wit. nesses in contested cases, This is necessary te overcome groce frauds. The second section authorizes a Board of Ex- aminers-in-Chief, who shal! decide appeals from primary examiners. Appeals from this Board to the Commissioner are silowed under specified restrictions, but there shal) be no appeal to courts, as at present. The fourth section wereases the salary of the Commissioner from twenty. five hundred to forty-five hundred doilars. It changes and regulates the schedule of fees to be paid by appli. canis. THE DECORATIONS OF THE Carrtot. United States Arts Commiasioners Brown, Lamb- din snd Kensett, appointed by the President ip May iast, are engaged in making their report to Con. gress, whichds to embody @ compreheneive plan for the historical avd illustrative embellishments of the Capito, and other public buildings at the seat of government ‘Their report will be important, and contain many new Tecommendations. There can be no doubt, whea their report abail have been presented, the commission will be clothed with the means necessary to perform the duties Gor which they were appointed APPOINTIORNT. ‘Tho President sent to the Senate to-day the same of ‘Thomas Hoyne, a8 Marshal of the Nortborn District of Mhineis. THE SOUTHERN PACIFIC RATLROAD. A meeting was recently held here by capitalists interest- ed im the Southern Pacific Ratiroad project, and efforts are making to get the stock of this road taken. It has been extensively aided by Texas in money and laud grants; Bad if Congress will provide for the construction of the road from E] Paso to the Parific coast, the enterprise wil; undoubtedly be carried out. The republicans will oppose the project in the present state of affairs. Ox the other band, Nortbern capitalists are urging the construction of a road upon the Central route, which has lately been 'g0 ehould have been sent Ors, ike the twelve Aposties, to carry the gm tidings OF salvation to poor siumers; but these three maillions Mrs. Copp wil) not fork over wit! the Bpeaker’s signaty.re, aud there js no Speaker. mem bers of the Hor ge and the mail contractors say to the hotel keeper—you must wait till we get a Speaker, Tho Dotel Keeper #.ys to the butcher and the grocer—you must wait till» ot a Speaker. The oyster ealoons feel the abrolute nece seity of a Speaker, and the faro banks suior from the De n-election of a Speaker. The dry goods mon are loung’ag behind their counters, resolving the problem of aSuvaker; the milliner cannot sell her bonnets, cauna they won't elect a Speaker; tho seller of periodicals EW YORK HERALD, TUE SDAY, JANUARY 24, 1860.—‘¢RIPLE , SHEET. constitution and dovoted to the Union—as ta what means they have of protection if the federal goverBment is not authorized to proteet them agaist exterual violence. It mutt be conceded that no community 18 gare, no State can © or prosperity or domestic tranquailily without peourity against externa) violenee, Every State and nation the world outsive of tis republic is Buppored to main- in arms and navies for this precise purpose. It is the only Ie rpose for which armies and navies maintainea in time of peace, They may be for smdiious purposes, Jor purposes of aggression and forciyp war, but the legitimate purpose of tary foros to tne of ace is =f en enre damertic tranquillity against violenoe or aggression from with their respective limits. The Staves of this Union Would posters that power were it not for the re- sirints }mposed upon whem by the federal constitution. When that constitution was made the States surrendered to the federal government the power to raise and sup- yort armies, to provide and maintain navies—not only thos surrendered their means of protection from inva- sion, But consent to a protibition upon themselves which declares tbat bo State shall keep troops or versela of war ip Ume of peace. The question pow recurs, whother tha States of this Union are in that helpless conaition, with ‘their banda tied by the copstitution, stripped of all means of repetling aseaults or maintaing their own existence, and yet without a guarantee from federa) government of tke Union to protect them against violeace, If the people of this country eball settle down into the conviction that their is vo power in the federal government, under the constitution, to protect ead! every State from violence, from aggression, from oppression, thoy Will demand that their cords be severed and the weapons and novels © a large margin of the day to light reading, in default of a Speaker; and only the shoomaker eppears to drive a fair trade even without @ Speaker. His theory is, that people walk about a great deal more under a pressure for movey tban at any other ime, and that consejuently they wear out more shoes than they would if we bad a Speaker, But r mind, There ie @ general belief that the month of Februery, a8 in the case of Speaker Banks, will Speaker, and that thea, a3 in Eugland with the turn of Charles the Second, the Puritans will bo spuobed, and we shall have a good time, and this long penance of fasting, humiliation and prayer to the mamory own avd Hy be followed by a carnival ¢, a8 LUXUres Bud amusements are the lrst ¥ eufter from the non ew bingion theatre a week ago star company”? such AS it was, for its efforts to compete with extib tions of the House were perte ever, Murdoch, the tragedian, bas resolved to try i only, beginning with ‘A New W. the presu is pretty well from the begin: nate drama in fed to sort of moral suagion, from tire to time, the largest most orthodox establishment bas bern twice burned to ¢ ground; anolber, after a Lngering existenee, was com ried into @ howling waloon; another inte a clot store; aaother inte a coach factory, and another in carpenter’s shop. The present establishment, from the patUle of Bladeusbarg down to the advent of § Bourcicault, a year or two ago, was on and concert hall; and f Week fet apart for the Mardoch the estab! an ment may, perhaps, ba transformed ints a boarding bouse, f Carus} will permit the Jesecration. Bot e are not entirely deprived of the amusements and enterisinments of a national metropolis, even ix sence of aSpeaker. During the past week, fur example, we beve had two concerts from Madame @ macings at the residence of ed Out. Sed and mejanch: been the vis nds of Miss Lane, and of Hira. iwin, ‘Tbe resident population abd strangers bere mise 7 mnich the princely hoapitalities of the tate Pos: master Generai Brown, and bis accomplished and in- toresting family, and the delightful re-unions at wh mail contractors, citizeas and lobbymer auguration of “a good time”? with the Speaker. During tho last few daye tha arrivals of strangers in this city’ have ranged from four to five hundred per day, includivg all the principal hotels. These ters have been mostly wravellers with “through tickets,” whe Bava halted for @ day or two to witness the theatrical perf ances of Congress, which continue to draw overflowing ld them from the morning prayer to the may juige of tke proportion of these “through pass 8” fron the numbor of ahawis lo the gentlemen’s of the House galieries, we sbould cay that fullone half of these audiences are Dirds of passage, en ruuce to poute More or leas remote—Narth, South, Exst or West. We close up witb the ‘oldest inhabitant’s’” ; concerning the Speaker, We met bim early this a op the avenue, When he availed himself of up and solye the diflicult pro an8 bave the pi three or four to make up & on Sbeyman. cruits to elect ality. They wantonly jority, but they can’t get them The democrats want twenty-dve or To get them they must secure the whole Southern opposition force of twenty three mea sud two or three or four anti Lecomptonites or Penneylrania