The New York Herald Newspaper, June 3, 1856, Page 3

NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, JUNE 3, 1856. where, beyond Senator has not hesitated to ap- purgator. as I proceed to show the way in which Territory was overrun and tinally subjugated to ery, I deaire to remove in advance all question regard to the authority on which [rely. The is secondary; but it is the best which, in nature of the case, can be had, and it ia not less direct and peremptory, than any by which we of the campaigns in the Crimea or the pl aree eg Tn its manifold mags I confi- ‘assert that it issuch a body of evidence as the aman mind is i, Be bey ra It is fon ie the veoncurring reports of the public press; in the le’ ters of commeepondenta; in the testimony of travel- +ders; and in the unaffected story to which | have lis- from leading citizen«, who, during this winter, shave “ come flocking” here from that distant Terri- ory. breaks forth in the irrepressible outcry, Teaching from Kansas, in truthful tones, which ‘leaves no ground of mistake. It uddresses us in for- mal complaints, instinct with the indignation of a jhe peespeeste.FEge ul ! eld eek i PS Ss ‘People d to be free, and unimpeachable as the declarations of 1 smurdered man on his dying ‘bed against his murderer. I with an admission from the Presi- -dent himeelf, in whose sight the people of ‘Kansas have little favor. And yet, after inging the innocent emigrants from ‘the North, he was ‘constrained to declare that their conduct was ‘' far from justifying the illegal and reprehensible counter- movement which en-wed.” Then, by the reluctan admission of the chief magistrate, there wasa coun- ermovement at once illegal and reprehensible. I thenk thee, President, for teaching me these words; and I now put them in the front of this exposition as in themselves a confession. Sir, this ‘illegal ‘and ensible counter-movement” is none other than ‘the dreadful crime—under an «pologetic alias—b»y which, through successive invasions, slavery has ween forcibly planted in this Territory. Next.to this Presidential admission must be placed ‘the details of the invasions, whish I now present as ‘not.only “ illegal and ceprehenstinen but also un- questionable evidence of the resulting crime. The violence, for some time threatened, broke ‘forth on the 29th November, 1854, at the first elec- ‘tion ofa delegate to Congress, when companies from Missouri, amounting to upwards of oue thousand, vorogeed into , and, with force and arms, pro- ceeded to vote for Mr. Whitfield, the candidate of slavery. An eye witness, General Pomeroy, of supe- rior intelligence and perfect integrity, thus descril acene:— ‘The fist ballet box that was opened upon onr virgin ‘soil was closed to us by cverpowering nutabders and im- pending force. So oold and reck esa were our invaders, it they cared nui to conceal their attack. ‘hey came us not in the guise of voters tos eal awsy our fran- ise, but boldiy and openly to snatch it with hand. They came dires1ly frum their own hom in compact and organizes banda, with arms io hard and pro for the expectticn, marched to our polis, and ‘when their work was done retcrred whence they came. Here was an outrage at which the coolest blood of tpatriotism boils. Though, for various reasons un- mecesaary to develop, the busy settlers allowed the election to uncontested, still the means em- pl ed were none the less ‘illegal and reprehen- This infliction was a tate prelude to the i Fane invasion of the 30th March, 1865, at the elec- -tion of the first Territorial Legislature under the or- ganic law, when an armed multitude from Missouri entered the Territory, in larger numbers than Gen. Taylor commanded at Buena Vista, or than Gen. Jackson had within his lines at New Orleans—larger ‘Zar than our fathers rallied ou Bunker Hill, Outhey ‘game as an “army with banners,” organized in com- panies, with officers, awunitions, tents and provisions, as though marching upon a foreign fue, and breath- ‘mg loud-mouthed threats that they would ER stheir Purpose, if need be, by the howie knife ‘and revolver. Aone. them, according to his -own confession, was David R, Atchison, belted with the vulgar arms of his vulgar comrades. Arrived at their several destinations on the night before the election, the invaders pete their tents, their sentries, and waited for tne coming day. same trastworthy eye witness whom I have quoted, says, of one lovality:— Baggege wagons were there, with arma and ammuni- ‘ion snough for a protracted figa', acd emoog them two ‘brass field pieces, ready charged. They cawe withdrums beating and flying. ana their leaders were of the most prominent end coospicuou; men of their State. Of another locality, he says:— The invaders came t: geiher iu on: ody, with trains of fifty wagons, -the nigh: befo:e election, pitan vicinity of the polls; and ‘having sop’ _juegesin place of those who, from in imidation or other- “wise failed to attend, tacy vo.ed without any proof of bere With this force they were able, on the succeeding -day, in some places, to intiwidate the judges of elec- ‘sions; in others to substitute judges of their own ap- pointment; in others, to wrest the ballot boxes from ‘their rightful possessors, and everywhere to exer- -cise a complete control of the election, and thus, py ‘@ preternatural audacity of usurpation, impose a Legislature upon the free people of Kansas. Thus was conquered the Sebastopol of that Territory. But it was not enough to secure the Loegisla- ‘ture. The election ot a ‘member of Congress recurred on the 2d October, 1455, and the same foreigners, who had learned their strength, she 5 ted it. Another invasion, in controlling aumbers, came from Missouri, and once more forci- 4ly exerci ied the electoral franchise ia Kansas. At last, in the latter days of November, 1855, a -@torm, long Late TH burst upon the heads of the devoted people. The ballot boxes hud been violated, and a Legislature installed, which had proceeded to out the conspiracy of the invaders; but the al pecs of the Territory, born to freedom, and as American citizens, showed no sigus of submission. Slavery, though Rat here by preten- ed law, was in many places practically an outlaw. ‘forthe lawless borderers, this was hard to bear; and, “ike the heathen of old, they raged, particularly against the town of Lawrence, already known, by firmness of its principles and the character of its citizens, asthe citadel of the good cause. On this account they threatened, in their peculiar lan- guage, to ‘wipe it out.” Soon the hostile power vas red for this purpose. The wickedness of ‘this invasion was enhanced by the way in which it “began. A citizen of Kansas, by the name of Dow, -qraa murdered by one of the partisans of slavery, un- der the name of “law and order.” Such an outrage -neturally aroused indignation and provoked -threata. The professors of “law and order’ callowed the murderer to escape; and still further to illustrate the ironry of the name they a , seized the friend of the murdered man, whose few neighbors goon rallied for his rescue. * This transaction, though totally disregarded in its chief front of wickedness, became the excuse of anprecedented excitement. The weak Governor, with no faculty higher than servility to slavery— whom the President, in his official delinquency, rh the Preside in his official deli had appointed toa trust worthy only of a weil-ba- lanced character—was frightened from his proprie- ty. By. net he invoked the Territory. By otele ‘he invoked the President The Territory < would not respond to his senseless ee The President was dumb; but the pro:lamation was cir- culated throughout the border counties of Missou- ri; snd Platte, Clay, Carlisle, Sabine, Howard and - Jefferson, each of them, contributed a volunteer ~ company, recruited from the road sides, and armed with weapons which chance afforded—known as the shot gun militia”—with a Missouri officer as com- missary