The New York Herald Newspaper, June 3, 1856, Page 2

ote ee 2 ~ fa portion of the to ge hae newer been so wou Mhustwated w that very demoas reson. The ‘Weetern *pitulty $ tu the ooca@siom, an en they drnew ‘the sword it is rather under the eee of heat and passion than malice—but a fertility of ae that isequal to erafe; and if they com- mit homicide winder swwh cireumstaaces, vedueed at feast to the graje of manslaugnt Ww Bowever, [see an organization at a distance Whowsand miles from the Territory sending out Wen who go, nol with fowlingpieces or the ordinary viffes, or commen weapons of defence which they | might wwe, but <1! going; with one uniform gau-~ Sharpe's Title let me not be told that they were going ‘these for merely the innocent parpose of setthug the Territory thomselves. It lent they were going there to drive off other it became & contest, which the Missouri “ bor@er ruttians,” as ‘hey ace «a.led, never asticipated. The crime of those who are designated by that mame, if homicide shou'd ‘committed, would be much nearer the character manslaughter, whilet the blood shed by their genes would auch wearer approach a mercenary omicide. Now, sir, Isuppore this controversy may be re- gerded as a great ejectment case—pertiaps te atest that ever was tried—to try the title of the oO different sections to the public domain, the com- mon domain belonging to the whole Union. I sap- pose the emigrant aid societies’ settlers may be re- garded as one party, aod what they choose ta call “porder ruitians” the other party—one the the John Doe, the other the Richard Roe, in this dewsuit. Lom yonscte willing that the suit shal ‘be tried by justice and truth, and not under the cheated declamation of gentlemen who intend to in- flame the public mind of their own section, with i regard to the dictates of the truth ef history. Not, what are the facta in relation to <his case? As i ‘have them, from authentic sources, they are not sach as can give John Doe much credit. 3 db my opinion, Governor Reeder will havet> answer, more than any other human being, for the tlood which will be shed—af any shall be shea— for he eccupied an important position to control events. [suppose nove will doubt now that when ‘the Missouri line was adopted, it was dene by # mere legislative power, and therefore could be wiped ‘the same competent authority. Missouri was acl- feo] against the consent of the North, as a body ; but the South, in a spirit of compromise, agreed to ‘that line. How hasshbe been treated? Since I have een a member of the Senate, ne opportunity has been offered when some Northern man has not, oa ‘the occasion of territory being acquired south of that dime, made a moticn to exclude the slaveholder. There has not been a single occasion, when the op- portanity has been presented, when they have no: wiolated the implied pledge contained in the obliga- tious of that line. Iringitin their ears. If I bad oo other cause to wipe out the line, I could find it in the fact that they have not regarded it im good 2 but have violated their public honor and plighted faith, a2 expressed on the statute book. When Oregon was organized into a Territory, this feeling 60 ‘ar prevailed that it would not allow Bouthern men to yo for it, upon the ground, that imasmuch as the Territory lay north of yt might be organized under the intendment Missouri compromise. Sir, you will remember the occurrence of the wa with Mexico. Day after aay many of us went to the War Department, expecting to hear, what many hear, the dreadiul results of battle to friends and Jatives. I auppose we may consider the war with Mexico as having becn fought to a certain extent to acquire the territory which followed its terminatio through the medium of negotiation. At that « * when the Seuth contributed as many men, and as e much money, for the prosecution of the war.as North—ihbe Seuth sending forth many more me: qd 1 not hear a Senator from New York (Mr. Dix) rite in his place say that he intended to main- tain the Wilmot 5 on the ground mainly that 3t would create a cordon of free States aronad the slaveholding States, and with the assertion of the supericy civilization of the free States? Was that no violation ot the Missouri compromise? I put at now fairly to tae men who speak in this heated erritory were to be acquired tomorrow not propose the same Wilmot proviso’ Do they think that no violation of the Missouri com- promi-e? They claim positively all that wa3con- eeded to them, and deny the benefit of its provisions to the South vat made the concession. Now, / am we a game of fuir play. Let the people, as it may be formed in the tate, aud whether the State present- fer admission shall admit or ex:lude slavery, be no bar to her admission. f Sir, that compromise, as it has been called, has never been observe There never has been portunity offered when those who cry out abou: abrogation bave not been willing to violate its trae imtenduent. I say its true intendment, because south of that line it was always underetoood the people should have a right to hold si @F not, according to their own option. In re gard to the Territory of “Kansus, I think it je might we!l have been left a debatable ground— neither to cal) it a slavenolding nor a non-sla holding State. It was an occasion when we m bave cem i d,in some measure, the bonds of t ancient brotherhood; bu we tind that g tlemen come in with the Bible in one hand to against and the torch in the other. That is the attitude in which tuey present themeelves in the temple of our common deliverations—the torch in one hand and the Bible in the other— and the rifle. Under the banner of t incendiaries march, with torches in their hands, proclaiming God's will, but doing their own. Ihave stated one reason why the Missocri line should have been disregarded by the Sou:hern peo- ple. Now! go farther, and I say, in regard to the immedi: te on which the Preside.t bos made the proclamation, he is justified. How was it brought about’ I said before that Governor Reeder was re- sponsible for it. I say sonow. By what authority “d Reeder go to Kansas? He went there under “uthority of a law regularly constiisting a government. He went there to be ‘evernor, and to carry out the pi th: law, just as much as if the Missouri > had not been repealed. Reeder received commission as a tenant under a land- i, and I have always said that it was one of the ~ igest provisions of the common law that no tenant suould be allowed to dispute his landlord's title. He was pliced there asa sentinel: but what was his course’ He first assembled the Legislature at Pawnee City. They were not long there before they adjourned to the Shawnee Mission. He re- fused to sanction the adjournment, and the very first bill brought to him afterwards was one char- tering the Kickapoo Ferry Company, I think. He refused to sanction the bill, and refused to maintain the authority which had been conferred on him, and without which he would have been a criminal intruder. As he was there under the color of lav, he was in a position to do much evil or to do mach ot He was the trusted officer on the quar-er- eck ina storm, and by his judgment might save the vessel. He refused to continue with his trust, and has given rise to a fearful trial. Well, sir, when