balt and balf American republicans. But the democrats hays tried a regular party candidate, Bocock, and they fell short of a majority by twenty Votes; they tried a catapremise Virginia democrat, Millson, aud he came only within ten votes of Sherman; they tried an imdepea dent old Lae whig American Honston conservative demo: crat, on, of Texas, and he signally failed; thoy tried a South Amer.can, Maynard, aud an anti Lecomp- tonite, Davis, of Indiana, with no ‘better success. They have hoxed the compass: they have tried every expedient of a coalition, and they are in a state of despair. Their fight i now reduced to the defeat of y the defeat of the plurality rule. The South. have signed a roand robin to this eect, but the ‘D democrats are giving way. AS the fase. is simply a question of timo, and whenever an issu in Congress is brought 10 a question of time, unless near the close of the |, tho Inevitable reeult is not far off The de- {up that the plurality rule, by a square ing from abeonteciam, ition, on the repu erman. The only way, there- je democracy can defeat Sherman’s clec- ‘y i$ toaccept some such South Ameri can ag Gilmer,or Smith, of North Carolina, an old Noe whig, With Southern principles; but the votes, the divi- sions, the debates, and the cross-examinations of the House, have rendered this arrangement apparently im- possibie. Consequently, my dear sir, yeu may count upon adoption of the plurality rule, and the election of man, before the end of February, unlesa the Democratic State Legislatures‘n seasion shall come at once to the regcue with instructions to their representatives here to ree upon any conservative opposition man who can de- teat Sherman. The case is the case of Speaxer Banks and the same causes are tendiog to the same resuit, Brown, Heiper and Seward are dead weigats upon tie repnblicans; but money rules the world, and whon Mr Toombs killed off the Post Office appropriations in the Senate last session, he, on the money question, probably ted Sherman Speaker of the present Congress. Neither House is in session to-day, acd from the bright, soft and epringiike sunshine of this lovely morning, we jare say that the members of both houses will appropri ate the day very extensively to the ladies cw the Avenue. THIRTY-SIXTH CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION. , Jan. 23, 1860. Owing to the reporters’ gallery being crowded with persons who bad no business there it was almost impossi ble for the reporters t take notes or send out despatches in proper time. The galleries and floor wore crowded this morning to hear Mr. Douglas. The noige and confusion during the morning hour was so great that it was impossisible to hoar the reading of the Clerk. A vawber of bills were read by title and referred. Mr. Hatgsatd he'would do the gallories the justice to say there was more noise on the floor than up stairs. Mr. Hare offered a resalution calling on the Secretary of tho Treasury for the names and salaries of the persons omployed in the Treasury Deprrtment, who hayo not been confirmed by the Senate. Adopted. APERCH OF SENATOR DOUGLAS ON THR PROTECTION OF STATES: FROM INVASIO: The hour having arrived Mr. Douglas’ resolation was called up. Mr. Doverss said—On the 25th of November last the Governor of Virginia addressed an official communication wo the Prestdent of the United States, in which he says:-— “] have information from various quarters upon which 1 rely that a conspiracy of formidabie extent in means and numbers is forming in Ohio, Ponnsytwania, New York and other States, to rescue John Brown and his associates, prisoners at Charlestown, Virginie. The information is specific enough to be reliaole.”’ And, again, “Places in Maryland, Ohio and Pernay!vania have been occupied as depots and rendezvous for there desporadoes to invade thir State, and we are kept in continual apprehension o outrage from fire and rapine. I apprise you of those facts m order that you may take steps to proserve peace Detweon the ditferent States.” Om the 26th of November the President of the United States returned a reply volected by delegates representing the States of California | from which I read as follows:—I am at a loss to ‘an4 Oregon, and the Territory of Washington, assembled % convention at San Francisco, ag the most favorable for the interests of the whole Pacific const, Hi ig held that | {°F is burpege— that is, to preserve the ‘this road should be aided to a ke extent with the Soath- ern road across Texas by Congressionaljaid. F. W. Landery. civil enginer, now Supermtendent of the Central ped nels authoritative announcement that the consti overlan@ wagon road, presented ihe plan of this route in the Pacific Railroad Convention, and it Feceived much attention. A bill will be introduced into | !P Congress ag scop as the House is organized, which wil! discover any provision in the constitution or laws o the United States which would authorize me to take stop= peact between i@ anhouncement created @ profound im upon the public mind, and especially m the elaye. Retoing States. It war genoraity received dod Tegardted an © United States confers no power upon federa) government to protect the eeveral States of oie Union against trvarion from other State. 1 shail not to inquire whether it was the meaning of tho Presi- to deciare that the exinting laws no au- thority opon bim, or that the constitution authorized Con embrace this plan with very slight modifications, The | gress to enact no laws which wou!d authorize the rederai States from actual cost of the iron alone, free of transportation, will be asked for, and one section of Jand at stopping places every government to interpose for the protection of invas'on. My odject is to raise the inquiry and direet the judgment of the Senate and of the country upon the ten miles, with access, free of cost, to fuel and building | Quettion whether it is not within the power of ‘maateriajs;’ no payment to be made by government unti! Congress, and tho dot of Congress under the constitution, to enact all lawa which are necessary deaded trains have passed over the road at a speed of | and proper for the protection of each and every State ‘twenty miles per bour. tion of the Pike's Peak gold Bait Lake City. 3, and thence through The line would run im the diree. | against myasion, either from foreign Powers or from any of the United States, The denial of the existence a power in the federal government bas indorad she qu ry awong COMRPrYAHYS Mye—~R Joyal yp the | restored to their own bunds, with which they may defend themselves. This inquiry involves the question of the perpetuity of the Union. The means of defence, the Tneans of repelling agsauits, the means of providing Agauist invasion pmust exiet a8 a condition of safety and the existence of the States. Now, sir, I hope to be able to demonstrate that there is no wrong in this Union for which the constitution of the United States bos not pro- vided aremedy. I belteve, and hepe to be able to main- , that this Union docs furath a remedy for any wrong which can be perpetrated within the Union if the federal government pertorms its whole duty. I think, sir, it is ciear, upon & careful oxamination of the constitution, that the power is conferred upon Congreas, first to provide for the repelling of invasion from foreign countries, and, secondly, t protect each State of this Union invasion from any other State, Territery, or place within the jurisdiction of the United States. I will fiest turn your attention to the power conferred upon Congress to protect the United States, including the States and Territories and the District of Columbia, including every inch of ground withia ber limits