general, dispeusing rations,and another Slis- » gourioilicer as general-in chief; with two wagon ivads « of rifles,belonging to Missouri, drawn by six mules, from its arsenal at Jefferson city; with seven pieces of cannon, belonging to the United Z 8, its arsenal at Liberty; ond this formidable force, amounting to at least 1,809 men, terrible with threats, with oaths, and with whiskey, « croased-the borders, and encamped in the larger part at Wackarusa, over against the doomed town of Lawrence, which was now threatened with destruc- tion. With these invaders was the Governor, who by this act levied war upon the people he was sent to protect. In camp with him was the original ~Catiline of the conspiracy, while py his side was the docile Chief Justice and the docile Jndges. But tnis is not the firat instance in whivh an unjust Governor has found tools where he ought to have found jus- tice. In the great impeachmeat of Warren Hastings, ~the British orator, by whom ft was conducted, ex- « claims, in words strictly applicable to the misdeed I - tow airaign:—‘Had he not the Chiet Justice, the tame and domesticated Chief Justice, who waited on Aim like a familiar spirit?” Thus was the invasion «countenanced by those who should have stood in the * breach heaee it. For more than a week it con “tinued, while deadly conflict seemed imminent. I do not dweli on the heroism by which it wasencoun- tered, or the mean retreat to which it waa compelled; for that is not necessary to exhibit the crime which you are tojudge. But I cannot forbear to add other additional teatures, furnished in tne letter of a cler- agyman, written at the time, who saw and was a part -f what he describes: — Our ctiizens have been shot at, and in two instances murdered, our houses invaded, bay ricks burnt, corn and other piovtsions plundered, cattle oriven off, ali commu. nication cutoff bet us and the Ststen, wa, onthe way to ua with pro etopped and pinucered, and the drivers taken prisoners, and we in hourly »xvectation of an attack. Neeriy every man bas bern in arnis in the village. Fortifications have been ‘hrown uo, by inces. sant labor night and day. Toe sound of the drum and the tramp of armed men rerounded throvrn our streets, Camiiies fleeing with their hous+h old goods, for sa’oty, Day before yesterday, the report ot cancon was heard at our house from the cirecticn of Lecompton, Last Thuva. day, one of our neighbors—-one of the most poxveurie and excellent of men, from Obic—on his a: 18, WAS wot upon by & of twelve men on borseback, aud -dows, Over “he: huonred men are g red uncer “at Lawrence, Asyot, co aot of violence has been por No blood 0° retaliation end are ready to act purely lives. , the end But the is not yet complete. On the 16th assembled to vote on for adoption—only the treaty of peace between th? Governor on the one side and the town of Lawrence on the otber—another irruption was made into this unhappy Territory. But I leave all this untold. of these details has been given. Five several times ang more have these invaders entered Kansas in armed array, and thus five times and more have they trampled upon the orgauic law of the Territory. But these extraordinary expedi- tions are simply the Pen aig witnesses to suc cessive upinterrupted violence. They stand out con- spicuous, but not alone. The spirit of evil, in which they had their origin, was wakeful and incessant. From the beginning it hung upon the skirts of this interesting pepeliorys harrowing its peace, disturbing ita prosperity, and keeping its inhabitanta under the painful alarms of war. Thus was all security of per- son, of property, and of labor overthrown; and when I urge this incontrovertible fact, I set forth a wrong, which is small only by the side of the giant wrong, for the copsummation of which all this was done. Sir, what is man—what is government-— F without security; in the absence of which, nor man ‘ nor government can proceed in developement or en- joy the fruits of existence? Without security, civi- lization is cramped and dwarfed. Without security there can be no true freedom. Nor shall [say too much when | declare that security, guarded, of course, by its offspring. freedom. is the true end and aim of government. Of this indispensable boon the people of Kansas have thus far been cele ab: rolutely, totally. All this is aggravated by the na- ture of their pursuits, rendering them peculiarly sensitive to the interruption, and at the saine time attesting their innocence. They are for the most art engaged in the cultivation of the soil, which m time immemorial has been the sweet em- loyment of undisturbed industry. Contented In the returns of bounteous uature and the shade of his own trees, the husbandman is not aggressive ; accustomed to produce, and not to destroy, he is essentially peaceful uuless his home is invaded, when his arm derives vigor from the soil he treads, and his soul inspiration rom the heavens beneath whose canopy he daily walks. And such are the people of Kansas, whose secarity has been overthrown. Scenes from which civilization avorts her countenance have been a part of their daily life. The border incursions, which in barba- rous ages or barbarous lands have fretted and “‘har- ried” an exposed people, have been here renewed, with this peculiarity, that our border robbers do not simply levy black mail and drive off a few cattle, like those Who acted under the inspiration of the Douglas of other days; that they do not seize a few Remans and sweep them away into captivity, like he African slave traders whom we brand as pirates, but that they commit a succession of acta in which all border sorrows and all African wrongs are re- vived together on American soil, and which for the time bei ng annuls all protection of all kinds and enslaves the whole Territory. Private griets mingle their polgancy. with pob- lic wron, I do not dwell on the anxieties which families have undergone, exposed to sudden assault, and obliged to lie down to rest with the alarms of war ringing in their ears, not knowing that another day might be spared to them. Throughout this bit- ter winter, with the thermometer at 30 degrees be- low zero, the citizens of Lawrence have been con- strained to sleep under arma, with sentinels treading their constanigwatch against surprise. But our souls are wrung by individual instances. In vain do we condeman the cruelties of another age—the refine- ments of torture to which men have been doomed— the rack and thumb screw of the Inquisition—the last agonies of the Tegicide Ravaillac— Luke's iron crown, and Damien’s bed of steel”—for kindred outrages have disgraced these borders. Murder has stalked — agcassipation has skulked in the tall grass of the prairie, and the vindictive- ness of man has assumed unwonted forms. A preacher of the Gospel of the Saviour has been rid- den on a rail, and then thrown into the Missouri fastened to a log, aud left io drift down its muddy, tortuous curretit. And ately we have bad the tid- ings of that enormity without precedence—a deed without name—where a candidate of the Legisla- ture was most brutally gashed with knives and hatchets, and then, after weltering in his blood oa the snow clad earth, was trundled along with gaping wounds, to fall dead in the face of his wife. It is common to drop a tear of sympathy over the trem- bling solicitudes of our early fathers, exposed to the st y assault of the savage foe; and an eminent American artist has pictured this scene in a marble group of rare beauty, on the front of the national capitol, where the uplifted tomahawk is arrested,by the strong arm and generous countenance of the pemeeey while his wife and children find shelter at jis feet; but now the tear must be dropped over the trembling solicitudes of fellow citizens, seeking to build a new State in Kansas, and exposed to the per- (son assault of murderous robbers from Missouri. irelings, picked from the drunken spew and