Reeder would not do his duty and carry out the provisions of the law, what was the President to do? Remove him, of course. When he was removed, what was the next step? Thore who call themselves free State settlers, emi- nts sent out by the aid societies, assembled at Big s rings, and nominated as their Governor (per- haps I may be mistaken, as their delegate to Con- gress,) this man, who was in 0 rebellion to his own rch ly man who had disputed the title under which he entered the Territory. They not only did that, but they instituted proceedings for estub- lishing a government to'invest themselves. under the name of squatter sovereignty, with, I suppose, the right of nsurpers. They had a second meeting at To- yoke, and adopted a constitution in Convention, and under that constitution elections have heen held, and a Governor, judges, and members of the Legisla- ture have been elected. That Legislature was to assemble yesterday. God knows what ney be the tragedy grow.ng out of the 4th of March, 1856. Sir, the news of what occurred in iansas on the 4th of March, 1855, may bring us the in- telligence which will be the knell of the instita- tions—I will not say of the Union—of this country ; for I hope there is wisdom enough left to preserve republican institutions in durable form, should the present Union be no more. What was the President to do under these circ stances? Who brought about this catastro, What is the «attitude of these men? They have taken the law into their own hands, and when they did so they implored David R. Atchison for mercy, and he saved them. Here I will do him the justice to say that he has not heretofore passed the Rubicon with the spirit of an ambitious raler ; but if hereafter he ever passes that Rubicon, all his benevolence—and it is very large—will not enable him to overlook the taunts and fosalte which have been heaped upon him. If David R. Atehisan shall ever pass the line again, and say as Cesar did, “I have passed the Rubicon, and now I draw the sword,” I should dread the contest, for the very reason that he who goes into matters of this kind with reluct- ance is most to be feared. Remember, air, that Hector, at the siege of Troy, was the last to espouse the cause of one who had done dishonor to Priam’s house, and he was the last to desert it. He perished for the coward who got him into the diffi. culty. The proud patriot was averse to the quarrel of effeminate Paris—but once in, he was the last to np the honor of the house of Priam. this subject enlarges itself very much in the ation of gentlemen who have spoken upon it. shall nse no epithets towards the Senator from Rew Hampshire. I have thus far yb gg to avoid them. I have characterized his speech, but [ have used no epithets. The Senator from New Hampshire undertakes to say that, throughout the whole of the controversy in relation to the public do main of the United States, the South have been tl ageressong = Soytheyn agyregsion” was the tern | on bis liys—Southern aggressien- Southern inso- lence and dough face treason on the part of bis own Both statemente are natrue, ierpoteto bim personal uutruth. Tinake the remar® jn & historical and partiamentar; speaking of transactions, Let the Senstor answer me ope que-tion. When Virgin galla try of open bos. | debate, and I am ceded the Northwest- e States have been holding popatation southern aggression? “She i with her domain ho h Twill not say who i 11 in the sisterhood, but I it was the Old De via think, when she plan . owal hand, Unat they would give rise to in which an opinion would be ia! fovkd te reproached ior her e, are willing to osom that gave them life. . and are willing to maintain good 1 agreed to excinde no: it north ef 36 deg. 30 a, has been formed o.it of tory. The Senator from e opinious of many ‘8, to the effect that Kansas is not to be a . Sir, I do not know that it will be a o h I say, however, that, when thern portion of the United with that dominion which we rightf ; wed ourselves to de excluded irom the fana territory, we played the part of a gen- 3 only met with the scorn and contempt whieh a want of wisdom justly deserves. It was putting a rod in the hands ot others, without were, under the hope that it nD of common defence, but inst the donor as a means of erous parent, who knowing who th vnia, by whose treasure im as well as by South- t was made that 4) which it is said have ‘rom California, have been dew of heaven, one place and descends on another. say, in this connection, zon the fame and gallantry of Southern heroes I might be’as proud of the gal- y own section, as antiquit) the heroes of Greece and of Rome, and the heroes I will not refus> a common grave to the gallant Ransom, and the equally gallant Dicker- eon, who fell in the same battle. to them the mingled wreath of the laurel and the cy- Sir, in the face of the truth of history, when we have shed our blood in a common contes when we acquired a territory by common treasure, what is the fact? Has it not Leen appropriated to jortion of this confederacy, ing constitution? which arises in that I might embla- I would not deny the non-slavcholding under a non-slayehold Southern aggression! Did the honorable Sevator from New Hampshire think that he could satisfy any one who heard him on these points? if he intended to feed the flames which are bura- ing, but which he, in his benevolence, ought .o ex- tingnish. The gravamen of his argument, however, is, that Texes was annexed with a view to pauder to Southern insolence and pride. that connection, which those who agree very difficult to swallow. so much used to eating dainty thin; North, that their stomachs are not qi enough for the wholesome food which I them, and which their sexti 0, sir; but it looks as Now, I intend, in with him will ental stoma) 1s might pnt my questions, however, {: the se- nator from New Hampshire, for I am | etter ac- quainted with him, and I suppose he is t! ¢ organ, and stands at the head of those who agree with him Wonld he consent that Texas should have become a British province, with the certainty that England would place that province in the same condition as its West India islands, and with the certainty that her policy would be to make war on hi tutions of Louisiana and other Southern Would he take the part of England in such a controversy sooner than of those who have given us our liberties and ovr rights? that Great Britain should take pessession of [es and make war, like a roarin, may devour among its neighbors? sent to that, on un acknowledged condition only that it should not have slaves, and should be plédged make war on the institutions of the Southern S*: Would he agree to make war on his Southern con- federates on such conditions and through such Would he consent Would he con- The next question which I have to proponnd on that point is, whether they would consent that Texas should up to this time have retained her separate existence as an independent republic upon our borders, carrying on, in a commercial tition with us, which would dounded to the advantage of the South; becau Texas had opened her ports under the doctrine of free trade, she would have concilia‘ed her Southern- neighbors both by propinquity, consanguinity, in terest, and trade, and she would have had 2 