The New York Herald Newspaper, May 3, 1859, Page 2

2 NEWS FROM EUROPE. One Day Later by the North Briton at Quebec. Another Peace Article in the Moniteur. THE WAR QUESTION THROUGHOUT EUROPE. Assent of Sardinia to the Principle of Disarmament. The Final Proposition of England to Austria. THE DEBATE JN THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT. FALL IN THE FUNDS. ADVANCE IN BREADSTUFFS AND PROVISIONS, Kee Roe, Ree We have advices from Europe to the 20th ult. ‘The latest news was brought by the North Briton, which arrived at Quebec on Sunday. Additionally te the full accounts published in yesterday's ‘Mravp, we give a continuation of the debate in the British Parliament, and eopions extracts from | the European press, showing the public feeling of Barope on the Italian question. * THE WAE QUESTION. eae MORE OF THE DEBATE IN THE BRITISH | PARLIAMENT. SPERCH OF MR, DUNCOMDR. | ‘Mr, T. Ducomnx saxi that two montos ago the state of aly was brought under the consideration of the House, and they were then tid that France and Austria were about to | evacuate . Thenoble lord (J. Russell) congratulates | the House and the country om the The House, however, was gagged om that occasion, and now things were coming fo a crisis. It was quite time they should come to a cris's, for the state of Italy was a dis. | © contineotal Europe. Ge wanted © know what | | state was for Italy from the speech of the right | Ronorable gentleman. They were told that there was to | be a Congress. rdinia claimed a place in that Co.gress, ‘und why cid sne claim 1? The rignt honorable gentle- wan had not told them those reagous, aud he gaid toat if ‘hat House, speaking on the part of the people of Eng- | Jand did no} say tha; Sardinia was entitled to a place in the Copgrees it would digappoin; the people of this coua- | ty. (Hear, hear.) In a letter to the British government Gount Cavour not long ago gave teasons for wishing thas _ Bardipia should be represented in the Oongress:— | But the Cabinet of Turin believes at th eame time that Pied- ‘mont ought to be represented at this Congress, and it te per- ita intervention would be useful, not to ssy indie. .if the Powers which show u proved sympathy for ‘and those which desire to obviate the danger of the abnor- ‘state of the Peninsula think shut they ean reader prevalent m more conformable to justice by obtalning convessions guarantees of nature to culm the public ind Sardinia ‘emjoys the confidence of the unhappy populations whose fate is mbout 10 be decided. (Bear, bear.) “Sardinia epjoys the confidence of the unhappy popula- tons whose fate is about to be decided,” and yet the five Powers, in the exercise of a tyrannical act, said that 1a should not appear to plead the cause of Italy be- Gore the Congress. (Hear, hear.) The British government, hho said, would disgrace itseif unless it insisted on Sar- | @inis having @ seat, and Sardinia was quite right not fo disarm unless she had a seat in the Coogress. Yor the five great Powers to make her disarm and mot give her a reat would be the greatest act 9f oppression and tyranny which bad ever beea com- mitted. (Hear, hear.) He did not kuow what view the noble lord the member for the city took of it, but the view which he had stated was certainly consistent with former expressions of the noble lord. (Hear.) ‘The state of Italy was a diegrace to civilized Europe. He believed that nothing short of the independence and unity @f Italy would before long satisfy Italy. (fear, hear.) Austria was the curse of [taly. She nad been vo for w Jong time; and uf wus believed that the British government were playing ino the hands of Austria, They must get Pid of Austria altogether from Itaty before they could so- ‘eure the peace of italy. They might stave itoifby ths ; they might exclude Sardinia; but they jd never promote peace and happiness in so jong 22 Austria dare set foot in Italy. (Hear, near.) Evgiand could do mucn. She meed not go to war. She need only use her moral influence and gay to Austria, “The manner in which you have governed and do govern the Italian people isa dis- grace to you. Give them # constitution if it your de- m wrémain, bus it is much better fur you to ‘withdraw altogether, and leave the Italian people to settle Meir own differences.” (Hear, hear.) He believed it ‘would be wise to give that advice, but if the government ‘went on in the haif-und-half way they were doing war was Mmevitable, aud that would be the consequence of tho policy ‘which the government was pursuing. (Hear, hear.) He did not think that the noble lord the member for Tiverton had spoken out ia the manner which the people of this eountty would expect be should on this occasion. He hheped to hear the nobie lord the member for the city of London say something on this eubject. (Hear, hear.) He had not intended to rise at ine moment when he did, but he shovid have been sorry to see the discussion Close without raising his voice and expressing his opinion in liberal policy taan her Majesty's d to pursne towards the unhap- r8.) government seemed inc PY peogle of Italy. (C SPRECH OF MR. GLAD Mr. Giapstoxx gaid—I cannot a8 1am afraid the ev ened the field of this ciecussion. (Loud cheers. complained of the remarks made by the nob! eount the member for Tiverton, but, so far as it appears Yo me, the great merit of those: remarks lies in the gedu- Jous avoidance of whatever could tend to irrelevant, and | fm the strict adherence to the immediate, matter in debate. rs.) 1am sure the bonorable member for Finsbury good will towards the suffering people of Italy @annot be Coubted) can hardly be of opinion that he con- twibutes to a eatis‘actory solution of the existing. difficul- | ties, by urging in this House upon the government that | mo remedy cap be effectual short of the expulsion of Austria from Italy, and a great alteration in the treaties of 1815— (near, bear) —and going one step further and Complaining that the policy of her Majesty’e government is | net adapted to promote the general interests of Europe or | ‘the maintenance of peace. (Hear, hear.) With respect to the policy of ber Majesty’s government, it is certaialy | the very last thing I should think it wise to do—to assume that that policy has taken a wrong direction until I am mware thai such isthe case. (Cheers.) I should think I ‘was injuring the very cause I might desire to serve by complaining and adopting a tone of accusation. ((eear, hear.) Butido venture to make one remark on the ex- eseions which fell from the right honorable gentleman, Chance'lor of the Exchequer. I know well that he speaks, as all speak on a question of this kind, under difficulty, and feeling the necessity of self-restraint. But there were two observations which the right honora- ‘ble genticman made, with regard to which I am unwil- Hing to put a construction whicn I confess they appear to bie. Tis wud te aware (aah oven very lignt words weed by bim on an occasion of this kind will be rigidly sonstrued, and consirued by the respective parties in the | gense which they severally wish to affix to them. Jn one of his specch the right honorable gentleman stated | the conduct of Austria throughout these complications had been marked, if I heard aright, by a tone and spirit of | Gignified conciliation. In another part of his speech the ‘presented ie atch sere anborramstayy per. Sasol many things were rrassing, per- | gars, and amlaguous. I must say that if we are to the temper of the two governments from the rigid eonstruction of those expreesions, and putting on them, Sener, a stronger sense than they themselves wear, we may inclined to come to one of two conclusions— ‘bat there is unknown much meritorious conduct ‘en @® part of Austria, and much queetionable conduct = part of Sardinia, or else that the spirit of her jesty’s government is’ not one of entire partiality. , hear.) 1 do not adopt that conclusion, and there- am sure my right honorable friend wili excuse my his attention to what seems to me the natural bear- what he uttered. Iam bound to say, so far as the of the case are known to the public, I can see g to justify the drawing euch a distinction. (Hear.) Chancellor of the Exchequer has given us an instance the conduct of the Cabinet of Vienna, which, if it ia a imen of that conduct, hardly appears to me to justify lescription of dignified conciliation, because he says the proposal of the Cabinet of Vienna that, while Powers of Europe met in Congress, in which Con. nia was not to havea place; France and England to insist that Sardinia, and Eardiite alone, as a condi: tion