vomit of an uneasy civilization—in the form of men— Aye, in the catalogue ye go for men; A« bhoun<s and greyhounds, mongreir, spaniels, curs, Slough r rugs, and demi- wolves, are callsd All by the name of degs; leashed together by secret signs and lodges, have renewed the incredible atrocities of the assassins and of the Thugs; showing the blind submission of the assassins to the Old Man of the Mountain, in rob- bing Christians on the road to Jerusalem, and show- ing the heartlessness of the Thugs, who, avowing that murder was their religion, waylaid travellers on the at road from Agra to Delhi—with the more deadly bowie knife for the dagger of the assassin, ane the more deadly revolver for the noose of the jug. In these invasions, attended by the entire subver- sion of all security in this Territory, with the plun- der of the ballot-box, and the pollution of the elec- toral franchise, I show simply the process in un- precedented crime. If that be the best government where an injury to a single citizen is resented as an injury to the whole State, then must our gov- ernment forfeit all claim to any such emi- nence while fit leaves its citizens thus exposed. In the outrage upon the ballot bux, even without the illicit fruits which I shall soon expose, there is a pe- caliar crime of the deepest dye, though subordinate to final crime, whica should be promptiy avenged. In countries where royalty is upheld, it is a special offence to rob the crown jewels, which are the em- blems of that sovereignty before which the ae subject bows, and it is treason to be found in adaite- ry with the queen, for in this way may a false heir be imposed Wiig the State; but in our republic the Lallobbox is the single priceless jewel of that sove- reignty which we respect, and the electoral fran- chise, out of which are born the rulers of a free peo- ple, isthe queen whom we are,to guard against pollu- tion. In this plain ee cmionad whether as regards ped or as regards elections, there is enough, sure- ly, without proceeding Peseta A eat the inter- vention of Congress, most promptly and complete! to throw over this oppressed peopl’ the impenctra- ble shield of the constitution and laws. But the half is not yet told. “ As every point in a widespread horizon radiates from a common centre, so everything said or done in this vast circle of crime radiates trom the one idea that Kanzas, at all hazards, must be made u slave State. In all the manifold wickedness that has occurred, and in every successive invasjon, this one idea has been ever present, as the Satanic tempter— the motive power—the causing cause. To accomplieh this result, three things were at- tempted: first, by outrages of all kinds to drive the friends of freedom already there out of the Terri- tory; secondly, to deter others from coming; and thirdly, tocbtain the complete control of the gov- ernment. The process of driving out, and also of deterring, lus tailed. On the contrary, the triends of treedom there became more fixed in their resolves to stay and re the battle, which they had never sought, but frum which they disdained to retreat; while the friends of freedom elsewhere were more aroused to the duty of timely succors by men and munitions of just self-defence. But, while defeated in the first two processes pro- posed, the conspirators succeeded iu the lust. By the violence already poayea at the eiection-of the 30th March, when the poils were occupied by the armed hordes from Missouri, they imposed a Legis- lature upon the Territory, and thus, under the iron mask of law, established a usurpation not less com- plete than any in history. hat this was done, I proceed to prove. Here is the evidence:— 1. Only in this way can this extraordinary expe- dition be adequately explained. In the words of Moliere, once employed by John Quincy Adams in the other house, Que diable allaient-ils faire dans cette galere? What did they go into the Lerritory tor? If their purposes were peaceful, as hus been suggested, why cannons, arms, flags, numbers, aud all this violence? As simple citi: 5 ding to the honest exercise of the electoral franchise, they gnightabave fone with nothing more thana pilgrim’s staff. Philosophy always seeks a suificient cause, and only in the one idea, already presented, can a cause be found in any degree commensurate with this crime; and this becomes ao only when we consider the mad fanaticism of slavery. 2. Public notoriety steps forward to confirm the snggestion of reason. In every place where truth can freely travel, it has been asserted aod under- stood that the Legislature was imposed npon Kansag by foreigners from Missouri; and this uutversal voice is now received as undeniable verity. 8. It is also attested by the harangues oi the con- spirators. Here is what Stringfellow suid betore the invesion:— To thore who have qualms ot corsci*nce ae to violaiing jowe, Nacional, the time bey come when sack ur rigate and pro- Pp t you, ooe end all, to en- lor évery elect on diarriat in Ksvens, iu detianes of Rea !- er and bia vile myrmidona, and vote at the pote’ of the bowle knife and revolver, Neither give nor teks quar- ter, a8 our eace dea ands it [tis enough taut the aleve Delis g ‘Desens was 1h trom Which shee ls ae OgRoaly What right hag Governor Reeder to rule Missourians in Kavsas? His atine and prescrived oath must be repu'ieted. Itis your imverest to do so, Mind that lavery ts os'abiished whore it is not pro hibited. Gore is what Atchison said after the invaision:— Wel, what nex Why, an elestion for members of the Logisisiure to organize the Territory, must (be eld What did I advise you to de then? Why, mest them on their own ground and beat them at ir own game again; end, cold ani inclement as the wea-her was, I went Over with acompary of men. My objest im Going wae mot to vote. I had no right to vote. aniess 1 Oiefranch!ed wyseif in Missouri. I was not vithla two wiles of a voting place. My object iu golug wae no: to vote, but to settie a ciffioulty between iw» ot our can li- etev; and the abolitionists of the North said, aad pad- Mrhed it @broad, that Atchison was thre with bowie kuife «né revolver; and, by Goc, it was true. I mover €16 ge ieto that Territ ry—I never taterd to go lato tant Terz{.01y— without oeing prepsred for all au.h kizd of catte, “Weil, we beat them, ard Governor decder gave cCrriificaiés Wo & majority of #:l the members of d0th Bouse, ard then, after uhey were orgenize3, as every: boy wil. acmit, they were the only competent persons, to tay who were avd who were not membexs of the same, s ir (hay ie bree contemporaneous Sine sion of tter etgn, & paper published at Atchison, and at once the organ of the President of these borderers, which, under date of lst April, thus recounts the victory: — ANDEFENDENOB, MissouRi March 31, 1855. Several bundred emigrants from Kansas have jus: en ered Gur city. They were preceded by tae Westpor aad dependence brass bands. They came in ay tae west aide of the public square, and pr cesdsd en irely # it, the baucs chee-ing us with five muse, and th gran:a wiih good news. Immetiately folowiog the bands were about two hundred horsemen i regular order; fol- lowing these were one hundred and fit y wagons, car- risges, Ke. They gave repeated cheers fur Kansas and Minsourt. report thet pot an anti-tlavery man will rein the Legislature of Kansas, We have mide a clean eweep 5. It is also confirmed by the contemporaneous testimony of another gant, always faithful to sla- very—the Naw Youk HeraLp—in the letter of a cor- respondent from Brunswick, in Missouri, under date of 20th April, 1866:— From five to even thouzand men started from Missouri to atiend the elec ion, some to remove bat the most to reture to their fami'.es, with an intention, if they liked the Territory, to make it tueir psrwanent ‘abode st the earliest woment praciicabie. Ba they in The Missourians were, most of them, Doug . Tuere were cne hundred aad fifty voters