right to doit? The North would have suffered uiore by her separate existence than the South, because they would have brought gocds to Galveston, and- when they got there all the rifles and the pul pits of the North could not prevent them from going wherever the people chose to carry them. Isay nothing about smuggling. Let those do it who are accustomed to it. vidions distinctions; but I may remark tliat the Yankee is a very keen fellow, and I think he is the pioneer at bargain making and trade wherever there is an opportunity. The next question I put to the gentleman is, whether they would consent now to remit Texas to her original condition, and let her assume a separate existence as a rival republic? The: of these things if they would consult the public mind of their constituents. They might say so, but they would be rebuked about as effectually as any public men could be rebuked whenever they appealed to that judgment. These are hard questions I admit. Task them, would they agree that England should take Texas and exclude slavery,or that Texas should continue to be a se] 1 her now from t! I wish to make no in- arate republic; or would e Union if in their power? 'k of these things when they do not intend speak about? The: They would not dare to resort to the safety valve of rhetori these difficulties, and to deluded constituency. tion, and do notexpect a judgment on it. Now, sir, I have disposed of most of the topics which have been introduced into this debate, and I amen of the matter bef todo what they ur out ite effusions on a ey make an ex parte mo- come to the main and that is, what tm the President to do’ >uppose Legislature assembled in Kansas on the 4th of March, absolutely hoisting the banner of treason, rebellion and insurrection, men to whom I allude denounce the President, if he should not interpose his Kansas, that Legislature will be opp rave aa they are, with we por hands, and the contest will be decided by the If it was only to involve them, i would not be of serious consequence; but the feeling have engendered is pervadi he Re: en in my own State I percei ties are being formed to go to Kansas; adventurous it anybody. Sir, let me ont to the youth of this country a temptation to go into scenes of blood. If you do this, you will commit the troversies on earth and the most importaut concerns of society to the youth of the country, for they will go there; and the cause of a republic may be decid- ed by the judgment of youthful impulse. ntlemen tell me that the President was no and eave them from such a eontest ? Sir, he would be guilty of criminal dereliction of pose; for, by interposing, ences of this ia- e federal gun, of lampshire spoke, young men who will fi caution you, do not hol gravest of all con- duty if he were not to inter he can save them from the T do not advise him to which the Senator from New Hi as TI have said, one drop of blood shed ry may not only dissolve Sir, I have sach con- in civil strife in th's county this Union, but may fidence in the good sense of the country, that 1 be- lieve republican institutions might survive the pre- Really it is broken already, for the spirit which cherished it uas been extinguished, and the very altars u have been profane: customed only to loek at this Union to be preserved by observing the ot stitution, and the honor of compacta, and as to se maintained by the good faith of that old Puritan school which formed the constitution, a1 not have quite as much sentimentality as some_of Ido not say what kind of suede. sors they are. Sir, the men of those days had a with events as they islom which knew how to a CW GlyuMalnage, & the federal con- their successors. NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, JUNE 3, 1856. themeelves co high that they saw more than others, and bt ethereal regions because the earth was toe, forthem Sir, it 18 not the bird vibieh always eecks the hig re of air, The vulture, it is said, lives the of eternal snow, and yet it can descend from ite ethereal height to live on garbage ' y The President of the United States is ander the hichert and most solemn obligations to inte! 3 and, if I were to indicate the manner iy which he should interpose in Kansas, I would it out the cld common law process, 1 servi warrant on rifles, and if rifles did not aa- swer tbe summons, and come into court on a day certain, or if they resisted the Sheriff, 1 would summon the posse comitatus, aad I would have Colonel Sumner’s regiment to be part of that posse comitatus. The men in Kansas may be deluded. There may be good men among them. do not wich for an outbreak. I think there are many men among them who on reflection will give over their delusions. I am not among those who hate any man because he differs from me; but I do des- pise those who are willing to commit others to a contest in which they themselves will escape the consequences. ‘ Mr. President, I shall not this subject further. I bave reviewed what been said so far as I thought proper to allude to it, and now I cou- clude with this remark—that if we are to be drifting in this way into a dissolution of the Union, I would sather that it should be dissolved to morrow—I wish my words measnred—in preterence to living in a Union without the protection of a constitation which gives me an equality: I ehould tell my 7d je 80 to- morrow. Yes, sir, the moment you say ‘inion is not under the control, and the influence, and the operative influence of the constitation of the country, } say to South Carolina, “Go out of the Union, and make arrangements with others to form such a s vernment as you can live in with honor and dignity THE REPLY OF MASSACHUSETTS. Speech of Hon, Charies Sumner. of Massachu- netts, im the Senate of the United States, Dany 19, 1856. Mr. Presipent—You are now called. to redress great transgression. Seldom in the history of nations has such a question been presented. Tariffs, army bills, navy bills, land bills, are important and justly occupy your care; but these all belong to the couree of ordinary legislation. As means and in- struments only, they are necessarily subordinate to the conservation of government itself. Grant them or deny them, in greater or .ess degree, and you will inflict no shock. The machinery of govern- ment will continue to move. The State will not cease to exist. Far otherwise is it with the eminent question now before you, involving, as it does, liberty ina broad territory, and also involving the peace of the whole country with our good name in history for evermore. : “ Take down your map, sir, and you will find that the Territory of Kansas, more than any other region, occupies the middle spot of North America, equally distant from the at- lantic on the east, and the Pacific on the west; from the frozen waters of Hudson’s Bay on the north, and the tepid gulf stream on the south, constituting the precise territorial centre of the whole vast couti- nent. To such advantages of situation, on the ve highway between two oceans, are added a soil of un- surpassed richness, and a fascinating, undulating beauty of surface, with a health-giving climate, cal- culated to nurture a powerful and generous people, worthy to bea central pivot of American instita- tions. A few short months only have passed since this