anterior to the meeting of that Congress, should pro- ved to disarm. (Cheers.) I can only say that I gee no dig- ified conciliation in making such a proposition, and I must further say, that the withdrawing such a propesition was merely a concession to the obvious demands of decency, ery, and egy (Cheers.) On the other , With regard to conduct of Sardinia, it is ‘mot easy to find in the statement of the right honora- Dble gentieman any su for the somewhat ac. ‘Susatory expression which he has used, because he has told us nothing excepting that Sardinia has demanded | either a piace in the Congrees or else to be exempted from the condition of diearming. As respects the ques- of a place in the Congress for Sardinia, I fully grant it is a question surrounded with the gravest and most He ft $ PEE HI 4 He FF evils which afilict the Ttalian peninguia probalility of this event. | because no peace could be substantial or permaacnt great European powers of the contending Powers. He hoped, therefore, that our interference in this matter would caution would be exercised to avoid giving any pretence for the supposition that England inclined one way or the other with regard to the increase of the moral influence of France or the diminution of the moral influence of Aus- trie. 1 will prove, should have | country bad to do was to bring before the statesmen of Enrope the jact that the condition of Italy was one of vig- | great peril to the public peace, and that a commotion in a Bingle town might at once remove the question from tne | desire on a difficulties. She bas much to urge, as has been ‘by my nobie friend opporite (Lord Palmerston), for purpose of showing why she should be admit ; but, on the gather band, one cannot deny that if | ig to occupy itself, as seems likely to be the cas: the internal affairs of other States of Italy, you poner p eee bgraipnincey and inequitable as | cts them if you were to grant to Sardinia w place which, they are not entitled to take. (Tiear, hea) Ij frankly own that 1 do uot see any objection to the alter. spre mative proposed by the noble viscount. Granted that tue difficulties to conceding a place in the Congress to Sardinia be too reat. But if Sardinia is not to have a place in ‘the Congress, then why is it neccesary to call on her to di arm? Mig hear.) It is not altogether a question of Stract right. It is not merely a question whether you will enforce this disarming on Sardinis. ‘The questions are — Will there be any r to the peace of Europe Mf Sardinia docs not disarm fore the Congress meew, is it to be supposed that any danger to that pence can from her and unsupported action? That isa which rs to me scarcely to require an an- . Is i@ Dot Ww be supposed that apy man intrusteg iit NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, MAY 3, 1859.—TRIPLE SHEET. Sn apd “f free eonn espesially a: de sup) 1d Saat any man holding tne ef the. Powers of Sardinia, would for one moment wore on the eve of br 3 ‘called er to determine the grost conditions of the ‘wish or would dare wo attempt apy measure thatoouk nibly interfere with the continuance of peace, (Hear, hear.) po lenges gap > sree bade rrp -digarming, and isnot tbe prolongation and con! ef the Sfesent shute of things “in iteelf suontied noe only with immense cost not, only with great evils and with eas to the mind of Europe, but with the ble risk? Is it not, too, likely, in the condi- ¥ mee tee stand, almost iene rifle shot one another, that some accident may happen—some pure casualty having no relation to the policy or inten- tion of any Power concerned, which may have the effect of lighting up the conflagration, which, once lighted up, cannot be extinguished? (Hear, hear.) If thig be so, I humbly urge it on the government as a strong reason why they uld not allow themselves to be kept back from the commencement of the negotiations by apy difficulty of ‘a formal or ceremonial character, but should, en the con- trary, accelerate to the best of ther power the com- mencement of these discuesions, from which alone, as far as we can see, there is an ex ‘tion of any ge- neral settlement likely to lead to permanent maip- tenance of peace. There was another puasage in the speech of the right honorable gent!eman the Chancellor of the Exchequer with reapect to which I should, if he bad not himself slroaty used the epithet with respect to Sardinia, have said it was ambiguous, or, at least, capable of @ construction which I do not think the righé honorable gentieman wished to be puton it. The right honorable gentleman said—and these two things were Stated in connection with one avother—that the port of was pot an Italian port, but belonged to the Ger- man Confederation; and, secondly, that if this war should commence, and if it should extend beyond the bounds of Italy, there were material and substantial interests which im that case might have the effect of making England a party to it. (Some cries of “No.”) I do not know whether I represent inaccurately the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but certainly there appeared to me to be a connection between the two things as they stood in the right honorable gentieman’s speech—frst of all, thas Trieste was not an Italian port, and, secondly, that if the war went beyond the borders of Italy, then the question might assume & new aspect for England. | am far (rom putting on what bas fallen from the right honor- able gentleman any construction which would imply that the government were about rashiy and hastily, under avy circumstances, to involve this country in participa. tion In such a war. There may be many difficuities, aud the colution of the Italian difficulties ig, I fear, not to be attained by apy one measure which may be said to be easily within the reach gven of a congress. The people of | Evgiand are, without ‘doubt, greatly impeded by the nature of the obstacles with respect to any wish or ex- pectations they may have formed in regard to the future; Dut there are two circumstances in respect to which the mind of the nation is perfectly clear: first, Uiat the peace of Europe may be maintained; and, secondly, if peace is maintained, that it may be maintained by arrangements wnich shall have some tendency toa mitigation of the (bear, hear), i which, resting on the deliberations and decisions of the joes not affirm and effect some- \hing in the interests of suffering humanity, (Cheers. ) SPRECH OF MR. CONINGHAM. Mr. Conrycuam did not think oat the observations of the honorable member for Finsbury were justly obvoxious to the cenaure of the right honorable gentleman the mem- ber for the University of Oxford. Those obzervations Were in accordance with the sentiments of the English people, who had seen with the deepest coneern the fright- ful misgovernment which prevailed in the Italian peatn- gula, and which was created and prolonged by the diroct interposition snd copstant pressure of Austria. (Hear, bear.) He did not think that the explanation of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was 80 satisfactory ag that right honorable gentleman seemed to as- | sume it to be, for it only came to this--that Austria | and Frenoe bad agreed, not to a virtual disarming, but to make that the first point of discussion in the ap- proaching Congress. If the Chancellor of the Exchequer bad been able tosay that owing to the diplomatic interfo- rence of the British government Austria be evacoate the Italian provinces, and that | congented to evacuate Rome, and that the ment and the various dynasties of Italy wer their accounts with their own populations, ¢ would then bave been some ground for satisfaction. a. nation given that night led him t& the conclusion tu war was only temporarily postponed He, could pot allow the digcussion to close without declaring how warmly the Engiish people eyropathise with the sufferings of Italy. SPEPCH OF MR, MONCKTON MILNES, Mr. Mixyes thought that in this case disarmament—the luere diminution of the material force of armies—was not what was required, but the withdrawal of the armics from the localities in which they were stationed. That ‘withdrawal would, he believed, eifectall the objects which were proposed to be attained by a general disarmament, It ceemed to him that there was no necessity that the Em- peror of Austria should diminish his army, but merely that he should withdraw from the Lombardo. Venctian provinces the large body of troops he had assembled there. The question of disarmament with regard tw Sar- dinia was tota)ly different. The army of Sardinia con- sisted of an aggregate not only