and jurisdiction, against foreign invasion. In the oighth section of the frat article of the constitution you flad that Congress shat! have power to declare war, to raise and support armiss, te previde and maintain a navy, to make rules and rega lations for the government of the land and navat foro and to provide for calling forth the militia to execute laws of the Union, suppress insurrection and repel in rion, conter upon Cangress the power of using Ihe whole military force of the country for the purpotes epecified in the constitution, The tnva- sion which is to be repel ed im this section of the constitu- tion is an inyasoln of the United States. The langaase ; ehall have power to provide for he repelling cf inyasion;? that gives the authority of jing the invasion no matter whether the enemy lauds bin the Iimita of Virginia, within the imite of trict of Columbia, within the Territory of New Mexico, © anywhere elge within the ja: 10n of the United Sta! The powar to protect every portion of the country again: invasion from foreign nations having been thus apeciticatly conferred, the framers of the constitution then proceeded to make guarantees for the protection of the saveral States dy federal author! I will read the fourta section of the fourth article of the constitution: ‘The Cakes States shall guarantes to every State in this Tilon grepublizan forin of government, and aball protect exch of them against invasion. 2nd on aprilenion of oF of the Rx chen the Legislature can: against domestic vieience, That clause containe three distinct guarantecs—Sret, that tbe United States shail guarantee to every State of this Union a repudiican form of goverument; second, the United States shail protect each of them against mvasion; and, third, the United States shal!, on application of the Executive, if the Legislature canuct be convened, protect them against domestic violence. Now, sir, I eubmit to you wheiher it is not clear, from the very language of the constitution, that that clause was inserted for the purpose of making it the duty of the federal go yernment to protect each of the States against invasion irom any other State, Territury or place, withim the juris. diction of the Un! States? For what other purpose was that clause ingerted? The power and duty of pro- tection against foreign nations bad already deen provided for. In this clause there isa guarantee from the United States to each State, for the benefit of each State, for the protection of e gtate, and necessarily from the other States. inasmuch as the guarantee bad been given previ- y for foreign napons. Now, sir, if any authority a8 beseteary to show that such is the true construction of the constitation, it may be found ip the Fideralsst, forty- third number, written by James Madgon. Mr. Madison copies this clause of the constitotton which Ihave rea, giving them three guarantees. Here is what Mr. Madison says upon this subject — Provection against invasion te due from every society to the party composing it. The latttude of the expression bere ised semis to sooure each State; not only against foreiz hosuility, but against ambi fous or vindictive ‘enverpriges by ite more powerful neighbors. The history of both anctent and modern copfederacies proves that the Weaker member of the Union onght not to be insenaible to the policy of this article, This number of the Federalist, ike all others of that celebrated work, was written affer the constitution was made, but before it was railed by the States, and with a view to its ratification. Hence the people of the several States, when they ratified this instrument, knew that thie clause was intended to bear the construction which I now place upon it. It was intended to make it the duty of every society to protect each of its parts. Itis the duty of the federal goverament to protect each State, and he says tho smailer States ought not to be insensible to the volicy of this article of the constitution. Then, #i mace the jinperative duty of the federal government, the express provision of the constitution, to protect of the States against invasions or violence from the other States, or from combinations or desperadoes within their limita, {t necessarily follows that it is the duty of Coa- gress to pass all laws necessary and proper to render toat guarantee eff While the Congress. he early history of the ment, did provide legisiatios whicb te supposed to be able to protect the United Sates against (ovasion from foreign coun ries and Indian tribes, they have failed up to this time to make any law for the rotection of each State against invasion trom within the imits of the Union. Tam usable to tell why this omis scp, or how to account for this omission. J presume, sir, the reason of it is to be fonnd in the fact that no Congrees ever dreamed that any such legislation would ever be- come necessary ior the protection of one State in this Union againet invasion and vioience from its sister States, and until the Harper's ferry outrage ever coa ed tbat American States would be so forgetful of their duties to themselves, to their country, to the consti- tution, as to plan the invasion of any State, with the vi of stirring up servile insurrection, murder, treason, and every other crime that disgraces humanity. While, there no blame justly altached to their predecessors in failing to provide the legislation necessary to render this guarantee of the constitution effectual, still, gince the ex- perience of the last year, we cannot stand jusiitled in omitting to perform this adi Tho qu» maining, then, is to know what legislation is necessary and proper to render this guarantee of the constitution ef fectual. I presume there wil! be very littie difference of ‘opinion that it will be necessary to place the whole milita. ry power of the President, under proper guards and re- Sirictions against abuse, to repel and repress an invasion when the hostile forces shall be actually in tno field. Bat, sir, this is not gullleient. Such “legislation would not be a fuil compliance with ibis guarantee of the constitution. The framers of that ipstrumen meant more when they gave the guarantee, Mark the difference in language between the provision for proteci- ing the United States against invasion and that for pro tecting the States, When it provided for the protection of the United States, it said Oungress shall have power to re- pel invasion; when itcame to make this guarantee for the States, it changes the language, and says the United States shall protect each of the States against invasion. In the one instance the duty of the government is to repel, im the other the guarantee is that they will protect. In otber words, the United States will be permitted to wait uptil the enemy shall be on your borders, unti! the in- vading army shail be organized, drilled and’ placed on the march, with a view to invasion; but they must pass al) laws necessary and proper to insure protection and do- meetic tranquiltity toeach State and Territory of this Union against invasion or hostility from the other States and Territories. Then, sir, I held that is not oaly neces- sary to use the military power when the actual case of invasion shal) occur, but to authorize the judicial de- partment of the government to suprress all conspiracies and combinations in the several States with the intent to invade a State or molest or disturb ite government, its peace, its citizens, tts ry or {te institutions. You ‘aust punish the conap or combination with intent to do the wrong, and then you will sappreaa it ia advance. There is no principle more clear with the legal profession ‘than that whenover it is proper to declare an act to bea crime, it is proper to punish a c acy or combination with wtent to perpetrate the act ‘upon your statute 8, and J presume you will find an enactment to pun- ish ceunterfoiting the coin of the United States, and then another section to pupish a man for having counterfeit coin in bis ‘With intent to pass it, and another section for havin, a die or otuer instrument for counterfeiting wil intent to use it. This is & familiar principle in legislative and _ judicial proceedings. If the act of invasion is criminal, the con- Spiracy to invade should also be made crimioal. If it ba unlawtn) and itlega! to invade a State with intent to run off fugiuve siaves, why pot make it unlawful to form conspi- racies and combinations ip the several States with intent todo the act? We have been told that a notorious man, who has recently suffered death for his crimes upon the galiows, boasted in Cleveland, Uhio, in & public lecture a year ago, that be had then in exiatenco a body of mon employed m running away horses from the State of Mis- souri, and pointed toa livery stable in Cleveland which was full of the stolen borses. 