from chia county, one hundred and stven'y five from Howard, one hundred from Co-per, Indeed, every coun:y furnished ita quota; and when they set ont it looked like an army. * * © * they werearmed, * * * © Andas there were no hour es in the Territory they carried tents, Their mission wes @ peaceable ons—io vo:e, and vo drive down s-ases for their future homes, After the elovtion wome one thousand five hundred of the vo.ers sem: committe to Mr, Reeder to ascertain if it as his pur- po to ratily the eeoion He anawered that {t was, Mid the m: jority at an elestion anit carry a Burit is not to be denied that the one tnow bundred, apprehending that the Governor might io piay the trrant—since his condust hai already be-n insidivus and unjust—wore on their hse bunches of hemp. They were resolved, if a tyruut aitemp ed to bres upon the rights of ibe sovereign peuple, tohaug iim, 6. It is again confirmed by the testimony of a lady, who for five years has lived in Westlera Missdu ri, and thus writes in 4 letter published in the New Haven Regrster:— Mian, Sattvg Co., Nov. 26, 1856. You ak me totell you something about the Kansas and Missouri troubles. Of coarse you know in what they havo originated. There is no denying that the Mis- Teme have cetermined to control the elections, if p:#- and I con’t kaw that their measures would be aaa ©. except upon the principle of salf-preservation; that, you know, is the firet law of nature, . 7. And it is confirmed still further by the circular of the migration Society of Lafayette, in Missouri, dated as late as 25th March 1866, in which the ef- forts of Missourians are openly confessed: — The werteri counties of Missouri have, for toe iast two esrs, beer heavily taxed, both in money and time, in jghtivg the batiles of the South. Lefavet @ ggan/y alone bat experded more then $100 000 in money, end as wuch and more in time. Up to this time the border coun ies of stitsomi have upbeid acd maintained the righ‘s and interests of the South in this ecruggle, unassisted, and not upsucces*fuliy. But the adoli loniats, a\asing their ail upon the Kansas issue, snd hevi‘ating at no means, fir cr foul, exe moving hesyen and earih to rander that bean ifal ferrito:y w free Stave. 8. Here, also, is complete admission of the usur- ation, hy the Intelligencer, a leading paper of St. uis, Missouri, made in the ensuing sunmer:— Atsbiscn and Sitingfellow, with their aitssoun filiow= era, cverwheimec the se:tlers in Kansas, browbeat and builied them, and took the gove:nment from their bands; Missouri votes elected the present body of mea who insult pubite intelligezce aud popular rights by styling them- ‘the Legir of Kansas” Tats body of men elping themsvives to fat epecu's‘iona by locating the of goveroment,” and get'ing town lots fr thele re pasting laws disfrancaiing all the sitt who do not beiteve magco giavery to be @ tution «nda cational olesing. They are proporing to puniah with impris mment the utterance of views inoopsistert with their own, And they ave trying to perpetuste their preposterous and iaferoat tyranny by app inting for» term ct years creatures of taeir ows, a eo mwmissiovers in every county, to lay end ovliec. ocd se that the laws they are passing are faith/ally exe. cuted Hes this age anything to compare with ‘hese ucts ip auércity?” 9. In harmony with all these is the authoritative declaration of Governor Reeder, in a speech address- ed to his neighbors, at Easton, Pennsylvania, at the end of April, 1855, and immediately wards pul» lished in the Washington Union. Here it is: It was, indeed, too true that Kansas had been invaded, cecnquezed, subjugated, by am armed iorce fron beyond her borders, !ea on by @ fanatical aptrit, trampling under foot the principies of the Kansas bill acd the right of a: ffiage, 10. And in similar harmony is the complaint of the people of Kansas, in a public meeting at Big Springs, on the 5th September, 1863, embodied in there words: Raoived, That the body of men who tor the last two months bave been passing laws for the pe: pie of our fer- nitory, moved, counselled, and uictaied to by the dema- gogues of Missourl, are to us «foreign body, representing only the lawless invacers who erec.ed them, aad not the pecple ot the Territory—that we repudiate shear action, Qs the monstrous consummation of ao act of violence, usurpation, and fraud, unparalleled in the history of tae Usion, ad worthy only cf men unfitted tor che du‘ies, oud segardiees o! the responmibilities of republicans. 11. And finally, by the official minutes, which have been laid on our table by the President, the in- vasion, which ended ia the usurpation, is clearly es- tablished; but the effect of this testimony has been so ansply exposed by. the Senator from Vermont, (Mr. Coilamer,) in bis able and indefatigable ar- le I content myself with simply referring to Obristian On this cumulative, irresistible evidence, in con- currence with the antecedent history, I rest. And yet Senators here have argued that this cannot be so—precisely «s the couspiracy of Catiline was doubted in the Roman Senate. Nonnulli sunt in hoc ordine, qui aut ea, que imminent, non videant; aut ea, que vident, dissimulent; qui spem Cataline mollitus sententits aluerunt, conjurationemque nas- centem non credendo corroboraverunt. As I listened to the Senator from Lfinois, while he paintuily strove to show that there was no usurpation, I was remind- ed of the effort by a distinguishe ogician, in a mach admired argument, to prove that Napoleon Bona- parte never existed. And permit me to say, that the fact of his eximtence is not placed more com- letely above doubt than the fact of this usurpation. ‘his I assert on the proofs already presented. But confirmation comes almost while [ speak. The columns of the public press are now duily filled with testimony, solemnly taken before the Commit- tee of Congress in Kansas, which shows in awful light the violence Kan oa the usurpation. Of this I may speak on some other occasion. Meanwhile, I proceed with the developement of the crime. The Ceriom Legislature assembled at the 2 pointed place in the interior, and then at once, in opposition to the veto of the Governor, by a majori- ty of two-thirds, removed to the Shawnee Mission, a lace in most convenient proximity to the Missoari rderers, by whom it had been coustituted, and whose tyrannical ageut it was. The statutes of Miseonri, in all their text, with their divisions and subdivisions, were ane bodily, and with such little local adaptation that the word “State” in the original is not even changed to “Territory,” but is leftto be corrected by an explanatory act. But all this general legislation was entirely subordinate to the special act, entitled “An act to punish offences against slave property,” in which the one idea, that provoked this whole conspiracy, is at last eim- bedied in legislative form, and human slavery openly recognized on free soil, under the sanction of pretended law. ‘This act of thirteen sections is in itself a dance of death. But its complex complete- ness of wickedness without a paiallel, may be Mad tially conceived, when it ix understood that ia three sections only of it is the penalty ot death denounced no Jeea than forty-eight different times, by as miny changes of Ianguage, against the benious offence, described in forty-eight different ways, of interferin with what does not exist in that Territory—an under the constitution cannot exist there—I mean ropeity in human flesh. Thus is ng sacrificed jo slave! id death summoned to sit at the gates as guardian of the wrong. But the work of usurpation was not perfected even yet. It had already cost_too much to be left at auy hazard. — To be thes was vothing; Bul to be wmfely thus | Such was the object. And this could not be, except by the entire prostration of all the safeguards of ha- man rights. The liberty of speech, which is the very breath of a republic; the press, which is the terror