spacious mediterranean country was open only to the savage, who ran wild in its woods and prairies; and now it has already drawn to its bosom a popu- lation of freemen larger than Athens crowded within her historic gates, when her sons, un- der Miltiades, won liberty for mankind on the field of Marathon; more than Sparta contained when she ruled Greece, and seat forth her devoted children, quickened by a mother’s benediction, to return with their shields or on them; more than Rome gathered on er seven hills, when, under her kings, she commenced that sovereign sway which afterwards embraced the whole earth; more than London held, when, on the fields of Cressy and Agin- court, the English banner was carried victoriously over the chivalrous hosts of France. i 2 Against this Territory, thus fortunate in position and population, a crime has been commit which is without example in the records of the past. Not in plundering provinces, nor in the cruelties of selfish governors will you find its parallel, and yet there is an ancient instance which may show at least the path of justice. In the terrible im- eachment by which the great Roman orator Ess blasted through all time the name of Verres, dmidst charges of robbery and_sacri- leges, the enormity which most aronsed the indignant voice of his accuser, and which still stands forth with strongest distinctness, arresting the sy pathetic indignation of all who read the story, that away ip Sicily he had scourged a citizen of Romentiat the cry—“ I am a Roman citizen,” had been interposed in vain against the lash of the tyram. governor. Other charges were that he had carried away productions of art, and that he had violated the sacred shrines. It was in the presence of the Roman Senate that this arraignment proceeded; in a temple of the Foram amtdst crowds—such as no orator ever before drawn together—thronging the porticos and colon- nades, even clinging to the housetops and neigh- boring slopes—and under the anxious gaze of wit nesees Hee ae ae ef crime. eee an audience grander far—of higher dignity— of more various people, and of wider inteili- gence—the countless multitude of succeeding gene- rations, in every land where eloquence has been studied or where the Roman name has been recog- nised—has listened to the accusation, and throbbed with condemnation of the criminal. Sir, speaking in an age of light, and in a land of constitutional liberty, where the safeguards of elec- tions are justly placed among the highest triumphs of civilization, I fearlessly assert that the wrongs of much abused Sicily, thus memorable in history, were small by the side of the wrongs of Kansas, where the very shrines oc coreg institutions, more sacred than any heathen altar, have been desecrated; where the ballot box, more precious than any work in ivory or marble from the cunning hand of art, has been plundered; and where the cry “I am an Ame- rican citizen’ has been inte: in vain against outrage of every kind, even upon life itself. Are you against sacrilege? I present it for your execra. tion. Are you against robbery? I hold it up to your scorn. Are you for the protection of Ameri- can citizens? I show you how their dearest rights have been cloven down, while a tyrannical usur- Lae has sought to install itself on their very necks: But the [wickedness which I now begin to expose is immeasurably ee by the mo- tive which prompted it. Not in any common lust for power did this uncommon tragedy have its origin. It is the rape ofa Mp pe Territory, compelling it to the hateful embrace of slavery; and it may be clearly traced to a depraved longing for a new clave State, the hideous offspring of such a crime, in the hope of adding to the power of slavery in the national government. Yes, sir, when the whole world, alike Christian and Turk, is rising up to condemn this wrong, and to make it a hissing to the nations, here in our republic, force sir—aye, force —has been openly employed in compelling Kansas to the polution of slavery, all for the sake of political wer. There isa simple fact, which you will vain- ly attempt to deny, but which in itself presents an escential wickedness that makes other public crimes seem like public virtues. But this enormity, vast beyond comparison, swells to dimensions of wickedness which the imagination toils in vain to grasp, when it is understood that for Mus purpose are hazarded the horrors of intestine feud, nov only in this distant Territory, but every- where throughont t the country. ‘iread, has begun. € Strile to mo fonger local, but nation- al. Even now, while I speak, portenta ‘U0 wil the arches of the horizon, threatening to darken ‘the In Heal hth already yawns with the matter- ings of civil war. e fury of the propagandists of slavery, and the calm determination of their opponents, are now diffused from the distant territory over wide. communities, and the whole country, in all its ex- tent—marehalling hostile divisions, and foreshadow- ing a strife which, unless happily averted by the triumph of freedom, will become war—fratricidal, —— war—with an accumulated wickedness fear wickedness of any war in human an- als; justly provoking the avenging judgment of Providence and the avenging pen of history. and constituting a strife, in the language of the ai.clent writer, more than foreign, more social, me @ than civil; but something compounded of all tiese strifes, and in itself more than war; sed potius com— mune quoddam ex omnibus et plus quam bellum, Such is the crime which you areto judge, But the criminal also must be Cragged into day, that yon may see and measure the power by which all this wrong is sustained. From no common source could it proceed. In ita perpetration was needed a spirit of Yee. ambition which would hesitate at nothing; a hardil of purpose which was insen sible to the judgment of mankind; a madness for slavery which should disregard the constitution, the laws, ‘and all the great examples of our hisjory; al- | 80 a consciousness of er such a8 comes fromthe habit of power; a combination of energies found only ina hundred arms directed bya hundred eyes; a control of public epinion, through venal pens and a prostituted press; an ability to subsidize crowds in every vocation of life—the politici local importance, the lawyer with his subtle tongue, and even the authority of the judge on the bench; anda familiar use of men in places high and low, 0 that none, from the President to the lowest bor- rt postmaster, should decline to he its t all things and more were needed; and they were Jouud the slave power of Ome Fepulg Thyve, cir, stands the criminal—all unmasked before you— hearticss, se J aud tyrapnical—with an auda- citg beyond that of Verres,a subtlety beyond that chiavel, R méanness beyond that of Bacon, and an ability beyond that of Hastings. Justice to Kuneas (em be secured only by the prostiation of this iafivence; for this is the power behind——greater than any President—which succors and sastaine the crime. Nay, the proceedings I now arraign derive their fearful conseqnence only from this connection. Tn now opening this great matter, I am not insen- sible to the austere demands of the occasion; but the dependence of the crime aguirst Kansas upon Yhe slave power is so peculiar and important that I