of the national troops, but of yoluntecrs assembled from all parts of aly? who were animated by strong political fervor and excitement, and the very proposai for its digarmament would in all probability oocasion one of those popular commotions which, at the present Moment, it was most desirable w avoid. The Con- grees, to be of uny service, must proceed upon a sincere desire on the part of the great Powers of Europe to ame- lioral (Hear, hear.) Without that the Congrese wonld oniy load. fo delay, and our interference in that Congress could be nothing but a source of danger to this couotry, without any probability whatever of effecting any pracileal good. ‘The part Kngiand might take in the coming struggle, if she had to take apy partutall, was at present a0 undecided that her position with regard to the owner Powers was most difficult and perplexing, and he had heard with dismay the apnoupcement that she was the mediator betwoen two powerful European monarchice, because he knew weil from the study of history, that when a government attempted to mediate between two great States it was very aifficult to bring the mediation to a closo without some serious rupture between the mediator and one present be’ confined within the very narrowest limits, and that the utmost It seemed to him that all the government of this hande of diplomatists and bring it nto the arena of abso- Jute war. He believed that the diesatisfaction which existed in the north of Italy had not arisen from any part of Austria to oppress the Italion people, but was attributable to an un- fortunate political system which concentrated all the different nationalities of Austria in one homogencous body, ‘Thus it was that from the first moment of the Austrian occupation of Italy, a spirit of Italian nationality bad beea fostered, which, up to that time, had hardly any exist- ence; and the question which the Congress would have to decide was, how far the spirit of independence among the Italians might justly be gratified. He believed that the best commencement of any measure of that kind would be in some degree the condition of the Italian people, | & realization on the part of the Austrians of the totally un- national character of the present government of Lombar- dy and Venice. If an attempt were made to govern the Lombaréo Venetian provinces of the Austrian empire as they were governed by the French under the dynasty of the First Napoleon—namely, by the employment of Italians in public offices and by the presence of an Ttahap army—be did not say that sucha project would suoceed—he did not say tha: things might uot have gone too far; be did pot say that at the present moment it would be possible to retain the Austrian rule; but for the future the Augirian government would, atallevenis, be able to eay to ity that they had done what it would bave been well to have done before—that they had at- tempted to govern the Italians as an independent people ought to be governed, and not in that spirit of crue! con- quest which had for 'so many years obtained. (Hear, bear.) That was allwe hada rightto suggest to the Court of Vienna with regard to the government of Lom- barby and Venice. Having been partics to the treaty of Vienna, we bad no right to enforce any more than this; for it should be remembered that in 1815 the English government were the most urgent in pressing upon Austria the annexation of Lombardy and Venice. The British Commissioner to the North of Italy at that time informed bim (Mr. M. Minels) that the late Emperor of Austria said to him, *‘I positively refuse to take one inch of ground beyond the Alps. You might just as well e to restore to us the Low countries, which, thank God, bave gone away from us altogether. Iam con- vinced that the possession of these Italian provinces will be nothing but a source of trouble and expense to us; that it will exhaust our resources, and that we shall never, by our mode of government, be able to maintain Lombardy and Venice a8 @ prosperous portion of the Austrian em. pire.” If this wise policy had been adhered to, and if some arrangement had been made by which these provin. ces had been rendered Italian, the great disaster which now threatened Europe might have been avoided; at the but. present rhoment, he thought no English statesman should attempt to ignore Italian nationality—a feeling the gradual and steady growth of which in peninsula proved it to be most true and sincere. It was not now a qvestion of dynasties or particular forms of government— there was noubing radical or revolutionary to be appre- bended; bot it was a question in which, perhaps, the no- bles were more interested than the people, and the wealthy were more interested than the poor. Unlees, therefore, this feeling was recognized and it was under: stood that the Congres could do no unless it regu- lated and organized that feeling, he believed that tho de- \iberations of the five Powers, aided even by Sardinia, would be totally useless, With regard to the admission of Sardinia, he felt bound to say that without it the people of Italy would look upon the pony as a set of strangers meeting together to diepose of their lives and property, or—what was still dearer to them—of their nationality and their liberties. In guch a case they would not in any de- gree submit to the decision arrived at, unless forced to do eo. The object of the Oongreas should be to contrive gome means by which Italy should no longer be enbmitted to the rigime of force, but ehonld be enabled so to develope its national resources and its na- tional feeling a3 to be for the future a security to the peace of Europe, instead of, as beretofore, the source of mult, of discontent and of discord, (Cheers.) SPERCH OF GENERAL THOMPSON, General Tnomrson asked whether there was any fear that Sardinia would attack anybody. It wan just as though the persous inside @ portchaise should be called upon to deliver up their weapons by those outside. Onght Austria or Sardinia in reason be asked to disarm? The relative porition of the two Powers showed the extreme impro- priety of a the weaker to do so. He thought it most upreagonable that a Power #0 deeply interested in this question a8 Sardiania should be refused admission to the Congress. Nothing apalogour to such a proposi- Vion could be found in municipal law, or in the relations between individuals; and that whieh was repugnant to Justioe in the case of individuals could not be right im the care of nations. It was by public consent that peace be Maintained between nations. War would never be post- ae eran a cultivating the nateral dis. poritions of maa! wi were as protiinent im nations os in individuals, hension had fol boreal I), the ce igh cred ag to ave’t tho }. Russell), P we imminent risk of war. Let this danger which me.aced Europe be frst got rid of, and then we might endeavor of Italy, No such imp-ove- ment could be effected, as the noble lord had obger md, by the ravages of war or of the oollision of th re great military monarchies, and yet he thought the effect pens gent Bek the naan eed FH . a that, whereas Austria and Franco had agreed upon a general disarmament, Sardinia, up to the present time, had positively refused to entertain any such propo- sition. The Chancellor of the Exobequer had expressed the hope that the Marquis d’Axeglio was the bearer of some favorable propoeai on the point; bat almost every speaker that evening had been urging ‘that Sardinia should be allowed to maintain ite menacing position to- wards Austria, while the rf Power and France should doth disarm? This.seemed to him just as unreasonable as the proposition made earlier in the negotiations by Aus- tria that Sardinia alone sbould disarm. That Sardinia, which bad, ster all, been the mos} aggressive in ite atti- tude, should be allowed to continue in that attitude, secmed a one-idea argument, and if it encouraged the Marquis d’Azegiio in such @ policy, this would be @ sure mode of destroy’ the last chance of peace for. Bu- rope. The noble lord, the member for Tiverton, ae the question on an issue which was not very » ing to Sardinia when he implied that its insignifi- cance as a military Power ought to protect it against any proposal to disarm. This, overs: was holding the military power of Sardinia rather too cheaply. The next member (Mr. M. Mines) had stated that Yarge portion of the Piedmontese arny was composed of volunwers from all parts of Italy—men animated to the highest tical fervor. Surely an army of this kind, not at ail contemptible numerically, and formidable as the political fervor hich animated