of wrong doers; the bar, through wiich the re-eed beards the arrogance of law; the jury, by b right is viudicated—all these must be struck Ly while offi.ers are provided in all plaves, ready to be the tools of this tyrrann nd then, to obtain final aesurance that their crime was secure, the whole neurpation, stretching over the Territory, must be fastened and riveted by legislative bolts, spikes, und screws, 60 a8 to defy all effort at change through the ordipary Cosmas of lat, Zo tala work, ia ity varioua were bent the subtlest énergies) and never, ibal Cain to this hour, was any fabric rorged more desperate skill aud completeness. y gir, three different le; ive enactments which constitute aes Firat, accord , by spoken or written to hold slaves in this ‘ ;" are denounced as felons, to be punished by imprisonment at hard labor for a term not less an two years; it may be for lite. And to show the extravagance of this injustice, it has beeu well ly the Senator from Vermont (Mr Collamer), at should the Senator from Michigan (Mr. who believes that slavery cannot exist in a I Unless introduced by expreas iexislutive ture there with his moder ions, his doom must be that of a telon! To exteut are the ewe liberties of speech and of the press subverted. condly, by anotuer act, entitled “An Act con- cerning Attorneys at Law,” uo person can prac- fice as an atiomey unless he ehall obtain a license from the Tevritorial courts, which, of course, & tyrannical discretion will be free to deny; and fier obtaining such license, hé is constrained tojtake an caih, not only “to support” the constitu- tios of the United siates, but also “to Lod and sustam’ —tirk here the reduplication—the Terri- torial act and the Fugitive Slave bill, thus erecting a test for the function of the bar calculated to ex- clude citizens who honestly regard that latter legis- lative enormity as unfit to be obeyed. And, thirdly, ei ano her acf, entitled “An uct concerning jurors,” all persons “conscientiously opposed to holding slaves,” or “not admitting the right to hold slaves in the Territory,” are excluded fom the jury on every question, civil or criminal, arising out of as- serted slave Property; while, in all cases, the sum- moning of the jury is left without on word of re- ent, fo sae petal sheriff or other officer,” wi lus free to pack it aczording to their tyran- nical discretion. " y For the ready enforcement of all statutes against human freedom, the President had slready furnished a powerful quota of officers, in the Governor, Chief Justice, Judges, Secretary, Attorney, and Marshal. The Legislature completed this part of the work by constituting in each county a Board of Commission- ers, composed of two persons, associated with the Probate Judge, whose duty it is to appoint a county treasurer, coroner, justices of the peace, constables and all other officers provided for by law,” and then .oceeded to the choice of this very Board; thus de- legating and diffusing their usurped power, and tyrannically imposing upon the Territory a crowd of officers in whose appointment the people have had no voice, ey or indirectly. And still the final inexorable work remained A Legislature, renovated in both branches, sould not assemble until 1868, so that, during this long inter- mediate period, this whole system must continue in the likeness of law, unless overturned by the federa! government, or, in default of such interposition, by & generous uprising of an oppressed people. But it was necesrary to guard against the poe nity: of change, even tardily, at a future election; and this wus done by two different acts; under the first of which all who will not take the cath to support the Fugitive Slave bill are excluded from the elective franchise; and under the second ot which all others are entitled to vote who shall tendera tax of one dollar to the Sheriff on the day of election; thus, by provision of Territorial law, disfranchixing all oppored to slavery, and at the same time opening the door to the votes of the invaders; by an unconstitu- tional ahibboleth excluding from the polls the masa of actual settlers,and by making the franchise de- pend upon a petty tax only, admitting to the polis the maa of borderers from Miasouri. Thus, by ty- rannical forethought, the usurpation not oaly forti- fied all that it did, but assumed a self-perpetuating energy. ¥ ‘Thus was the crime consummated, Siavery now standé erect, clanking its chains on the Territory of Kanses, surrounded ey a code of death and tramp- ling upon all cherished liberties, whether of speec the press, the bar, the trial by jury, or the electoral franchise. And, sir, all this has been done, not merely to introduce a wrong which in itselt isa denial of all rights, and in dread of which a mother has lately taken the lite of ber offspring; not mere- Wy as has been sometimes said, to protect slavery in issouri, since it ix futile for this State to complain of freedom on the side of Kansas when freedom ex: ists without Sominlnie on the side of Iowa, and, also, on the side of Illinois; but it has been done for the sake of political power, in order to bring two new slaveholding Senators upon this floor, and thus to fortify in the national government the desperate chances of a waning oligarchy. As the ship, voyaging on pleasant summer seas, is assailed by a pirate crew, aud robbed for the sake of its doubloons and doilars, so is this beautiful Territory naw assailed in its peace and prosperity, and robbed, in order to wrest its political ower to the side of slavery. Even now the black Le of the land pirates from Missouri waves at the masthead; in their laws you hear the pirate yell, and seethe flash of the pirate’s knife; while, incredible to relate! the President, gathering the slave power at his back, testifies a pirate papas. Bir, all this was done in the name of popular sove- reignty. And this is-the close of the tragedy. Popu- lar sovereignty, which when traiy understood, is a fountain of just power, has ended ia popular slavery; not merely in the subjection of the unhappy African race, but of this proud Caucasian blood which you boast. The profession with which you begun, of “All by the people,” has been lost in the wre:ched reality of ““Nothi ng for the peopie.”’ Popular sove- reignty, m whose deceitful name plight faith was broken, and an ancient landmark of freedom was overturned, now lifts itself before us, like sin, in the terrible picture of Milton— Ti at seemed a woman to the waist, ami fair, But enced foul, im many a scaly told, Vetaminous and vi terpent armed it her midd.e round Acry of er ceasing barked, With wide Cerbereau mout'ss fall oud, and rung Alidecus peel; yet. when they jist, would creep, Ii aught disturbed theic noise, in’o ber womb, And rennel there, yet there still barked and howled, ‘Within cnseen, The image is complete at all points; and, with a exposure, I take my leave o. the crime against ‘ansas. II. Emerging from all the blackness of this crime, in which we seem to have been lost, as in a savage wood, and turning our backs upon it, as upon deso- lation and death, from which, while others have suffered, we have escaped, I come now to the apolo- gies which the crime has found. Sir, well may you start at the suggestion that such a series of wrongs, +0 clearly proved by various testimony, so openly conte by the wrong-dvers, and so widely recog- nised throughout the eountry, should find apologies. But the partisan ey, now, 48 in other days, hesi- tates at ag ‘he eee crimes of his‘ory have never been without apologies. The massacre of St. Bartholomew, which you now instinctively con- demn, was, at the time applauded in high quarters, and even commemorated by a Papal medal, which may still be procured at Rome; as the crime against Kansas, which is hardly leas conspicuous in dreadful eminence, has been shielded on this floor by exte- nuating words, and even by a Presidential message, which, like