trust to be pardoned while I impress it by an illustra- tion, which to some spay Bene trivial. It is related in Northern mythology that the god of Force, visiting an enchanted region, was challenged by his royalen- tertainer to what seemed a humble feat of strength, merely, sir, to lifta cat from the ground. The god smiled at the challenge, and, calmly placing his hand under the belly of the animal, with superhu- wan strength, strove, while the back of the feline monster arched far upwards, even beyond reach, and one paw actually foreook the earth, until at last the discomfitted divinity desisted; but he was little surpriced at his defeat when he learned that this creature, which seemed to be a cat aud nothing more, was not mereiy @ cat, but that it belonged to and ‘was a part of the great terrestrial serpent which, !n its innumerable folds, encircled the whole globe. Even so the creature whore paws are now fastened upon Kansas, whatever it may seem to be, cousti- tutes in reality a Rae of the slave power, which, with loathsome folds, is now coiled about the whole land. Thus do I expose the extent of the present contest, where we encounter not merely local resis- tance, but also the unconquered, sustaining arm be- hind. But out of the vastness of the crime attempt- ed, with all its woe and shame, I derive a well founded assurance of a commensurate vastness of effort againet it by the aroused masses of the coun- try, determined not only to vindicate right against | wrong, but to redeem the republic from the thral- dom of that oligarchy which prompts, directs and concentrates the distant wrong. Z Sach is the crime and such the criminal which it is my duty in this debate to expose, and, by the blessing of God, this duty shall be done completely tothe end. But this will not be enough. The apo- logies which, with strange hardihood, have been of- fered for the crime, must be brushed away, so that it shall stand forth without a single rag or.fig leaf to cover its vileness. And, finally, the true remedy must be shown. The subject is complex in its rela- tions as it is transcendant in importance; and yet, if 1am honored by your attention, 1 hape to exhibit it clearly in all its parts, while I conduct you to the inevitable conclusion that Kansas must be admitted. at once, with her present constitution, as a State of this Union, and give a new star to the blue field of our national (ee And here I derive satisfaction from the thought that the cause is so strong in itself as to bear even the infirmities of its advocates; nor can it require anything beyond that simplicity of treatment and moderation of manner which I de-ire to cultivate. Its true character is such that, like Hercules, it will conquer just as scon as it is recognised. My task will be divided under three different heads; first, the crime against Kansas, in its origin and extent; secondly, the apologies for the crime; and thirdly, the true remedy. But, before entering upon the argument, I must say something of a general character, particularly in response to what has fallen from Senators who have raised themeelves toeminence on this floor in championship of human wrongs; I mean the Sena- tor from South Carolina (Mr. Butler) and the Sena- tor from Illinois (Mr. Douglas), who, though unlike as Don ixote and Sancho Panza, yet, like this covple, sally forth together in the same cause. The Senator from South Carolina has read many books of chivalry, and believes himself a chivalrous knight, with centiments of honor and courage. Of course he has chosen a mistress to whom he has made his vows, and who, though ugly to others, is always lovely to him; adie polluted in the sight of the world, is chaste in his sight—I mean the harlot, slavery. For her his tongue is always profuse in words. Let ber be impeached in character, or any Bronce ck made to shut her out from the extension of her wantonness, and no extravagance of manner or hardihood of assertion is then too great for this Senator. The frenzy of Don Quixote in behalf of his wench, Dulcinea del Toboso, is all surpassed. The ascerted rights of slavery, which shock equality of ali kinds, are cloaked by a fantastic claim of equali- ty. If the lave States cannot enjoy what, in mock- ery of the great fathers of the republic, he misnames ecuenty, under the constitution—in other words, the full power of the national Territories to compel fellow men to unpaid toil, to separate husband and wife, and to sell little children at the auction block—then, sir, the chivalric Senator will conduct the State of South Carolina ont of the Union! Heroic knight! Exalted Senator! A second Moses come for a se- cond exodus! But not content with this poor menace, which we have been twice told was ‘‘ measured,” the Senator, in the unrestrained chivalry of his nature, has un- dertaken to apply epoxies words to those who dif- fer from him on this floor. He calls them “ sectional and fanatical;” and opposition to the usurpation iu Kapeas he denounces as “an uncalculating fanati- cism.” To be sure, these charges lack all grace of originality and all sentiment ot truth; bu: the ad- venturous Senator does not hesitate. He is the un- compromising, unblushing representative on this floor of a flagrant sectionalism, which now domi- neers over the republic, and yet with a ludizrous ig- norance cf his own position—unable to see himself as others see him—or with an effrontery which even his white head ought not to protect from rebuke, he applies to those here who resist his sectionalism the MetL epithet which designates himself. The men who strive to bring back the gove nment to its original policy, when freedom and not slavery was national, while slavery and not freedom was sectional, he arraigns as sectional. This will not do. It involves too great a perversion of terms. I tell that Senator, that it was himself, and to the “organization” of which he is the ‘“‘commiticd advo- cate,” that this epithet belongs. I now fasten it upon them. For myself, care little for names; but since the question has been raised here, I affirm that the republican party of the Union is in no just sense sectional, but, more than any other party, na- tional; and that it now goes forth to dislodge from the bigh places of the government the tyrannical sectiovalism of which the Senator from South Caro- lina is one of the madest zealots. To the eharge of fanaticism I also reply. Sir, fanaticism is found in an enthusiasm or exaggera- tion of opinion, particularly on yale subjects; but there may be a fanaticism for eyil as well as for good. Now, I wili not deny that there are persons among us loving liberty too well for their personal good, in a selfish generation. Such there may be, and, for the sake of their example, would that there were more. In calling them “fanatics,” you cast contumely upon the noble army of mar- tyrs, trom the earliest day down to this hour; upon the great tribures of human rightss b: whom life, Rasch and happiness, on earth, have been secured; upon the long line of de- voted patriots, who, throughout tory, have truly loved their country; and upon all who, in noble aspirations for the eral good, and in forgetfulness of self, have stood out before their age, and gathered into their generous bosoms the shafts of tyranny