1 think itis within our competency and our duty to passa law making evory bry sige or combination in any State or Territory is Gn jon to invade another with imtent to of apy kind, whether of property, into conspirators Courts and 8, or apy other another State, a crime, and ish ry in- dictument in the Uni twoen foreign States; the constitution by which we are eworn to obey, amd demand that cuted in good faith, @0 ag to puvich aud repress every combination, every conspiracy, either to invade a State, OT 1) apLyet HB apybivante, or Csturd its property, oF subvert its institutions. J believe th’ can be done b authorizing the United Stat’ courts ip a4 several States to take Insidiction of defences and accompany viol of, jaw with an appropriate penalty. I cannot be aid that the time has not yet arrived for such legis"ation. It cannot be said with trath that the Harper Vorry case will not again be repeated, or is not in “anger of repetition. It is only necessary to inquire Wo the causes @hich produced the Harper's Ferry butrage to ascertain these causes are yet in active operation, apd then you can determine whether there 18 ebY ground tor apprehension that that invasion will be repeated. Sir, wha! were the enuses which produced the Harper's Ferry outrage? Without stopping to adduce evidence in detail, I have no hesitation in expressing my firm and deliberate conviction that the Harper's Ferry crime was the natural, logical and speyitable result of the doctrines and teachings of the republican party, as ex: plained and enforced in their partisan presses, their pampblots and books, and especially in the speeches of their ye and out of Congress. (Applause in the tories, mn axon, (dem ) of Va.—T trust that the order of the Senate wil! bo preserved. I am gure it ia not necessary to remind the Prezident of this indiepenaible necessity of preserving the order of the Senate, and I give notice that Mf disturbed again I'sball ineist upon the galleries being cleared entirely. (Faint applause. ‘The Vick Presipent—It is impossible to preserve order without the concurrence of the vast asssemblage in the galeries. I trust there wil be no occasion to make refer- ence to it agai Mr. Toomes, (dem.) of Va—tI hope officers will be placed in the galleries to puta stop to it It is very unbe- coming this bocy, or the deliberations of any free peaple. ‘Mr. Dovatas—I was about to suggest to the presiding officer that I thought it was uecessary to place officers in different parts of the galleries, with instructions that when apy person gave sigu8 of approbation or disapprobation istautly to lead the guilty persons out of the galleries. 4 Tux Vick Prusspayt—~It shail be done, 6o far as it can be lone. Mr. Dov1as (contivuing)—~Sir, this outrage is the logi- cal, natural and neceseary consequence of the doctrines and teachings of the republican party, Iam not maki this statement for the purpose of crimination or for parti- san effect. T desire to ask the members of that party sbether their doctrines do not lead directly to this conse- quence op the part of those deluded persous who think all they say is meant in real earneat and tht to be carried out? The great principle that underlies the organization of the republican party ts violent, irreconcilable, eternal warfare upon the institution of American slavery, with the view of its ultimate extinction throughout the land. Sectional war to be waged until the cotton flelds of the South shail be cultivated by free laber, or the rye flelds of New York and Mussachusetts shall be cultivated by stave Jabor. In furtherance of this article of your creed, find a political organization not ouly sectional in ita character, but one whose fidelity consists in appeais to Northern passion aud prejudice agalnet Southeru States, Southern institutions abd Southern people. | haye had experience in fighting this clement within the last few yea 14 I found that the source of their power con sists in exciting the prejudice and passion of the Northern, section against thoge of the Southern section. They not only attempt to excite the North against the Sontii, but have invited the South to assai! and traduce the North, Southern abuse by violent men of Northern states- men and Nonbern people is epsential to tho triumph of the republican party, hence the course of argoment which we haye meet is not only appeals to a Northern passion and prejudice, but eppeals to Southern men to aseail us in order that they may justity their assaults upon the plea of self- defence. Sir, when I returned home, in 1868, for the purpose of canvassing [ilnota with a view of re-election, Thad to meet this issue of the « egsible conilict.”' It is true thatthe Senator from New York (Mr. Seward) had not then made bis Rochester speech, and did not make it for fonr months afterwards. Jt is true that he did pot give the doctrine the precise name and form, but the principle was inexistence. Lwill, sir, call your at- tention to a stnglo passage from a speech to show you toe lapguege in which this doctrine was stated io Iitinois Defore tt received the name of “ irrepressi- ble conflict” The republican party assombled in State Convention in June, 1858, in Illinois, and ubpimovety nominated Abraham Lincoln as their candt date for United States Senator. Mr. Lincoln appeared be: fore the Convention, accepted the nomination, and made a speech previously written and agreed to in caucus by most of the leaders of the party, J will read a single ex- tract from this epeech:— In my opinion it «the slavery agitation) will not cease until serisisebxll have been reached and passed. A houge divided against {tectf cannot stand. Tbeilevs this government cannot endure permanentiy, haif slave and hiif tree. Ido not ex pect the house to fail, bul J do expect it will cease to be divided. Tt will becr me all one thing or all Euber nentsot slevery wi'l arrest the further st where ibe public mind sbali rest ia the belief thst it is the course nf imate extic ction, or iw advocates will push forward 13 4} become alike lawful im all the States, old as Well as new, North as well ag South, The moment I landed on the soif of Ilinois there was gathering of mapy thousands of my constituents to wel- come me home. 1 reed that pa: and tok direct issue With the doctrine, as being revolationary aod trea- sonable aod inconsistent with the perpetuity of this re- public It is not the individual opinion of Mr. Lincoln, nor the individual opinion merely of the Senator from New York (Mr. Seward), who for four months afterwards asserted the same doctrine in different language, but so