the Papal medal, can never be forgotten in considering the madness and perversity of men. Sir, the crime cannot be denied. The President himeelf bas admitted “illegal and reprehensible” conduct. To such conclusions he was compelied by irresistible evidence; but what he mildly describes [ openly arraign. Senators may affect to put it aside by a sneer, or to reason it away by figures, or to ex- plain it by a theory, such as despeiate invention has produced on this floor, that the assassins and Thugs of Missouri were in reality citizens of Kansas; but all the.e efforts so faras made, are only tokens of the weakness of the cause, while to the original crime they add another offence of false testimony gsior innocent and sufferlog men. But the apolo- jes for the crime are worve than the efforts at denial. fn cruelty and heartlessness they identify their au- thors with the great transgression. ‘They are four in number, and four-fold in charac- ter. The first is the apoiogy tyrannical; the second, the spology imbecile; the third, the apology absurd; and fourth, the spology infamous. is is all. Tyranny, imbecility, absurdity and infamy, all unite to dance like the weired sisters, about this crime. The apology tyrannical is founded on the mistaken act of Governor Reeder, in antheuticating the usurping Legislature, by which it is asserted that, whatever may have been the actual force or fraud in its election, the people of Kansas are effectually concluded, and the whole proceeding is placed under the formal sanction of law. According to this as symption, complaint is now in vain, and it ont: remains that Congress should sit aud hearken to i without correcting the wrong, as the ancient tyrant listened and granted no redress to the human moans that issned from the heated brazen buil, which sub tle Ment had devised. This I call the apology of technicality inspired tyranny. The facts on this head are few and plain. Gov. Recder, after allowing only five days for objectious to the returns—a space of time unreasonably briet in that extensive Territory—declared a majority of the members of the Council and of the House of Re- presentatives “duly elected,” withheld certificates from certain otbers, because of satisfactory proof that they were not duly elected, and appointed a day for new elections to supply these vacancies. Afterwards, by formal message, he recognized the Legislature as a legal body, and when he vetoed their act of adjournment to the neighborhood of Mis- souri, he did it simply onthe ground of the illegality ot such an adjournment under the organic law. Now, to every assumption founded on these facts, there are two satisfactory replies: First, that no certificate of the Governor can do more than authenticate a subsisting legal act, with- out of iteelf infusing legulity where the essence of legality is not wlrendy; and, secondly, that violence or fraud, wherever disclosed, vitiates completely every proceeding. In denying these principles, you place the certificate above the thin; certified, and give a perpetual lease to violence an fraud, merely because at an ephemeral moment they Wore upquestigugd, This will not go. for Governor Reeder. There Binelly asthe tool of the President; bax ha aimple 4 as 001 nt; im) nature, nurtured in the atmosphere ‘of Peansyirala, Bn trey Gentony Sa ua a Vv err - ing to the Legislature any act of authentication; but be bas in some measure answered for this error, bj determined effort since to expose the utter - ty of that body, which he now repudiates entirely. It was said of certain Roman Emperors, who did in- finite mischief in their beginnings, and infinite good towards their ends, that they should never have been born or never died; and J would apply the same to the official Ife of this Kansas Governor. At all events, I dismi-# the apology founded on his ucts, asthe utterance of tyranny by the voice of anscending the declaration of the pedantic 9 the British Parhaient, on the eve of our n, that our fathers, notwithstanding their ints, were in reality represented in tone nient, iaasmach as their lands, under the original charters, we held “in common soc as of the manor of enwich in Kent,” which being duly represented, carried with it all the colouies. Thus in other ages hag tyranny assumed the voice of law. Next comes the apology imbecile, which is founded cn the alleged want of power in the Pre- sident to arrest the «rime. It is openly asserted that, under ‘the existing laws of the United States thegchief magistrate bad no authority to interfere in Kansas for this purpose. Such is the broad statement, which, even if correct, furnishes no apology for any proposed ratification of the crime | but which is in reality untrue; and this, I call the | apology of imbecility. | Jn other matters no such ostentatious imbecility appears. Only lately a vessel of war in the Pacific has chastised the cannibals of the Fejee Istands for alleged outrages on American citizens. But no per- | son of ordinary intelligence will pretend that Ame- | rican citizens in the Pacific have received wrongs | from these cannibals comparable in atrocity to those | received by American plieeans in Kansas. Ah, sir, the interests of slavery are not touched by any chas- tisement of the Fejees. Constantly we are informed of efforts at New York, through the agency of the government, and sometimes only on the breath of suspicion, to arrest vessels about to sail on foreign voyages in violation of our neutrality laws or treaty stipuiations. Now, no ran familiar with these cases will presume te suggest that the urgency tor these arrests was equal to the urgency for interposition against these suc- cessive invasions from Missouri. But the slave power is not distarbed by such arrests at New York. At this moment the President exults in the vigi- lance with which he has prevented the enlistment of a few soldiers, to be carried off to Halifax, in vio- lation of our ‘erritorial sovereignty, and England is bravely threatened, even to the extent of a rupture of diplomatic relations, for her endeavor, though unsuccessful, and at once abandoned. But no manin his senses will urge that the act was anything but trivial by the side of the crime against Kansas. But the slave power is not concerned in this controversy. Thus, where the slave power is indifferent, the President will see that the laws are taithfully exe- cuted; but in other cases, where the interests of slavery are at stake, he is controlled absolutely by this tyranny, ready at aH times to do, or not to do, Frecisely as it dictates. Therefore it is that Kan- sas is lefta prey to the propagandists of sluvery, while the whole treasury, the army and navy of | the United States, are lavished to hunt a single slave through the atreets of Boston. You have not forgotten the latter instance; hut | oboose to re- fiesh it in your minds. As long ago as 1851, the War Department and Navy Department concurred in placing the forces of the United States, near Boston, ut the command of the Marshal, if needed, for the enforcement of an Act of Congress, which hai no support in the public conscience, as I belicye it has no support in the constitution; and thus these forces were degraded to the loathsome work of slave hunters. More than three years afterwards, an occasion arose for their intervention. A fugitive from Virginia, who for some days had trod the streets of Bost:n as a free- man, was seized as aslave. The whole community was aroused, while Bunker Hill and Faneuil Hall cutee with responsive indignation. Then, sir, the esident, anxious that no tittle of slavery should enfler, was curiously eager in the enforcement of the statute. The despatches between him and his agents in Boston attest his zeal. Here are some of them: Bostox, May 27, 1854. To te Presipest or Tae Usirep Stati Io conse quence of an attack ugon the Cou't Huse les* night, tor the purpore of rescuing # ‘ugiive slave under araest, and in which