it, was now a danger to Austria and the peace of Europe. If at the instigation of geome ungquiet epirite Sardinia should be plunged into an European war, the result would be, not the triumph of Italy, nor the progress or improvement of that or any other country, but a repetition of all the horrors by which the Continent bad, at no distant period, been deso- Jated. He trusted, therefore, her Majesty’s government would use their best exertions to impress upon Sardinia the great truth, taat the legitimate hopes of the rational and moderate friends of liberty ip that country were con- nected with the prospects of peace, and would only be destroyed by the dread calamity of war. (Hear, hear.) SPRECH OF SIR H. VERNRY. Sir H. Verwry thought the demand which had been made by Austria on Piedmont to disarm was but too well calculated to produce a hostile feeling in the case of the latter. It must not be forgotten that Piedmont was, as it were, the mouthpiece of all those Italian States in which Avsiria bas been exercising for years an influence most in- Jurious to the progress of liberty. He might also be al- jowed to observe that in his opinion Italy could gain nothing by yielding to the pretensions of France, because to delay would be but to change one foreign domination for another, and te add that he sincerely hoped the Con- gress might be successful in establishing peace in Italy. (Hear, bear.) SPEECH OF SIR 1. WILLOUGHBYs Sir _H. Witovcuey said, that of the Congress to as- semble four Powers would be represented in it—Pruseia, Ruesia, France and England—which took the greatest in- terest In the constitutional little kingdom of Piedmont, and which would strive to uphold ber rights, but that the first hostile cannon which was fired in it would be fol- lowed by the devastation of her territory, the ruin of ber finances and her army. ‘The papers were then ordered to lie on the table. OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. {From the London Times, April 19.] * * * * * * * Lord Malmesbury’s history of the negotiations, de- livered as it was with @ hesitation that marked how conscious the speaker feit of the perilous importance of an accurate choice of terms in 20 imminent a crisis, adds little to our previous knowledge, and enables us to amend nothing in the expositions of’ this Italian question which we have already put forth, The information that the prin- ciple of disarmament bad been admitted by all the parties to the Congress, bat that the details of precedence and of the procces of effecting it are now the hopeless obstacles to any further progress, had aiso some time since ceased to be a State eecret. Lord Mulmesbury’s statement was only what @ coronation is w an accession—a solemn. recognition of a widely known fact. One novelty indeed there was, and that was one of which we would willingly have remained ignorant. It appears that when Austria bad made it a condition to her consent to go into Congrees that Sardinia should first disarm, Lord Malmes- bury, struck by the manifest unreagonableness of ench 9 condition, bad diseountenanced the pretension, and had offered, in exchange, to protect the integrity of Sardinia against Austria by all the forces of England. France had acceded to this expedient, and, if the proposition had taken eflect, England and France would now be bound inan alhance tor the protection of Sardinia against Austria, Happily that sturdy and pugnacious little State objected to be thus mediatized, and the ill judged suggestion of Lord Malmesbury ‘fell without ‘effect, It is only worthy of being now noted because Lord Malmesbury has himeclf made mention of it in his speech, and because this fortuitous escape from a fatal enianglement shows how dangerous is the potie upon which our fortunes hang, and how necetsary it is to keep continual watch lest our rulers shoud involve us in these continental A very reagouable view of this question of dis- jy Lord Palmerston in the Com. fed out the absurdity of impistiug that itted tw the Copgress, should dis- arm before a mov to which she was in effect no party; and Jord U:9ndon undoubtedly touched the prac- tical Key of the Sardinian position when he said that acy attempt to disarm while the rest of Europe remained in an attitude of hostility would coet Victor Emmanuel bis crown, An ingenious dramatist has invented a position in which every ove of bis characters has bis weapon £0 that no one can draw back without a certainty of being at least wounded, and the only escape from the position 18 @ simultaneous casting downof all thelr swords and daggers upon a summopne im the Queen’s name. This dispute about the precedence of disarmament almost realizes, in eober and most graye fact, the jest of the comic dramauist. Austria, armed to the teeth, and eepa- rated from France, also armed to the teeth, by Sardinia, requires, as the first prelude to negotiating with France, ‘that Sardinia should disarm herself. The demand was in iteelf an avowal of bad fatth. It was a most over- bearmmg requisition upon an inaependent State ex- cluded from the negotiations, and it was in effect a request to France to demolish her outworks and reduce her forces before she began to enter into a ne- gotiation that might end either in peace or war. It was cogently remarked by Lord Clarendon that Austria, when she put forward a pretension so utterly inadmissible, could ‘not have meant to inwo Congress, or must have been secking,pretences for delay, France was evidently no Jess hollow than Austria in her professions of a desire to go into a Congrees where nothing is to be decided as a courve of action, where the only force to be used is moral suasion, and where the topice which are most exciting to the population standing outside the doors of the Congress are mort sedulourly excluded from the consideration of the agrembied Powers. Whatever minor differences of opinion may be evoked by future discussions, the explanations of iast night show that all parties in’ England are st least agreed to take their stand upon the treaties of 1815, and to require of Austria to keep strictly within the limits of those treaties. Some attempts have been very recently made to defend even those treaties by which Austria claims & power of intervention to putdown any coretitutional innovation or any popular movement in apy Italian State ; and some writers who claim to speak in the name ofa liberal party, would convince us that Austria is a more merciful hits it than @ native Italian, It bas been plausibly eaid that at the prosent time the most odious and tyrannical governments of Italy ure not foreign, but Itaban governments. We have been told that the Papacy, in iteelf a model of misrule, and uniting all that is at once bateful and contemptible in a decrepit despotism, is esgentially Italian. We have been reminded that the execrable cruelties which tried the fortitude of Poerio and hig brethren in_ captivity were the. deeds of Italtans on their fellow.countrymen and that no goveruoment which has ever existed south the Alps has found any want of Italians to be the instru. ments of miegovernmant and oppression. This, however, is Duta reproduction of the common places that have in all ages been uted by the apologiets of des} The same things were said of Poland and of ern Greece, and of many other peoples among whom a sentiment of nationality survives the existence of the nation. Even in Ireland, in_ those times atmoet within our own recollec- tion, when England was go ill-advised ag to treat Irishmen as @ subject race, there was a homely proverb constantly repeated jn that island, that ‘if England wanted to roatt an Iriebman there would always be @ second Irishman ready to turn the spit.” Among every subject people some degenerate natives will be found ready t do the work of the foreign master. In the palmiest days of Grecian freedom there couid always be found gome ambitious tyrant to lean up- on the power of a neighboring State or to call in the force of the great neighboring empire. But it is @ ¢ruel mock- ery to attribute w the Italian peop the crimes of their oppressors, and to cite in favor of foreign dominion the tyrannies committed by the puppets and creatares of the foreigner. What the conditions of Italian princes are we yesterday showed wien deseriping the treaties by which they are bound. What are Modens and Parma, Tascany and Naples, but little satrapies of the groat German Power? What are their rulers but petty tyrants, who work their will within their small dominions released from those per- foal fears which bind the sovereign to moderation even in absolute monarchies? * * pi bg If the circumstances of this debate offer slender hopes of a peaceful adjustment, and if the ministers spoke with true foreboding of the result of the proposal to Sardinia, which, as the telegraph has just informed us, has been re- jected, our despair is by no means occasioned by the gravity of the matters in difference, The danger is not in the avowed grievances, but in the unavowed It is in the incongrus of the declared objects of France and Russia, when viewed in relation to the posi- tion of the Powers who put forward those objects, that the Giflicuity hes, It is in vain to attempt to clear away diffi- culties ina path in which the halting traveller has no desire to proceed. Lord Clarendon put the point epi- grammatically, ‘but justly, when he aid that «one despotis Power bag proposed to another despotic Power that by meane of » Cougress a third despotic Power shall pave the way for liberal institutions in Italy.’’ There can be no sincerity in such a course as this, The parties to such a compact cannot be sincerely tending towards the object they avow. It in this conviction which creates the very general despair of the preservation of peace, and which prompted those earnest appeals which ministers last night addreesed from their places in Parliament to the Powers now £0 wantonly Provoking thie terrible war of principles and of pastions. Verbape, however, the sentences which fall most unexpectedly and most unweloome upon the public mind are thowe in the of Lord Derby, wherein our Minister offers 80 little hope that we shail bo able to preserve ourselves from being drawn into this crazy tormoil of war. Lord Derby gives vs no indietinct intimation thas, if war is on00 lit op, England, if her destinies remain in his hands, must pnes through short sharp stages, firet into a ntate of armed neutrality, and thence into the condition of a belligerent Power; and we sre shown the glorious but unpleasing prospect that we shall soon take our on that side, whatever it may be, “which the honor, the interests, and quarrels. armament was \ mone, when he ¥ Berdinia, not fuil, neighbor. In that foolish speech Lord Derby has done hig best to involve us in a war wih France, He has done all but promise Austria that, in this war, under certain con- tingencies, she shall see British forces fight on her side, Thatis an undertaking which the of this country will never suffer him to redeem. We tell the Earl of Derby that his one which he weuld not have is dared 10 make in the House of Commons, or in any other sateen er ihe epirit of the nation is understood and eeent 'e may Dow see why, in the hands of Lord Derby and his colleagues, the Intiuenoe of England has hitherto failed ie due effect. Oar government have been in and purpose Austrian. Lord Malmes- Dury was 60 eager, last night, to discover a bond of union between Austria and this conntry, that he forgot his scheol learning, and declared that the people of that Sclave em- pire belonged, like us, to the Tentonic race—the fact being, that of the 40,000,000 composing its population not 8,000,000 are Germans. ‘Our sym 5 the Austrian peopies)—the fact being that those peoples, shut out from all part in the Austrian state system except that of taxpayers, are uterly unkown to us except when, as in 1848, they rise on all hands against the most degrad: ing and degraded government in Europe, The same noble Kari quite needlessly enlarged upon the sacred ness of the treaties by which the honse of Hapz burg holds its Taian possessions... It is suilicient to say that the Fwperor Francis Joeeph rules in Lombardy and Venice by right of treaties to make bis title inviolable in the eyes of every Englishman. Tell us not that the Aus. ‘tian government is ove of the most oppreevive tyrannics ‘hat ever afllicted humanity; say nothing of Spielverg, or ofthe horrors of the dungeons of Verona, Mantua or Pesth; do pot urge that in Lombardy and Venice men are torn away from their homes on mere suspicion and exe- cuted in cold blood—if Austria has a treaty rigat to do these things, it is enough; wo inquire no further. The people of culcation of the faith of treaties. In Oude we once made @ little slip, detbroning a tyrant who oppressed his own people, aud was a gource of danger to his neighbors; but every one feels that the precedent is one not suited to Europe. We believe that since the question arose, four months ago, not a single line has been written in our bewspapers or a single voice been raised at our meetings in fuvor of going te war to deprive the Emperor of Austria ofthe power of doing as be kes in Lombardy and Venice. Lord Malmesbury may enlarge as much az he pleases on this favorite “immortal truth’? of the faith of treaties; but let him not profaneiy assimi. Jate the right by which her Majesty rules in any part of tbe United Kingdom with that by which the Emperor Franeis Joseph holds Lombardy. When Lord Matmes- bury declares that “ he knows no other right than that of conquest and treaty. by which the Queen holds the crown of Scotland, he doubtless talks correctly in the language of the Chanceries, but he does gross injustice to bis royal mistress. This may be orthodox High Dutch doctrine, but we make him a present of more English eentiments from the raemorandum of Count Cavour:— There is no government legitimate but that which the people aovepts, if not with gratitude, at least with resignation,”” But the sympathies and predilections which Lord Malmesbury simply betrayed, the Earl of Derby pro- claimed. He attacked the King of Sardinia for the part he had taken in ‘stepping out of the legi Umate course of watching over the prosperity of bis own dominions,’ and for declaring that he could not be indifferent to the “cry of anguish” which .| proceeded from the other States of Italy. This is the measure which is meted out to constitutional Piedmoat. Compare it with that which the Premier uses towards Austria. There areother ‘cries of anguish’’ than those ‘of peoples. Smilar cries proceeded a few years ago from the petty rulers of Italy, with whom their people were not unjastly reckoning. ’To those cries against the people Aurtria responded with alacrity, aud the special treaties with Tuscany, Modena and Parma were the consequence. Under these treaties the independence of the several smaller States was signed away without the consent of the people, and a right was given to Austria to march in and out as it might suit ber. And what does the tory Premier say of them? He justifies them, and says “they were not beyond what sbe (Austria) bad a legal right to enter into.” Proceeding further, he was kind enough to acmit that if Pieamont had been willing not to inter fere with the obligations In which Austria is o»und, ie, with her obligations to repress any popular movement in Tuscany or other States, then Austria would not have taken Piedmont to be acting an un- friendly part im entering into a treaty with Fraace to secure herself from attack. Austria, Sclavonic and deepotic, is to have an Italian policy ;'and Piedmont, which bas even within these few weeks received signal testimonies of the confidence of the Italian people, is to have none! This ia the kind of justice which Lord Derby would doin Italy. The meddling of Austria to prevent the growth of popular institutions south of the Po is neces- sary and Jegit mate—a consequence and a protection of her pesition in Italy ; but the attempt of the King of Sar- Ginia to resist and destroy the moral blockade establisbed against constitutionaliam is 90 much wanton aggression | ‘Wo bave seen enough of the spirit in which Lord Derby hee set about this Italian business. He comprehends only to hate the forces which are at work in the Pe:insula. Having no faith in his countrymen at home, he naturally does not trust the people abroad. Lord Palmerston, epeak, ing from unsurpassed acquaintance with European affairs, wisely and nobly remarked in the Commons that the popu- lations of Italy are now tranquil and deliberative, in- disposed to acts of violence, and fit to be left to them- selves without the control of Austria, In this respect the noble ex-Premier is entirely in accord with Lord John Ruseell. The fact is that Count Cavour, so energetically accnsed by Lord Derby, has done inestimab'e service to the cause of regulated liberty by connecting the hopes of Italy with monarchical order. fe hear of no revolution- ary and anarchical attempts now. The attitude of all Italy is one of confidence in its cause and its noble representa- tives, Had Lord Derby been a statesman