far as I know it is the genera) opmion of the members of the abolition or republican party. They raily as one man under a sectional banner, making war upon the South, with a view to the ultimate extinction of slavery, an then tell the South that unless they ‘really combine their Southern people into a_ sectional party, and establishing slavery in the free States, the mevitable consequence wil! be its abohtion in the slave- holding States. The same doctrine is beid by the Senator irom New York (Mr. Seward) in bis Rochester speech. He tells us tbat the South must conquer and subdue the North, or the North must triumph over the South and drive siavery from its limits. Mr. President, in order to show that Ihave net misrepresented the Senator from w York in notifying the South tbat if they wished to mautain slavery within their own limits they must also ‘asten it upon the Northern States, I will read an extract from his Rochester speech. [Mr. Dogglas then read the «Xtract in relation to the “irrepressible conflict ’’] Thus, sir, you perceive that the theory of the republican party s that there 18 a coaflict between two different systems of iustitutions in the diferent States, not a conflict in the same States, but an irrepressible canilict between the free States and States. They argue that these two sys- lems of States cannot permanently exist in the same Union; that the sectional warfare must continue to rage, increasing in fury, unti! the free States shall surrender or the slave States shail be subdued. Hencs, while they appeal to the passions of their own section, their object is to alarm the people of the other section, and drive them to madness, in the hope that they will invade our rights as an excuse for them carry ‘on aggression upcn their rights. I put it to the candor of Senators if this is not the £ tendency of the doctrines proclaimed by the regublican par- ty? This theory of the “irrepressible conflict” rests on the assumption that upiformity im the institutions and internal policy of the States is indispensable to the peace and pros perity of the Union, which is contradicted by our entire history. Our fathers knew that a country with such a variety of climate, soi), productions and pursuits,.must neces: tly have a corresponding variety of interests, requiring different systems of institutions and policy adapted to the wants and interests of each locality. They knew that the laws and institutions which were suitable to the mountains and valleys of New England would be ily adapted to the rice plavtations and cotton flelds of the Carolinas ; hence, like wise men, they formed the repud. Vic upon the basis of allowing each State to form Justsuch laws and instituiions as the: teem best for their welfare, on the sup State had peculiar interests requiring tions and legis. lauon different im some respects from any other State, and hence that no two would be precisely alike in their local legislation and domestic policy. Dig- similarity, thorefore, and not uniformity, in the domestic institutions, was the theory of the constitution. When the constitution was adopted, the Union was composed of thirteen States, twelve-of which were siaveholting, and one a tree State. Rad this doctrine of uniformity pre- yailed ip the convention whith framed the constitution: one oF two results must have followed—eithor the twelve slaveholding States would have adopted a constitution es- tablishing slavery, or the Legislatures would have been abolished and State government blotted out, and full power conferred on Congress to ieg'siate on municipal and domestic aflairs, as wel! ag federalrelations. In this mode only could uniformity in the domestic institutions of all the States have been attained. The fact that the powers of Congress wero Iimited to those subj@pts which affect the gencra! welfare of all the Sites, without interfering with the domestic institutions of each, was conclusive evidence that uniformity was not deemed desirable, if possible. The doctrine of uniformity is the doctrine of centralism, and despotism as repugnant to our institutions and intolerable to our people as that of Austria or Naples. The right of every people to govern themselver, and form their own institutions, on the supposition that no two States would form them precisely alike, is the tunda mental principle on which tbe American Union was made, and on which it can be maintained. the pri ie be maintained {in good faith, and cap no conflict, much lees an ‘“irressibie conflict,” between tho free and slave States. Let the constitution de carried out in the spirit in which it was made; iet Copgress pass all laws occessary and pro- per to give effect to all ite guarantees; let the federal gov- ernment perform its whole duty by protecting the States against invasion, and La pee he conspiracies and combinations in any State and Territory against the government, the je, the property or institutions of any other State or ferritory, and there will remain uare- dressed no wrong for which disunion will furnish a reme- dy. Let the people of each State form and regulate their domestic !netitutions and manage their inte! affairs and Mind their own business, and let their neighbors aione, and this Union will endure forever, composed of Free and slave States, Just as the people of each may determine for themeelves. ‘Mr. Fessenney, (rep.) of Mo., was somewhat ata loss to imagine the necessity of the resvlution introduced by the Senator from Illinois. A committee had been ap- loge to investigate the Harper’s Ferry outbreak, and ‘was willing to wait for their report. The Sonator, however, apparently distrusting their ty, had undertaken to jnstruct them in their duty, and availed bimeclf of the nity to make a political speech for effect. His argument as to the power of Congress ‘was nothing pew. No Senator was more anxious than Rimeelf to protect the States from invasion. On that port he agreed with tho Senator from Iitinois, but ho would wait the report of the com: it 4 i = : i z i ent attempt of the South to force slavery Mae free Territory ‘by force of arms. Then {t was that Brown learned the Jeston which he practiced at ett he ‘There ‘was notbing in the practice or ings of repub- fo authorise the charge against et upon the repablicans not to agi- came with bad grace Bidet those Caaereoheren aggreasion from the beginning. rel tothe mer Senator free. th Caroli- of a for: that the object of the compromise was to extend the area of slavery. The Se- nator from Minois had attempted to rustain his charge by igierenge tw the spegybes of Mesars. Lincoln and Seward, Dut nowe of the extracts bore him out The languag | of the Senator from New York bad been misinterpretet. Be bad the misfortune to become the avthor of a phrase, Which, if it had been expressed in two or three phrases, Wonld not bave attracted attention. It never hal beca said that the free and slave States could not live together they could, But if and ought together on the same there Would be avtagonism. That was what Mr. Davis, (dem) of Missy wished a cloare planation. Mr. FESSENDEN gaid he believed free labor elev: laborer, slave labor depresved and degraded b the two come tegether they antagonise. He asked Me, | Donglas a question, to which the latter replied his doo- | trine was that tue saderal government should exercise no power, directly or indirectly, to control, form, or otter: | | \ } { wise influence the domestic institutions of the States or Territonies. Mr, Fessespes—That’s only squatter sovereignty, the Senator's favorite doctrine. No one ever protended that, the government con! interfore with the institutions of the States, Te controverted the idea that diversity of tostitu tion were cssential to the general prosperi'y of the coun try. He avserted to the fullest extent that the govern. ment could not interfere with the institutions of the | States. Avy charge that the republicans favored this doctrine is unfounded. He asked if the Senator from Miinois saia the republicans not only wanted to repress, | but also to make war on slavery in the States’ Mr. Doverss—I did. ‘ } Mr. Fessenpes—I deny it. It could not be found in the party creed, The republican party was formed to pre- vent the introduction of slavery into the free Territories. He denied the right of Southern men to take slavery into a Territory, unless the law there recognizes slavery. He | hated and Joathed slavery, but did not hate the slave. Stract, but did not wish to interfere with it whore itex isted.’ When tt was charged that the republicans wore warring on the South, it should be recollected that .they hoid the doctrines of the father of the republic. Tue Senator from Virginia admitted the views of Southern men on slavery are not now what they were Mr. Mssoy said’ that the South, after fall consiteratioa and experience, had arrived at the conclusion that siaver: ennobed both’races, Our early fathers were not adoll- tionists. They did not think it practfeal or expedient to abolish slavery, but thought by cutting of fhe slave trate holier. The object of Northern democrats was to in- | flame tbe South agalost al! Dut themselves, 80 as to get political power. He was opposed to slavery in the ab. | | slavery would die off of itself, The ordinance of 1787 aimed at the slave trade. It was thought that by reduoing the slave trale the area where slavery could be used would be stopped. Mr. Frssenpey eaid the Senator had admitted all he desired. The early men of the republic thought that by restricting slavery the institution would die out. They wanted it to die. That is the position of the republican party. ‘The Senator from !linois was indifferent whethor slavery was extended or not. Born ia afree State, for himself he preferred free institutions. That was the whole offence of the republican party. We have been (urther toid that if we elec} a man of our views regolarly and in the conati- tutional form, President, the Union will be diseoived. ‘While the Senator from Lilinois was ae means to re-\| press the invasion of one State by another, he might have- suggested a provision tor the threatenad contingency. Mr Doveras said be had introduced his reeolution be. cause occasion called for it. It was not necessary to put on a clause for the contingency referred to, as it was an event not within probabilities. Mr. FRSkSDRN said the Senator had great confidence in hig prowess. Quite likely he had a ‘higher opinion of them than any one elec. It was singular they were con- stantly threatened witb what would be doue in acertaia case or event not likely to occur, The inference ne drew was that the gentlemen on the other side were appreben- sive on the subject. This taik o: diesolution of the Union wos a disease, which appeared every four yeara, The ple of the free States don’t care about it. For bimseit, Hite election of a Presicent im the constitutioual mod was to be the cause of & dissolution the sooner the ques- thon 18 settled the deter. Mr. Dovetss said some men could not conceive of au action flowing from patriotic motives. He hail brought in his resolution because he thought the time had arrved for practical legisiation. He nad referred to the ceuses which protuced outrage, and pointed out that they still existed. It the Sevators op the other side would vote for such a bill as he propoted, be would think a very great chauge had oc curred. When they agreed to make consp'racies to run off fugitive slaves ‘a felony, be would think they bad in- deed changed. In tho towns and cities of the North, where the republicans Bave a majority, the Fugitive Slave law could uot be executed. Could it be executed in the town where the Senator from New York ved? Dit they recollect the Jerry regcue ? Mr. Fessenpes said that he would go ag far as avy ono to prevent a conspiracy in one State to inva je anotl He could not say what he would do in regard to runuing ot fugitive slaves, He would meet that question when it arose Mr. Doreras—Why not punieh the running off slaves as well as the running off of horses. The impunity with which the crime of renny off Blaves can be perpetrated keeps up the irritation. When it was mad a penitentiary offence to conspire property in ansther State, then We wonld get at the root of the evil. The republicansare no doubt ready to vote for @ law fair in tts terme, but not caleulated to de efficient in its operation. It is on!y neces. tary to refer to the Philadelphia platform to show the hostility of the republican party to slavery, where slavery and polygamy are classe! ‘together as twin relics of barbarism, and the polygamist apd siayeholder are placed in the same cate; He saw that the republicans were lowering their flag. If he could attribute it to agood motive, he would be glad of it. Those living furthest from the pegro, and knowing Joast about bim, were the mos: solicitous for the poor slave. In the Southern portions of the free States, which border on the slave States, you find good feeling because they know what the condition of the slave is, and in proportion ag you go North, the feeling against slavery increases. Mr. Douglas then again recurred to Mr. Seward’s speech to show that his interpretation of it was correct, and thas he maintamed the doctrine that the Union could not exist half free and half slave. The object of the republicans Was to hem in slavery In order to smother it out, as the French i Algeria served the Arabs when they retreated into caverns—smoke them out. The idea was to keep up agitation along the line of the border States, fso as to render slave property inge- cure and drive it further South; thea, when Kentucky by this process was made free, the same 8} tem was to be pursued till slavery was extinguished, lo juoted from Mr. Seward’s epeech to show that he meant at the irrepressible conflict must go on till either there ‘Was bot a clave State left or all had become siaveholding. Jn regard to the charge of indifference whethe: the States adopt free or slave institutions, what be meant was that it was none of his business whether the peonig of Kauss adopted freedom or slavery. was their business, and they would act according to their wants. He was ‘opposed to slavery in Illinois, be- cause it was not adapted to their requirements. Slavery would go where it could be profitably employed. It could not be kept out by enactments. Iliinois adopted slavery in spite of the ordinance of 1818, and abolished it when itfound it did not suit. Slavery was a questien of politi: cal economy, and not a proper subject of legisiation, The people interested were the best judges of what they de- sired. He wanted them to decife their ‘insti tutions for themselves, and if allowed to carry out their own wishes, be did not himself care how they decided. He repelled the charge that the Kansas-Nebraeka bill produced agitation. The pott tical friends of the Senator from Maine had sent depera. does to Kansas to create disturbances and regniate tos elections there. Just euch combinations he wished to reach. He wanted the people there to regulate their affaire in their own way, and they might cali this squatter sovereignty or what they pleased. ‘The subject was then postponed till half-past one o'clock to-morrow, ‘Adjourned House of Representatives. Wastixaron, Jan. 28, 1860. ‘Mr. Barxspaip, (dem.) of Miss., said, the House pre- sets to the people of the country a scene which has but one