one of my own guards was ile’, I hava availed seynelt of he rescurces of the United Sates, piaced under my control by Cepartments, in 1861, and trooge from Fort Independ Hewe. Everything i now qu pulsed by my own guar Unitec ‘The attack was re- WA'SON FREEMAN, y Marchal Boston Mass, WASHINGTON, May 27, 1854. To Watson Freemay, United Sa'es Marshal, Boston, Masa :— Your concuct 1s approv-d. The lew muat be executed, FRANKLIN PIERCE Wasuincron, May 30, 1804. To Hox. B. F. Harserr, Baton, Mane.:—WVat ia the state of the case of Burn? SIDNEY WEBSTER, Pcivate Becrotary of the President, Wasaincton, May 31, 1854, To B F, Hatrerr, United Siaten Attorney, Boston, Maes. :—Incur any exjcnse deemed nesesvary by the Ms) sha) and yourself, for city miitsry or othsrwie, to insure the execution of the Jaw. FRANKLIN PIERJE. But the President was not content with such forces as were then on hand in the neighborhood. Other ports also were put under requixition. Two companies of national troops, stationed at New York, were kept under arms, ready at any moment to proceed to Boston; and the Adjutant General of the army was directed to repair gue scene, there to superintend the execution the statute. All this was done for the sake of ery; but durin, long months of menace suspended over the tree #01 of Kansas, breaking forth in successive invasions, the President has folded his hands in fife Bo list- lessness ; or, if he has moved at all, it has been only to encourage the robber propagandists. : And now the intelligence of the country is insulted by the apology that the President had no power to interfere. Why, sir, to make this con‘essiun is to con- fess our government to be a practical failure, which I will never do, except, indeed, as it is administered now. No, sir, the imbevility of the Chief Magis- trate shall not be:charged upon our American insti- tutions. Where there is a there is a way; and in his case, had the will existed, there would have been @ way, easy and triumphant, to guard against the crime we now deplore. His powers were in every respect ample, and this I will prove by the statute book. By the act of Congress, 28th February, 1795, it is enacted, ‘That whenever the laws of the United States shall be opposed, or the execution thereof ob- structed in any State, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the mar- shals,”’ the President ‘may call forth the militia.” By the supplementary act of 3d March, 1807, in all cases where he 18 authorized to call forth the militia “forthe purpose of causing the laws to be duly exe- cuted,” he President is further empowered, in any State or Territory, ‘to employ for the same yu such part of {the land or naval force of the ‘nited States as shall be judged necessary.” There is the letter of the law; and you will please to mark the power conferred. In no case where the laws of the United States are opposed, or their execution obstructed, is the President constrained to wait for the requisition of a Governor, or even the petition of acitizen. Just so soon as be learns the fact no matter by what channel, he is invested by law with full power to counteract it. True it is, that when the laws of a State are obstructed, he can interfere on the application of the Le, ‘ture of onl; each State, or of the Executive, when the Legisla- turecannot be convened; but when the federal laws are obstructed, no such Lae eet ee ecere is necessary. It is his high duty, under his oath of office, to see that they are executed, and, if need be, by the federal forces, And, sir, this is the precise exigency that has ariven in Kansas—-precisely this; nor more, nor less. The act ot Congress, constituting the very organic law of the Territory, which, in pecular phrase, as if to avoid ambiguity, declares, as “its true intent and meaning,” that the people thereof ‘“‘shall be left perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way,” has been from the beginning oppored and obstructed in its execution. If the President had power to employ the federal forces in Boston, when he supposed the Fugitive Slave bill was obstructed, and merely in anticipa- tion of such obstruction, it is absurd to say that he had not power in Kansas, when, in the face of the whole country, the very organic law of the Ter vitovry was trampled under foot by successive inva- sions, and the freedom of the people overthrown. To arsert ignorance of this obstruction—premedita- ted, long continued, and stretchiug Lig months —attribute to him not merely imbecility, but idiocy. And thus so I diepose of this apology: Next comes the apology absurd, which is, ‘ndeed, in the nature of a preetxt. It is alleged that asmall rinted pamphlet, containing the “ Constitution and Ritual of the Grand Encampment and Regiments of the Kansas Legion,” was taken from the person of one George F. Warren, who attempted to avoid de- tection by chewing it. The oaths and grandiose titles of tne pretended Legion have all bean set forth, and thix poor mummery of a secret society, which existed only on paper, has been gravely introduced on this floor, in order to extenuate the crime against Kan- sas, It has been paraded in more than one speech, and even stuffed into the report of the comnittee. A part, of the obligations assumed by the mem- bers of this Legion shows why it has thus been pur- sued, and also attests its innocence. It is as fol- lore never knowi & perton for membership in this order wao t of making Kansas « frao State, and whom I feal astisfied will exert his enthe in- fluence to bring about this result. 1 will support, main- tain ard abide by any b.aosadie movemen, wade by the | cere benevolence, bo thi confict with the laws of the coun‘ry aad the constisution of the United States. consti " Tpaia She aset of the or- on, declared in the very of the initia- fag mye Where isthe wrong in this? What is there here, which can cast reproach, or even sus- Grant that the ry ology for the original crime, ratifies ion? Secret societies, with their extravagant oaths, are juaely offensive; but who can find, in this mistaken machinery, any excuse for the denial of all rights to the people of Kansas ? Allthis, I gay, on the supposition that the society was a reality, which it was not. Existivgin the fantastic braine of a few persons only, it never had any practical lite. It was never organized. The whole tale, with the mode of obtatning the copy of the constitution, is at once # covk und ball story and @ mare's nest; trivial as the former, absurd as the latter, and te be dismissed, with the apology founded upon it, to the derision which triviality aud absurdity justly receive. It only remains, under this head, that I shoulé spenk of the apology infamous, founded on false testimony against the Dmigrant aid Company, and to, fie of duty more false than the testimo- ny. Defying truth and mocking decency, this apology excels all others in fatility and audacity, while, from its utter hollowness, it ‘proves the utter impotence of the conspirators to defend their crime. Falsehood, always infamous, in this case arouses peculiar scorn. An association of sin- faithful to the constitution and laws, whose only fortilieations are hotels, schoolhouses and churches; whose enly weapons are sawmills, tools and books; whose ‘mission is peace and good will, has been fulsely assailed om this floor, and an errand of blameless virtue has been made the pretext for an unpardonable cri ue. Nay, more—the imocent are sacrificed, and the Qvilty set at liberty. They who seek to do the mis sion of the Saviour are scourged and crucified, while the murderer, Barabbas, with the sympathy of the chief priests, goes at large. Were I to take counsel of my own feelings, I should dismiss this whole apology to the ineffible contempt which it deserves; but it has been made to Fay such a part in this conspiracy that I feel it a duty to expose it completely. Sir, from the earliest times men have recog- nized the advantages