wise to discern and generous to sympathize with the necessities of that country, he might, by a dieplay of firmness, have helped Europe to avert the greatest difficulty it had encountered since the fall of Napoleon. He has proved that he does not poesees the qualities demanded in an English statesman at the present juncture; and in the very act of depriving his Queen of the assistance and support of the Grand Council of the nation, he indulges in the weak and violent language of chagrin and objurgation. THE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS, The Indépendance elge of Sunday, April 17, in its “Political Keview ,” ventures to point out the exact state of the negotiatious so atsiduonsiy pursued by the five great Powers on the subject of the Congress. Before en- tering upon this task, our Belgian contemporary refers to “statements put forth by the fore'gn press, and especially by the London papers; for those Parisian journals which, afew days ago, were discussing in the most animat tore the questions relating to the Congress, are now almost silent reepecting them.” The Indé; takes note especially of the agsertion that the cabinet of the Tuileries refuses to support the demand on Piedmont, and, for her own part, bas replied that France, having made no extraordinary armaments, cannot be called upon to disarm. “It is true,” says the éj , “that our letters from Paris convey intelligence of a totally op- posite nature, according to which it would seem that, Aus- tria having demanded within a given time an answer to the question of disarmament, France has made great con- Ceesions, and the meeting of the Congress is decidedly to take place at the period already indicated.”” The /ndépendance then Is t& announce that, ac cording to information received from Paris that day, Fiance bas just notified to England that she accepts the general and simultaneous disarming as the first question Ww be submitted to the Congress, and that she will under- take that no attack shall be made by Piedmont sgainst Austria for three months. In return the Court of the Tu- ileries requires that Piedmont and the other Italian States ‘be 2dmitted into the Congress on the same footing as the five great Powers, The "le adds:— We believe we can state that the telegraph has already conveyed to Paris — from London and Berlin but little favorable as a whole to these propositions. England, as we have eaid before, wishes France to join her in re- Pledmont that she disarms without muit to see the Cabinet ing its policy from hat of Pronce, and Yn to Austria, at least to maintain an . Meanwhile the military continue unceasingly in France, and eparations if peace ind the result of the negotiations, the Imperial Cabinet will at apy rate have ar them the double advantage of aggravating the difficulties of its adversaries and finishing its own armaments, THE FEELING IN AUSTRIA. [From the Vienna Austrian Gazette, April 13.) It depends upon France alone to preserve peace in Eu- rope—the whole world is now aware of thatfuct. If there be journals which coptinue to speak of the bellicose ardor of Austria, every one will know, even though belonging to the German press, that they must be pertiaious. Aus. tria acts frankly and openly; her evemies hide their game, and have recourse to misrepresentation and tricks to flat” ter the passions of certain parties and conciliate certain coteries, The three notes of the Moniticur haye hai no other effect than to confuse the ideas of the public, and bavs said everything except what we wish to know. The Moniteur endeavors to soothe Germany, Wut it has never de- ee a te ook Chee es ee whilst it bas deait out phrases which might be interpreted in the sense of war as well os in that of peace; warlike preparations have continued, and they show what object is really aimed at. Count de Cayour bas been more frank than the French government, The Sardinian Minister has at least declared what Pied- mont wishes. But in order to expel the Austrians from Italy great force would be required; and tet us hope that even the support on which Count de Cavour relies will not be strong enough to break the arm which maintains the fing and the rights of Austria, It cannot be denied that Austria has cone all that an independent State can do to preserve penoc. She bas gone w the extreme limit of what is porsible and honorable. To have taken a step more would have been to abdicate. She has accepted the four points proposed by England as the programme of the Congress, and in eo doing has given an example of mode. ravon and condescension which is anexampled in history, {From the Ost Dentache Post, of Vienna, April 13.) * * * France wisher to seduce Prussia by promising to put her at the head of tho petty tates of Germany, and. then to attack Austria when isolated. But when once Austria was crushed the turn of the petty States would come, for those States would be oppressed by Prussia, and Fraaco could not turn a deaf ear to their cry of distress. All the notes of the Montteur addressed to Germany prove that great anxiety is felt at Paris as to what Germany will sa and do. Let us derive a good lesson from that, let us a ways do the contrary of what is desired at Paris. France wishes to dismite the German States; let them Urercfore draw the bonds of their union clover. at ts show that we area i i i] i Hd : Hy fl in i ge H i shee tii §. FE i F3 Ff EEE 2 E F i i many, as in Italy, uires that the natiovalit nized by treaticn. Ball bo taintained and consolidated © On the one hand, we do not know tbe ‘ that, Instead of tations can be given, more precige been ued. But on the whole there is nothing, in the preceding declarations and in those which follow, that can lead to the belief that there extst complications which are not ca- pable of being solved by diplomatic arrangements. GERMAN PREPARATIONS FOR WAR _ t is whispered that 200,000 Prussian soldiers will soon be collected in the Rbenish provinces, and that Aus- trian bas offered to the Prince Regent of Prussia the su- command of the federal army. A distinguished offl- cer told a London Vienna correspondent that he had in one of my recent letters greatly underrated the force which Austria, Prussia and Germany couid, on an emergency, bring into the field, * Austria,” said be, “can keep €60,000. men on foot, Prussia 400,000, and the other Ger- man States about 200,000 men. If we suppose that 250,000 men are in gurrigon, depot, and hospital, Louis Napoleon will still have to cope with a million of well- armed men, whose fathers proved to the first Emperor of tbe French that they could fight well im good cause. THE RUSSO-FRENCH ALLIANCE AND THE CZAR’S INFLUENCE IN EUROPE. + [From the St, Petersburg Vaidomostee, April 5.] * . * .* * * . The Congress (Peace) originally proposed by Russia was at once patent France, which country indeed imme- diately signified her assent without waiting for the reply of the other Powers. This is the history of the affair, con- firmed by the evidence of subsequent etucidations. All claeses of the popalation in France, and the politically interested world in general, were deeply Impremod with the importance of the endeavors volunteered by Russia in the cause of peace. The news of Rxssian intervention was received with confidence and satisfaction, the greatest value being everywhere set on the activity of the Cabinet of St. Petersburg. Could any doubt have existed as to this being reatly the cage, it would have been dissolved by a recent announcement in the Moni/ewr. In this article the Emperor Napoleon, through the instromentality of his official paper, entrusts his honor to the Emperor ef all the Russias. And that great ani generous nation, 80 proud ‘apd so touchy in matters of honor, France, whose self. esteem is 80 intimately connected with that of her Em- peror, both shares and confirms the confidence placed in us. No better pledge of alliance can be imagined between two nations and Sovereigns than this, and Russia’s con- duct in this affair is deserving of the highest praise, and hus gained-it Statesmen, whose very words are weighty, Dut whove laudatious are of paramount worth, have been no less sparing in their commendations of the behavior of Russia. Apart from all other considerations this even! shows the solidity of the Russo- French alliance, and tie amicable cha- racter of this intimate relation between the two Powers. This league bas nothing to do with the ambitious designs of other contracting parties, inciting each other to acts of aggreskion, and becoming more and more iodifferent to each other, a8 the necegsary