parallel in history. The House has been seven weeks in session, and although ballot after ballot has been taken no Speaker has been elected, no organization has been effected, while the great interests of the country have been totally neglected. The democratic, South American and anti Lecompton parties, all professing to stand in the atti tude of hostility to the republicans, should unite to defoat the latter. The democrats have manifested every dispo- sition to unite with the South Americans and ant: Lecomp tonites on a national basis, until their spirit of conciliation has become exhausted. The South Americans had pre- sented Mr. Gilmer, who could never be accceptable to him (Barkedale). Mr. Gilmer, if elected, must be sup: ported by some of the blicans, and he woul! yote for no man who ‘commended himself to the consideration of that party. He did not doubt Mr. Gilmer’s loyalty to the South, but bis political conduct. Rather than the nominee of the republican party should be elected—a man who had received no vote from fifteen of the States of this Union—rather than his State and section shovld be dishonored by the election of Mr. Sherman, he would repeat the declaration of Mr. Pugh, of Alabama, “Let discord reign here forever.” Te proceeded to give a history of the origin, progress and preeent aspoct of tae slavery question, wbicb prevents the organization of the joure. Mr. Conwiy, (rep.} of Obio, was called out by a remark of Mr. Barksdale. He said he knew of no repubdtican who would go 80 far as to say that if slavcholding territory should be acquired by treaty, as in the ease of Loui: ADA, and provision be made therein that the peopie thus transferred should be admitted into the Union with ail their rights of property which they then held—be knew of GO republican who would say that soch treaty was not the supreme law of the land and should not be carried into effect. Roce A. Prror, the filthy liar and libeller of Virginia, eaid nothing Mr. Barxspars—Ia there » republican who favors the Scquitition of siavehoiding territory? I would like to ask whether Mr. Sherman favors such a measure? now. The quéstion, however, might arise whether we shonl¢ acquire a portion of Mexivo or Cuba; but the ques- a agement ctemane om may not fore long period of time. Mr. Pryor, the filtby lar and libeller of Virginia, made no remark. Mr. Ranxspair—The gentleman from Towa is not a fit eae of the republican party, (Laughter. ) hea none gg enn not to read me out of the republican party. . (Laughter. ) oe a filthy Har and libeller of Virginia, said not & word. MroBarxspair—Let Mr. Lovejoy speak. Let bim be put on the stand, or Mr. Dawes, or Mr, Hutchins, or Mr. Gooch. I will take Mr. Tappan: let bim speak for the re- publican party. Some say select Mr, Hickman, but he can't speak for any party. Scarred and biietered as be is, could not strike him. The republicans do not intend to vote for the acquistion of any more slave territory. They can clect you (to Mr. Corwin) Speaker but they re- fare to do it, and you are hostile enough to slavery ta ali conecience. (Laughter.) .In the course of his remarks he said he would resist the inauguration of @ republican President, The South kuow what their rights are under the constitution, and arg yesolyed at all Bazards, apd to a | No free govern the last extremity, to defend them. In case of » diasohi- fen the South would have nothing to fear, and would Pave the sy mpatby of the world because they would beu the sight. Mr. Coxwiw humorously said bis object was to mov that the Houte proceed to a ballot. ‘They. hud done ‘suck ihings before with, he admitted, very inte success. Lf ever the House was organized it must be by voting. | (laughter) If the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Barkeeale) who bad advocated secession in the event of the election of arepudlican President ¥heuld be lected Speaker, be (Mr Corwin) promised to stay in the Union. (lavghter ) “This farce which bas been acting here for feven weeks, very much to the amusement of tha members themselves, abd sometimes to the disturb- ance of the temper of geutiomen, bad began to be in the: minds of the people rather # serous matter. Every gen~ Meman should therefore couscientiously begin to thine what he enali do, He was reminded by a friend the. otber day that there was something in the election of @ Speaker more than they supposed, namely, that in a cers laine vent the Speaker might become President He cons fesced he was puzzied by the suggestion. [6. might be so, but he did not think that this should be incorporated into their thoughts as one of the contingen- cies. It was not probable that either the President or Vice President would be amiable enough to die that tha Speaker might succeed to their place. (Langhter.) Ha did not know, however, what Providence bas io store for us, He did not know why the Helper book ehould be driven into their line of thought. It @bight be the product of the liberty of the press, which is called in clarsic language the “palladium of our liberties.’? Dt in modern times has existed without. a free press. So we must be couteut to lake the freedont of the prets as we have it, with all its abuses, as well ag the blessings which ow from its use, He thought tha exeitem cut growing Out of the consequences of that book basi been greatly overrated. He knew it bad been said that the book shows tbe disposition of the North to. interfere with the South, How? Was not it written by a man who was raised in North Caroliag Where he resided till be came North? Whois to blame if we trace back effect to cause? Tt was said Mr. Soward had mace certain speeches, the effect of which was with the Heiper the invasion of Virginia by twenty: threa men headed by Join Brown. But, he repeated, if Nerte Carolina had not buoyed up this man, Helper, we never should have bad the Helper book. Northera wim had written such a book, and if he had, is it possivla that apy institution of the South with such an enlightened constituency could be overthrown by it. If gentlemen met bere on the fitih of December, all interested in some joimt stock company with a capital of tam millions and ‘they could pot proceed Wo business wutil they Bad appoint- ed @ chairman, did apy oue think slavery would have eptered into their deliberations at all? The question would have been, Where is the dividend? Show us that! Show us the books! This is our business! Now thea, let gou~ tiemen, consider how to beg. Suppose they go about the busiwess which interceted them ail. Let them adaia~ ister the rich Dequeathed by their fathers. He sid hot despair of setting such an example of bappiness as cha Hof the world might evjoy. Tbe politica) blessings wa enjoy are not to be weighsd in the balance with the Speaker ship. History would not allow thetn to be dec:ived while it. Was said that Mr. Seward was tbe devil who leads the hosts of rebels, he bad never utvered a sentiment more offenrive to the House thun had Jefferson, the apos- tle of human liberty, It wus known that Washingtom himselt always said he wished, if possible, w abolist elavery throughout the United States. "He bumor- ously” alluded to the Bible arguments which hat’ been produced on the question of slavery, say- ing, “Don't let us dissolve the Union on @ diferevt interpretation of thet book.’” What they derived from it was that the « xiating institutions shoal@ be obeyed by all good citizens, and that was the aavice of the Aposties. Their religion did pot overtarn govern- ments, bot searched into the wicked deeds of men. Un- less we uphold the laws we have anarchy—houce the republicab doctrine is that they should be obeyed. He asserted this with a full “sense of his