and wrong, in order tomake a pathway for truth. You discredit Luther, when alone he nailed his articles to the door of the church at Wit- tenberg, and then, to the imperial demand that he should retract, firmly replied, “Here I stand; I cannot do otherwise, so help me God!” Yon dis- credit Hampton, when alone he refused to pay the few shillings of ship money, and shook the turone of Charles I.; you discredit Milton, when, amidst the corruptions of a heartless court, he lived on, the iofty friend of liberty, above question or sus- picion; you discredit Russell and Sidney, when, for the sake of their country, they calmly tarned from family and friends to tread the narrow steps of the seaflold ; you discredit the early founders of Ame- rican institutions miuip preferred the hardships of a wilde: wese, Surrounded by a savage foe, to injustice on beds of ease; you discredit our lator fathors, who, few in numbers and weak in resources, yet strong in their cause, @id not hesitate to brave the mighty power of Lal pat already encircling the globe with her morning drum-beats. Yes, ae, of such are the fanatics of history, according to the Senator, But I tell that Senator that there are characters badly eminent, of whose fanaticism there can be no question. Such were the ancient Egyptians, who worshipped divinities in brutish forms; the Druids, who darkened the forests of oak, in which they lived, by sacrifices of blood; the Mexicans, who surrendered countless victims to the propitiation of their obscene idols; the Spaniards who, under Alva, songht to force the Inquisition upon Holland by a tyranny kindred to that now em- ployed to force slavery upon Kansas; and such were the Algerines, when in solemn conclave, after lis- tening to a speech not unlike that of the Senator from South Carolina, they resolved to continue the slavery of white Christians and to extend it to the countrymen of Washington. Aye, sir, extend it. And in this same dreary catalogue faithful must record all who now, in an enlightened age and in a land of boasted freedom, stand up in perversion of the constitution and in denial of immortal truth, to fasten a new shackle upon their fellow man. If the Senator wishes to see fanatics let him look round among his own associates—let him look at himself, But I have not done with the Senator. There is another matter rej led by him of such conse- quence that he interpolated it into the speech of the Senator from New Hampshire, (Mr. Hale,) and also announced that he had _pre- pared himeelf with it, to take in his pocket all the way to Boston, when he expected to address the people of that community. On this account, and for the sake of truth, J stop for one moment, aud tread it to the earth. The North, ac- cording to the Senator, was engaged in the siave trade, and helped to introdnee slaves into the South- ern Plates; aud tik pndguiahle fict he proposed to ertablish by etatietics, in stating which his errors turpasred bis sentences in number. But I let these pare for the present that I may deal with his 7 mw Pray, rir. is the acknowledged turpitude of a departed generation to become an example for us? And yet the euggestion of the Senator, if entitled to apy consideretien $m this di cussion, must have this extent. I join my friend from New Hampshire in thanking the Senator from South Carolina for ad- ducing this instance, for it gives me an opportunity to say that the Northern merchants, with homes in Boston, Bristol, Newport, New York and Philade!- pbia, who catered for slavery curb g the years of the slave trade, are the lineal progenitors of North- 1b men, with homes in these places, who lend them- selves to slavery in cur day; and especially that ail, whether North cr South, who take part, di- rectly or indirectly, in the conspiracy against Kan- tax, do but continue the work of the slave traders, which you condemn. It is true, too true, olae! that our fathers were engaged in this trafic; but that is no apology for it. And in repelling the authority of this example, I repel also the trite argument founded on the earlier example of England. it is true that our mother country, at the peace of Utrecht, extorted from Spain the Assi- ento Contract, securing the monopoly of the slave trade with the Spanish Colonies, as the whole price of all the bicod of great victories; that she higgled at Aix-la-Chapelle for another lease of this exclusive traffic; and again, at the treaty of Madrid, clung to ihe wretched piracy. It is trve, that in this spirit ibe power of the mother country was prostituted to he eame base exds in her American Colonies, against indignant protests from our fathers. ll there things now rise up in judgment against her. Let us not fellow the Senator trom South Carolina to do the very evil to-day which in another gene- sation we condemn. As the Senator from South Carolina is the Don Getaote, the Senator from I!linois (Mr. Douglas is) the equire of slovery, its very Sancho Panza, ready to do all its humiliatang offices. This Senator, in his | labored address, vindicasing his labored report— piling one mass of elaborate error w another mues— constrained himeelf, as you will remember, to unfamiliar decencies of speech. Of that address I bave nothing to say at this moment, though before I sit down I shall show something of ite fallacies. But I go back now to an earlier occasion, when, true to his native impulses, he threw into this discussion, “ for a charm of power- fal trouble,” personalities most discreditable to this body. Iwill not stop to repel the imputations which he cast upon myself; but I mention them to remind you of the “ sweltered venom alseping got,” which, with other poisoned ingredients, he cast into the cauldron of this debate. Of other things! speak. Standing on this floor, the Senator issued his re- script, xeanien¢ submission to the usurped power of Kaneas; and this was accompanied by a manner— all his own—such as befits the tyrannical threat. Very well. Let the Senator try. I tell him now that he connot enforce any such submission. The Senator, with the slave power at his back, is strong; but be is not strong enough for this purpose. He is bold. He shrinks from nothing. Like Danton, he may cry, ‘‘l’audace! l’audace! toujours l’audace!” but even his audacity cannot compass this work. The Senator copies the British officer, who, with boastful swagger, said that with the hilt of his sword he would cram ths ‘‘stamps” down the throats of e American people, and he will meet a similar lure. He may convulse this country with civil feud. Like the ancient madman, he may set fire to this vast temple of constitutional liberty, grander than the Ephesian dome; but he cannot enforce obedience to that tyrannical usurpation. The Senator dreams that he can subdue the North. He disclaims the open threat, but his con- dact still din piles it. How little that Senator knows himeelf or the strength of the cause which he per- secutes! He is but a mortal man; against him isan in mortal paciale With finite power he wrestles with the infinite, and he must fall. Against him aie stronger battalions than any marshaled by mor- tal arm—the inborn, ineradicable, invincible senti- ments of the human heart; against him i3 nature in all her subtle forces; against him is God. Let him ae subdue these. jut I bead from these things, which, though he- eel tld the very heart of the discussion, are yet preliminary in character, and press at once to the main question. 