congequence of nearer ap- quaiptance. This is a league entirely dissimilar to those of former times coucluded for the mere purpose of war and conquest; this is a league based on the fandamental principles of right, disinterestedness, and justice; this is ‘A league, in short, of a character exclusively adapted to the civil'zation and progress of our time. Russia was the first to invest this league with ite distinguishing charac- teristic of an alliance for promoting pacificatory arposes— poses afterwards accepted by the whole of Europe. Rusia, by this act, bas deserved well of all the friends of civilization and the defenders of humanity. Yea, in chronicling this deed, the historian of our age will be jostitied in exclaiming with the words of a writer oom- ‘monly accused of flattering the Empress Catharine Il:— “+ Crest du Nord aujourdhut que nous vient la luimiére.”” PREPARATIONS OF THE REVOLUTIONISTS. The Cologne Gazette publishes a document which it do- scribes as the ‘secret instructions of the National Italien Society ,”’ dated Turin, 1st March, 1859, and signed G, Ga- ribaldi, Vice President, and G. Farin, Secretary. Arti- cles 1 and 2 of this document are thus conceived :— 1. As soon as hostilities shall have commenced between Piedmopt and Austria you will rive in insurrection to the cry of “Italy and Victor Emmanuel forever !’’ “Down with the Augtrians !’” 2. If an insurrection be not possible in your town, the young men capable of bearing arms must leave it, and must go to the nearest in which an insurrection may have succeeded or may bave the chance of succeeding. Choose in preference the towns situated in the vicinity of Pied- mont. Art. 3 recommends the adherents of the society not to be the first to fire on the Hungarian or Italian soldiers, but on the contrary to employ all means to win them over i the oe cause, to receive as brethren thove who may jegert, &c. Art, 9 states that a permanent court martial will be es- tablished to judge within twenty-four hours persons guilty of acts of hostility to the national cause, or against the life and property of peaceable citizens. It says also:—The secretary will not permit the estab- lishment of clubs or of political journals, but will pablish #n official bulletin recording all important facts. He will aintain the most severe discipline in the militia, and will*be without pity to deserters. Reformation Unions in Great Britain and the United States, ni In London on the 13th of February, an interesting exbi- dition was opened at Willis’ Rooms, King street, St. James’, consisting of useful and ornamental articles manu- factured in the reformatories, re! and industrial schools of Great Britain and freland, The doors were opened at twelve o'clock, and were soon crowded with a very fashionable company. The Duke of Argyll was amongst the visiters, and he very minutely inspected the muititarious objects which the exhibition contained, ‘with a number of others of the nobility whose names we are unabie to obtain. From the annual report, which was circulated in the room, it appeared that the institution was in a very cheer- ing condition. It stated that the committee continued wo be actively occupied in precuring admission into certified institutions of children commitied by the metropolitan magistrates and others. The resuit ig, that twenty-eight boys and five girls have been received into certified re. formatories on the recommendation of the Unioa, and one boy hes been sent to an industrial school certified under the act 20 and 21 Vic., c. 48. The committce have also been the means of obtaining admis- sion tor pineteen boys and eighteen girls into various uncertified institutions, ne total of 71 children provided for during the year. The committee take this opportunity of mentioning that they would be glad toreceive from the managers of institutions early intimation of vacancies they may wish filled, and their terms. ‘The committee also stated that the expectations held out by them in former reports, of estabilshing a Refor- matory Schoo! Ship in the Thames, have at length been fulfillea, The Cornwall frigate had been granted by the Admiralty, was now being fitted, and would be ready in Aprilfor the reception and (rows lew sailors, of such. boys of the vagrant or criminal cl as are fitted by their love of adventure and their more active tempera- ment for the risks and hardships of a seaman’s life, but are excluded by the regulations of the Marine Society. ‘They would come chiefly from London and the south of England, but suitable cases would also be eligible, under certain regulations, from reformatories and refuges throughout the kingdom. Lord Rapstock said he bad [justreturned from the other side of the water, and he could assare the meeting that this work was very warmly taken up by their brethren in the United States. The noble lord then gave a number of statistics as to tho sucoees of the reformatory movement in New York, Boston, Pennsylvania, Phi'sdelphia, Chi- cago and other towns in the United States, where the work of reformation was im the most satis- factory manner ; and although in some places there were separate schools for the white and colored children—a distinction not agreeable to the feelings of Englishmen— yet he was happy to find that the success with which they bad been attended was equaily creditable to the colored ua well as the white children. ‘The company then proceeded to inspect the exhibition ; and on their return to the room, The Earl of Cartistz said he had been called upon by their poble chairman to address them; and although he had that honor, yet it had not been very distinctly con- veyed to him upon what part he was to speak, and conso- quently he did not doubt that he was surrounded by per- song to whom they had listened with attention, for they had beard Lord stock, who had described to them what their transatlantic kinemen had done in their re- formatory institutions, and they had listenod to the ad- dress of the Lord Bishop of the diocese in so discreet and quiet a tone, but with so highan aim, that it exalted him in the station which he 80 worthily filled. There was a passage in the report which had struck his attention, and to which be wished to refer. It said:—A member of the committee visited Canada during the Meghna ae the purpose of making persoual inquiries into the condition of emigrants of this class already set- tied in that colony. The result of his investiga. tion was generally favorable, and he obtained promises of co-operation from the government py hy on agents in various towns. Now that extract gave him especial pleasure, as it was 80 promising. A wide field was opened for labor for the reclaimed youths, and the fact of one of their own officers going to Canada showed that they had on the committee men whose hearta were sot on the welfare of this institution. He wished now to quote the case of the very first boy who was reocived into the Castle Howard Reformatory, as a gencral illustration of the working of this system. He was the son of very parents, and he was employed in a cotton mill at Fran, and while 80 employed the overseer noticed the very great delicacy of his touch, and after working hours he retained him to give him lessons. La what did they think that be gave him lessons? Why, in picking pockets, He used vo intercept the Vtyeslandins were from the steamboats and pick thetr pockets, and at ether timos he purened bis vocation at the of churehes; and be- fore be was detected he had eMfepted Marecneies be the amewat, ex In Soviety, (St. Petersburg (March 31) fap the Having been able to give you ‘he a cial nobility. committoas by of an interesting ae proven a wi aD wo cate” the. closing addresses ‘delivered’ at one “of foes committees which have already finished thei On the 4th of pewrem, tha Goverece of the proving dismisaing the members o » addressed them to the followin fect:— ‘eMost Honorable Members—The hopes of both go ment and nobility have been zeposed Hoel Ahi difficult task was appointed for your solution. You had to devise measures for the preservation of the welfare, at a time when the mutual relations betwe prietors and peasants are required to be altered. You now finished your important work witb entire success, Tam convinced, gentlemen, your friendly end fer the public good will bé answered tude, not ouly of your noble brethren, but of the p try also—thst peasantry whose future Prosperity you Pre to Sry) Most honored gentlemen—in a is peasaniry a greater their tis ik he ata Ng bility of raising themselves by the fruit of their oun + to the