Tresponst- bihty, but not as Major Gepeal, or even as a corporal of thet party. He ‘humorously spoke of Noah aud had three sons, and proceeded to prove: ‘that as Ham, the father of the Africans, was the brother ‘vf Shem, who is our original progevitor, so the white man ts really the cousin of the negro, So it wouid be seam there ure some curious reflections. We sbould-look abt the biack man as he is, apd the while mau as he is. Ho we are the happiest people in ail the- maintained 1bi tide of time. There are thirty muiiions of” us, who, having uo foreign foe to disturb us, improperly become excited among ourselves. Up to 1862 the democrats ae well as the republicans were im favor of exerupg Congressional power to keep slavery out. of the Territories. He proceeded to show that the patriots. of 1787, im disposing of the Virgivia Northwest cession, provided for five States in which there should be ueither slavery nor involuntary Fervitule, except for crime. @ republicans are acting precisely as did the men of those times. If the latter believed Wat Slavery was 2 di- vine ipstitution they would have passed tha’ ordinance, They were jayimg the foundation of a great empire, aak therefore ay ane the great work in all its They, unlike the politicians of the presentday, acted and epoke with gincerity. Suppoge other territory ae acquired Dy the common blood and treasure, the perth Tan say they would exclude slavery from that as our revoiutionay ry jathers did from the Northwest, and were they thers to be told that they were subverting the institutions of the country by following a patriotic example? He believed if there were a few enc men here the Honse wontt be organized in one day, following the example of those old gentlemen. Let any one prove to him that their fathers were wrong im their legislation on this subject. He referred w tha acquitition of Loufsiava and Florida. He did not say it was the policy of our fathers to disturb the property in the MOTy as it existed when it was acquired, dat slavery was permitted to remain where it existed, aud. where it did not exist they probibited it. His remarke werefor the most part inaudible in the reporters’ gallery, bat the above is betieved to embraca Lis principal potwts. Roger A. Pryor, the Mthy War and Ubeller of Virginia, made no epeech to-day. . Adjourned, Winter Garden=Lesbia. Amarked change in the bills of this theatre} attracte? last evening, & very humerous, fashionable and critical audience. The play was a trapslation by Matilda Herom of a five act drama, “Les Noces Venetiennes,” writen by Victor Sejour, tor the Porte Saint Martin theatre, Parie, and produced there about five years ago. Miss Heron's play, which she calls “Lesbia,” is one of those dramatic Productions peculiar to the Boulevart theatre. Io all theea plays, the moral and tbe dialogue is subjective to the thrilling effects in the acting and the scenery. The plots are always intricate and over loaded with incident, and the play deals with the passions rather than the affuc- tions. Victor Hugo is the high priest of this echool, but he differs from Sejour in the important respect that he (Hugo) gives to his plays ® degree of artistic beauty and literary vigor altogether above the capacity of Sejour. Thus, “Angelo” is a fine piece of art, while “Les Noces Venetionnes’’is nothing. more than the work of a back dramatist, and is only © ver in a coarse, cheap, theatrical way. Itis only in thig light that the play can be critically considered. Tho emi- nent actress who stands sponsor for this piece in its Eag~ lish dress has evidenily selected it as aifording an excel= lent opportunity for the dieplay of ber undeniable talent: in portraying the character of that much abused ciazs of young women who “love not wisely, but too well,” aad aiwaye get into five acts of difficulty about their weak- nese's. In the play onder review Lesbia (Miss Heron) ia a Venetian, who” becomes the mistress Galieno (Mr. George Jordan), 8 young nobleman who bas distinguished himself in’ the service of the State. He is the grandson of Marino Faliera and undertakes to indicate the name of his ances@®r againet Orceola (Mr. J. W. Wailuck, Jr.) The influence of the Intter with the Council of Ten proves tho neon fot Galieno, who is outlawed and takes up the trade of a ban~ in the mountains. Here Viola (Mrs. Ailen), the grand~ daughter of Orceola, is taken prisoner, is protected by Spalatro (Mr. G. Jamison) and is finally rescaed by 8a- hepo. An attachment springs up between Viola and Galiena, It is resisted by Orceola, and the jovers are about to commit suicide by poison when Orceola relents, gives bie consent to the marriage of Viola with the descendant of bis ancient enemy, aud dice of a broken beart. Lesbia, after a terrible conflict be tween ber devotion to Galieno and her jealousy of his new love, voluntarily exiles herself to a convent. chief points of interest in the play are the ecenes portraying the combat between revenge and paternal affection in the heart of Orceoia, and the battle roya! between love aud revenge in the breast of Lerbia. It be a matter of serious consideration whether or not in this play so muckt ‘time is jort ip batening to platitudes before an effective Scene 18 arrived at, as to make the drama heavy and slow to a general andience. Such was our from the firet performance, Miss Heron bas some Tul ecenes, culmination of the third act is ¢: ly effective, and was artistically aud admirably perform- ed, leron’s performance throughout merits very . Mies bi aice, Mr. Wallack’s eave piece of careliee toibtig and i feberes Tal reson obtue heeaa of the artist. Mr. George Jordan's gallant , fue appearance. bearing, pee batons — eS ee manner, his position as the jeune prem American Mrs. Allen and Mr. Jamison acted e: eit. the which ig. 3. main fanit about the new piece is in its exceeding conven- tiovaiiem and high pressare melo-dramatic tone, w » not palatable to a refined metropolitan audience—an audi« ence which is et serious about anything, and which: ts morbid sentimentality about anything. play was exceedingly el) goiten up in the way of Reenery, costume, kc. mountain pass, in the secon® net, Was one of the most picturesque stage views we ever” remember to have witnessed in this country. The play was, on the whole, received with favor, and may have @. goed run, The Octoroom in the Bowery. The ‘‘Octoroon,’’ originally introduced to the public ag the Winter Garden, sold on tho auction biock, dismome dered by newspaper correspondents, and litigated in the courts, Was presented la-t night im the Bowory to t#q very entbusiastic if not discriminating audionces. The Old Bowery management put tho picoe on the etag@ from the manuscript in the possession of Mr. Bourcicanit, and the New Bowery from that which Mr, Stuart claims right and title to, with the addition of the scenery, machi- nery, Ceear , &c., which accompanied the ta tion at the Winter Garden. Both houses were crowdeg to excess; not less, probably. than five thousand theatres ene of that section of the city having witnessed the pers formance last night. Essentially a gensation plece, the “Octoreon”’ seemed to have fuililied its mission fully om this occasion; for if it was not recsived with the intense curicsity and interest which marked its presentation im Broadway, it certainly wae welcomed in tne Bowery with itecif in mingled, (the upper pai @ house and the pit. supplying. the former Ingredient, and the boxes the Inte ter) in a fashion that left no doubt as to the kind of im- ression it made on the audiences. The picce was yory ly played at both theatres; the mise en scéne at tha eas + ghee Aree baying the advantage of that of ‘its rive .