1, It belongs to me now, in the first place, to ex- poce the crime against Kansas, in its origin and ex- tent. Logically, this ia the beginning of the argu- ment. I say crime, and deliberately adopt this strongest term,as better than any other denoting the consummate tranegreesion. ¥ would go further, if language could further go. It is the crime of crimes— surpassing far the old crimen majes- tatis, pursued with perenne by, the laws of Rome, and containing all the crimes, as the greater contains the less. I do not go too far when I call it the crime Cis: nature, from which the soul recoils, and which language refases to describe. To lay bare this,enormity, I now proceed. The whole eubject has already become a twice told ale, aud its rcnewed recital will be a renewal of its orrow and shame; but I ehall not hesitate to enter upon it. The occasion requires it from the begin- ning. It has been well remarked by a distinguished his- torian of our country, that, at the Ithuriel touch of he Missouri discussion, the slave interest hitherto hardly recognised as a distinct element in our sys- tem, started up portentious and dilated, with threats and assumptions, which are the origin of our exist- ing nation: olitics. This was in 1820. The dis- cussion ended with the admission of Missouri as a slaveLolding State, and the prohibition of slaver: inall the remaining territory west of the Missiasippi, and north of 36 degrees 30 minutes, leaving the con- dition of other territories gouth of this line, or sub- sequently acquired, untouched by the arrangement. Here was a solemn act of legislation, called at the time a compromise, a covenant, a compact, first brought forward in this body by a slaveholder—vin- dicated by slaveholders in debate—finally sanctioned by slaveholding votes—also upheld at the time by the essential approbation of a slaveholding President, James Monroe, and his Cabinet, of whom a majority were slaveholders, including Mr.Calhoun himself; and this compromice was made the condition of the admis- sign of Missouri, wfthout which that State could not have been received into the Union. The bargain was simple, and was applicable, of course, only to the territory named. Leaving all the other tory to await the judgment of another generation, the South said to the North, conquer your pera so fer as to admit Missouri as a slave State, and, in consideration of this much coveted boon, slavery shall be prohibited for ever in all the remaining Louisiana Territory above 36 deg. 30 min.; and the North yielded. In total disregard of history, the President, in his annual message, has told ‘us that this compro- mise “was reluctantly Cy aaa in by the South- ern States.” Just the contrary is true. It was the work of slaveholders, and was crowded by their concurring votes upon a reluctant North. At the time it was hailed by slaveholders as a victory. Charles Pinckney, of South Carolina, in an oft- qucted letter, written at three o’clock on the night of its Passage, says, “It is considered here by the slaveholding States as a great triumph.” At the North it was accepted as a defeat, and the friends of freedom everywhere throughout the count bowed their heads with mortiftcation. But little did they know the completeness of their disaster. Little did they dream that the prohibition Of slavery in the Territory, which was stipulated as the price of their fatal capitulation, would also at the very moment of its maturity be wrested from them. Time passed, and it became necessary to provide for this Territory an bet pa aa government. Sud- denly, without ‘notice in the public press, or the prayer of a single petition, or one word of public recommendation from the President—after an ac Ppt of thirty-three years, and the irreclaim- able i ge by the South of its special share under th compromise—in violation of every Mok del tion of honor, compact, and neighborhood— and in contemptuous of the Ce Sate sentiments of an aroused North, this time-honore: prohibition, in itselt a landmark of freedom, was overturned, and the vast region now known as Kan- sao ond Nobracha wus opencd to rlavery. It waa nateral that a measure thus repugnant in should be pressed by arguments mutually repug- nant. It was urged on two principal reasons, 80 op- site and inconsistent as to slap each other in the face—one being that, by the repeal of the prolubi- tion, the Territory would be left open to the entry of laveholders with their slaves, without hindrance; and the other being, that the people would be left absolutely free to determine the question for them- selves, and to prohibit the entry of slaveholders With mee, Lye arey, we the. stlodget righ ith sone, apol was te of slaveholders; ‘vith “others, it was the alleged Tights of the people. With some, it was openly extension of slavery; and with others, it was opealy the establishment of freedom under the eae of populse sovereignty. Of course, the measure thas upheld, in defiance of reason, was carried Cor in Congress in defiance of all the securities of legisla- tion; and I mention these things that you may ie a what foulness the present crime was engen- ered. It wes carried, first, by whipping in to its support, through exccutive influence and patronage, men who acted against their own declared judgment and the known will of their constituents. Secondly, by foisting out of place, both in the Senate and House of Representatives, important business, long pend- ing, and usurping its room. Thirdly, by trampling under foot the rules of the House of Representatives, always before the safeguard of the minority. And, fourthly, py driving it to a close during ‘the very session in which it originated, so that it might not be arrested by the indignant voice of the people. Such are some of the means by which this snp. judgwent was obtained. If the clear will of the people had not been disregarded, it could not have assed. If it had been left to its natural place in the order of business, %t could not have paceed. If the roles of the House and the rights of the minority had not been. violated ! away—abiit, exce ’ ny’ , ite ne it could not have passed. Ii it had been allowed to over to another Congress, when the fe heard, it would have ended; and then we 7 eepiore, would have been without its first. re fe. ane Frames, 4 mean ag keep leprae Fs eae te limits rliamentary propriety. I m: no personal imputation; but only with franknesa, such as belongs to the occasion and my Own character, describe a great historical act, whieh is now en- rolled in the Capitol. Sir, the Nebraska bilt was in every respect a swindle. Jt was a swindle by the South of the North. It was,on the of , who had already completely enjoyed their share of the Misgouri compromise, a swindle of those whose share was yet absolutely untouched; and the of unconstitutionality set up—like the plea o! after the borrowed money has been not make it less a swindle. Urged as a of peace, it was a swindle of the whole country. U1 aa opening the doors to slave masters with their slaves, it was a swindle of the asserted doctrine of popular