rank of landed rs im their own i It the peasantry are capable of ap] the gr: intentions of the Czar and the condescension of the no! they wil! acquire not wy house and garden, but + land to boot. When again at home, most honored men, you with just pride may say:—In passing oar lutions we have actuated by consider reagon and common sense, but no motives of perso terest were allowed to influence our decigions.”” If = hence you perceive friendly relations catablf tween the nobility and peasantry, you, with a sq feeling of satisfaction, may consider such a state ef as the fruit of your own labors. Dui the 1 term of your seven months’ discussion, I have on one single cooagion, had to remind you of you some of the Provin ties. You have fuifilied them spontaneously and proachably. One great end, the public good, and great motive, your own conscience, have been the gu Stars of your discussions. I consider myself hap being allowed an opportunity of expressing this. me, your Excellencies the President of the no! province and the coadjutor of the President, to my heartfelt thanks for your kindly conducting th bates. And you, gentlemen, constituting the leading mittee of the nobility, accept my acknowledgment fo untiring sympathy constantly evinced during the o of the debates. I may say you have performed yoar, ag it becomes true noblemen. No personal advan have directed your determinations; the advantage ¢| penne and your own interests have not been reg yy you as separate and contradictory that all houorable members of this assembl; with me in acknowledging the diligence shown by the com drawing up of your report. wo you tbat they bave labored day and night, hat the result of their inccesant applia equals the steadiness with which they have pursued path. We are now about to separate, but shall sgatn on the event of your report being sanctioned b; Majesty. Allow me, then, to add once more, geu how much it has rejoiced ’me to sce you consider selves as 80 many members of one truly noble f who, though occasionally differing in opinion, are as never severed from each other by egotistical prinal Farewell, gentiemen. This laudatory address was answered by speeches a number of other gentlemen. One of them, being ut to discover any more fitting mode of giving vent enthusiasm, must needs declaim some verses of manufacture, expressly got up for the occasion. sorry to bave been unsuecessful in my endeavors td cure a copy of the rhapsody—all the more remarkab! doubt, from its being the laborious prodagt of an tural gentleman usually interred ina sort of Russian woodism. From the various discuurses voli e reply to the Governor, I gelect for translation that o Monsieur Leesogub, who sball at once speak for him Our work is finished; the fruit of our labors has surrendered to the judgment of our Lrg tego thoge who follow us. We shall be happy if found the acknowledgement of either; bappler still, if, basis of our resolutions, the welfare of our native oc shall be established. Notwithstanding occasions! rences of opinion, we have all this time co-operated | most amicable manver. Guided by mutual esteen have felt convinced that good and disinterested n alone have actuated the hearts of each and all. Mord once my Own propositions have been rejected by the| mittee. Thongh self love might receive a wound respected the decisione of the committee, knowing difficult a subject could only be purified from err mistake by passing through the orveal of freeand (ve: cussion. We all acknowledge that the means and way vised by us. may be erroneous; bat no one doubts th aim is a true, grand and rf one—the ha; fatherland. We have worked ina friendly manner like the members of one family. Only yesterdoy, a8 w mony of our mutual gooawill, we exchanged “ar p and autographs. Never bas a thought entered my sou any of the members present could carry ‘ome with feeling of enmity or dissatisfaction. this ever the case, J at once should have said u@uyself, in the of our aneestors, “Whoever carries hence a feeling d mity in his heart, this feeling shal! be disgraceful toh Our relations, however, are peaceful and amicable. impressions left on our minds by this debate will be: able ones, and the remembrance /of the days spent ther will for ever linger in our souls, as forming a b spot in the history of our parflives.’ One more dut} mains. Like true laborers in the vineyard, the me! “selected from amongst us, for the parpose of digestix atranging the report of our discussions, have devoted days and nighte to the work. It is to their incessant we owe the completeness, clearness and accuracy servable throughout sn é of our decisions. in token of our being able te appreciate their solemnly and publicly declare the sentiments of th cerest and deepest gratitude which we feel for theq propoee a cheer for the most honorable members com: The Proposed New Tariff of The following, with regard to the intended alter: the Canadian tariff, is from the weekly circular of Joseph Travers & Sons, of London:— From Canada it is stated that large orders for Ea and Dutch refined sugars have been sent to our m This is in consequence of a committee of the Legisiature having recommended the imposition of valorem duty on sugar of 80 to 40 per cent, accordin quality, to take effect in June next. effort, fore, will be made to get full supplies before that tim ad valorem duty is also recommended on tea and coff 16 per cent. The details of the measure are very imperff ‘stated, and according to some paragraphs in the New [scampi their Canadian correspondents, it seer were chiefly to meet a temporary yy, the tion being that the eugar duty ebould be lowered to 1 cent, and the tea and coffee duty to 6 per cent, One of the principal difficulties in ite way will be cility of smuggling, tea an indication of the disposition on the other side tic to follow the example of England in loool revenue capabilities of these articles. Under their p deficienoy of income the United States governmen said to be seriously contemplating a resort to an means, and if the idea is not carried ont, it will prot be in consequence of the efforts of the protectionist 1 to substitute an augmentation of the duties on iron other materials of comestic manufacture, in do An Elopement from Havre for New Yo the Arrested. A communication from Havre says:— A curious affair has just occurred here. On S April 16, 8 lady and two gentlemen alighted at a and took tickets for their to New York, on ¥ the Mercury. On the samo aay, while the party preveriog to visit the town, a tel ‘ic rom Amiens, directing the landlord of the hotel to the three persons in question arrested, and to stop tH one chests which they were about to take with thd New York. The landiord instantly replied by teie that it wag no business of his to arrest people, and| the police, and not he, were the party to whom such missions should be given. The iady and her comp je an to be present when the despatch arrived, buf vertheless, took their walk; on their return, however,| paid their bill in a hurry, and took up their quarts lodging house in the Rue de la Communauté. Mean another despatch arriv police, and the awakened at midnight from their slumber by the of a party of sergeants de ville, who did not retire they had, unsuccessfully of course, searched of the house. Itsoems that at length information obtained of the new abode of the fugitives, ana it is that the lady was discovered in such an undress th doubt could entertained of her intimacy with o ber companions. It has since tranepyred that the member in an eminent Amieng firm in the wine had fallen in love with the wife of his partner, and tconded with the lion’s share of the profits of the ooa ‘The third personage was merely a clerk who had le paespert to his former employer. Miscellaneous Foreign Items. A petition addressed to the Ministers Plenipotenti the five great Powers, and very numerously sign cirenlating at Florence and Livourne. The petitioner accopting the Congress, express their unanimous op that the legitimate grievances of the Italians deser' dress, They demand that there be wrved in Ital other fortresace than are recognized as indispensall the defence of the national goil; and that the o tative institu laws and the lil tho press, be granted to the Malian Biates. The Paris Patrie of the 19%a ultimo remarks:—The tion of disarming proposed by Austria, is a question the, the first, ought 10 resolve. When. abe shall ha called hor aray from Italy, Piedmont cannot, Dut the example which shall have boon gtvea 10 ber armament can as — engagement earn we elisve that ai