of organization, as ap effective agency in promoting works of peace or war. Especially at this moment, there ia no interest, public or private, high or low, of charity or trade, of luxury or convenience, which does not seek its aid. Men organize to rear churches and to sell thread; to build schools aud to sail ships; to construct roads and to manufacture toys; to see cotton and to print books; to weave cloths and to quicken harvests; to provide food and to distribute light; to influence public opinion and to secure votes; to guard infancy in its weak- ness, old age in its decripitude, and womanhood in ita wretehedness; and now, in all large towns, when death has come, they are buried by organized socie- lies, and, emigrants to another world, they lie down in pleasant plaees, adorned by organized skill. To complain that this prevailing principle has been ap- plied to living emgration is to complain of Provi- dence and the irresistible tendencies implanted im man But this application of the principle is no recent invention, brought forth for an existing emergency. It hasthe best stamp of Suelugly. It showed itself im the brightest days of Greece, where colonists moved if organized bands. It became a part cf the the ma- ture policy of Rome, where bodies of men were consti- tuted expressly for this purpose, triumviri ad colonos deducendos—(Livy xxxvii, § 46.) Noaiurally it has been accepted in modern times by every civilized State. With the sanction of Spain, an association of Genoe+e merchants first introduced slaves to this Continent; with thesanction of France, the Society ot Jesuits stretched their labors over Canada and the Great Lakes to the Missisippi. It was under the auspices of emigrant aid companies that our coun- ty was originally settled, by the Pilgrim Fathers of Plymouth, by the adventurers of Virginia, and by the philanthropic Oglethorpe, whose “benevolence of saui,” commemorated by Pope, sought to plant e free State in Georgia. At this day, such associa- tions, of a humbler character, are found in Europe, with offices in the great capitals, through whose ac- tivity emigrants are directed here. For a long time emigration to the West, from the Northern and middle States, but ‘icularly from New England, has been of marked significance. In juest of better homes, annuaily it has pressed te the unsettled lands, in numbers to be counted by ens of thousands; but this has been done hereto- fore with little knowledge and without guide or counsel. Finally, when, by the establishment of @ government in Kansas, the tempting fields of that central region were opened to the competition of peaceful colonization, and especially it was declared that the question of freedom or sla there was to be determined by the votes of act settlers, then at once was erpentannn enlisted aa an effective agency in quickening and Surocting he emigration impelled thither, and, more than all, 'n providing homes for it on arrival there. ‘he company was first constituted under an act of the Legislature of Massachusetts, 4th of May, 1854, 80me weeks prior to the passage of the Ne- brarka bill. The original act of incorporation was subsequently abandoned, and a new charter received in February, 1855, in which the objects of the sooi- ety are thus declared:— For the purpore ot direc:ing emigration westward, and aiaing in providing accommodations tor the em'grac‘s af- ter arriving at their places of Gestination, Atany other moment an association for these purposes would have taken its place, by general coa- sent, among the philanthropic experiments of the age; but crime is always suspicious, and shakes, like a sick man, merely at the Pome of a finger. The conspirators against freedom in Kangas now shook with tremor, real or affected. Their wicked lot was about to fail. To help themselves, eed Tenoabed the Emigrant Aid Company, and th denunciations, after finding an echo in the Presi- cent, have been repeated, with much par:icule- rity, on this floor, in the furmal report of your com- mittee. The falsehood of the whole accusation will appear in illustrative specimens, A charter is set out, section by section, which, though originally granted, was subsequently aban- dored, and is not in reality the charter of the com- pany, but it is materially unlike it. The company is represented as ‘“‘a powerful cor- poration, with a capital of five millions;” when, by its actual charter, it is not allowed to hold proper- ty above one million, and in point of fact, its capital has not exceeded $100,000. ‘Then, again, it is suggested, if not alleged, that this encrmous capital, which I have alread does not exist, is invested in “‘cannoz and rifles, in powder and lead, and implements of war’—all of which, whether alleged or suggested, is absolutely false. The officers of the company authorize me to give to this whole pretension a point-blank denial. All of these allegations are of small importance, and I mention them only because tl ow the character of the report, and also something of the quicksand on which the Senator from Illinois has chosen to plant himself. But these are a coneet by the unbloshing assertion that the p ngs of the company “were in perversion of the p! provisions of an act of Congress;” and also, amo- ther unblushing assertion, as ‘certain and undeni- able,” that the company was formed to promote certain objects, “regardless of the rights and wishes of the people, as guaranteed by the constitution of the United States, and secured by their organic law;”’ when it is certain and undeniable that the company has done nothing in perversion of oy 4 act of Congress, while to the extent of its power as songht to proteet the rights and wishes of the wcttal people in the ane Sir, thie company has violated in no respect the constitution or laws of the land, not in the severest letter or the slightest spirit. But every other impa- tation is equ baseless. It is not true, as The Senator from Illinois has alleged, in order in some way to compromise the company, that it was in- formed before the public of the date fixed for the election of the Legislature. This statement is pro- nounced by the Secretary, ina letter now before me, “an unqualified falsehood, not having even the sha- dow of a shade of truth for its basis.” It is not true that men have been hired by the company to go to Kansas; for every emigrant who has gone under its direction, has himself provided the means for his jourvey. Of course, sir, it is not true, as bas “been complained by the Senator from South Carolina, with that prochvity to error which marks all his utterances, that men have been sent by the company “with one uniform gun, the rifle; for it bas supplied no arms of any kind © anybody. It is mot true that the company has encouraged any fanatical aggression apon the people of Mianvuri; for ithas counselled order, peace, orbearancé. It is not true that the Pyne larg chosen its emigrants on account of their ae itical opinions; for it has asked no questions with regard to the opinions of any whom it aids, and at this mo- ment stands ready to forward those from t):¢ South as well as the North, while, in the Teiriiory, all, irom whatever quarter, are admitted to an equal en- joyment of its tempting advantages. It is not trae that the company has cent persons merely to control elections, and not to remain in the Territory; for its whole action, and all its ou of pecuniary profits, are founded on the hope to stock the country with permanent settlers, by whose labor the capital of the company shall be made to yield its increase, and by whose xed interest in the soil the welfare of all shall be promoted. a Sir, it has not the honor of being an abolition so- ciety, or of numbering among its officers abolition- ists. Its President is a retired citizen, of ample means and charitable life, who has taken no part in the conflicta on slavery, and has never allowed his gee be felt by abolitioniata, Qne of tty,