sovereignty. Urged as sanctioning popular sove- reignty, it was a swindle of the asserted rights of slave masters. It was a swindle of d territory, thus cheated of protection agail jlavery. was a swindle of a great cause, early espoused by Washington, Franklin aud Jefierson, surrounded by the best fathers of the republic. Sir, it was a swin- dle of God-given inaliepable rights. Turn it over; lcok a¥ it on all sides, and it is every where swindle; nd, if the word I now employ has not the authority f classical usage, it has, on this occesion, the indu- itable authority of fitness. No other worl will adequately express the mingled meanness and wick- \ dnees of the cheat. Its character was still further sparen in the ge- neral structure of the bill. Amidst overflowing pro-- fessions of regard for the sovereignty of the people in the Territory, they were deapoiled of every es- sential privilege of sovereignty. They were not al- lowed to choose their Governor, Secretary, Chief Justice, Associate Justices, Attorney, or Marshal— all of whom are sent from Washington; nor were they allowed to regulate the salaries of of these functionaries, or the daily allowance of the le; - tive body, or even the of the clerks and door- keepers; but they were left free to adopt slavery. And this was called pornist hovers ty. does not allow, nor does the occasion require, that I should stop to dwell on this transparent device to cover a tranecendant wrong. Suffice it to say, that slavery in iteelf an arrogant denial of human righta,. and by no human reason can the power to establish such a wrong be placed among the attributes of any just sovereignty. In refus- ing it such a place, I do not deny popular rights, but uphold them; I do not restrele popular rights, but extend them. And, sir, to this conclusion you most yet come, unless deaf, not only to the ad- monitions of political justice, but also to the genius of our own constitution, under which, when Properly 14 interpreted, no valid claim for slavery can be set uj anywhere in the national territory. The Senator from Michigan (Mr. Cass) may oy in_ response to the Senator from Mississippi, (Mr. Brown) that slavery cannot go into the Territory under the con- stitution, without legislative introduction; and per- mit me to add, in response to both, that slavery can- not go there at all. Nothing can come ontof no- thing; and there is absolutely cee! in the con- palneon out of which aarety on be galech while. ere are provisions, which, when pro inter~ preted, make its existence anywhere” within the ex- clusive national jurisdiction impossible. The offensive provision in the bill was in its forny a legislative anomaly, utterly wanting the natural directness and simplicity of an honest transac- tion. It did not undertake openly to repeal ne old prchibition of slavery, but seemed to mince the matter, as if conscious of the swindle. It is said that this prohibition, “ being inconsistent with the prin- ciple of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States and Territories, as recognised by the legislation of 150, commonly called the Compro- mire measures, is hereby declared inoperative an@ void.” Thus, with insidious ostentation, was it pre- tended that an act, violating the f pesteg compro mise of our legislative history, and setting loose the foundations of all compromise, was derived out of compromise. Then followed in the bill the further declaration, which is entirely without precedent, and which has been aptly led, “a in its belly,” namely: “it pene the true intent ané meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Tenitory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in- their owm way, subject only to the constitution of the United States.” Here were smooth words, such as delo: toa cunning tongue enlisted ina bad cause Bat whatever may have been their various hidden mean= ings, this at least was evident, that, by their effect, the Congressional prohibition of slavery, which ha already been regarded as a seven-fold shield, cov- qring the whole Louisiana Territory north» of degrees 30 minutes, Ake alld removed, while a principle was declared” which would. ender the supplementary prokghition of lavery in Minnesota, Oregon and -WWashing- on “inoperative and void,” and thus oper o slavery all these vast regions, now he rude cradles of mighty States.—. Here you see the magnitude of the mischief contem- lated. But my purpose now is with the crima gainst Kansas, and I shall not stop to expose the onspiracy beyond. Mr. President, men are wisely presumed to intend’ ‘he natural consequences of their conduct, and ta seek what their acts seem to promote. Now, the Nebraska bill, on its very face, openly cleared the way for slavery, and it is not yee to presume that its originators intended the natural consequences of. such an act, and pak in this way to extend slave- ry. Of course they did. And this is the first stage in the crime against Kansas. Bat this was speedily followed by other develope- ments. The barefaced scheme was soon whispered that Kansas must be a slave State. In conformity with this idea was the government of this unhappy ere oma in all its departments; and thus did the President, by whose complicity the prohibi- tion of slavery had heen overthrown, lend himself: to a new complicity, giving to the conspirators % leage of connivance, amounting even to co; er= ship. The Governor, Secretary, Chief Justice, Ase. sociate Justices, Bigae and Marshal with a whola caucus of othes pabooe ies, nominated by the Presi- dent and confirmed by the Senate, were all commends, ed as fiiendly to siavery. No man, with the senti<. ments of Washington, or Jefferson, or Frankling. found any favor; nor is it too much to say, that, had these great patriots once more come among us, not one of them, with his recorded, unretra opinions on slavery, could have been nominated by the President or confirmed by the Senate for any post in that Mgeshais 6 With such auspices the con- ae, proceeded. Even in advance of the Nebras- ka bill secret societies were 01 in Missouri, ostensibly» rotect her institutions, and ' afters wards, under name of “‘ Self-Defensive Associa- tions,” and.of*©Blue Lodges,” these were multiplied throughout the: rn counties of that State, be- fore a1 ent from the North. It was crater antipated that, by the activity of these societies the interest of slaveholders Ca led with the advantages derived from the neigh' of Missouri, and tho influence of-the Territorial go« vernment, slavery might be introduced into Kansas, uietly but surely, without arousing a conflict—that: e crocodile egg might be stealthily dropped in the sun-burnt soil, there to be hatched unobserved until it sent forth its reptile monster. But the conspiracy was unexpectedly balked. The bate which convulsed Congress had stirred the whole country. Attention from all sides was directed upon Kansas, which at once became the favorite goat of emigration. The bill had loudly declared that ita object was “to leave the people free to forne and regulate their domestic tutions in their owr way;” and its supporters everywhere challenged tha determination of the question between freedom and: slavery by a competition of emigration. Thus, while ning the Territory to slavery, the bill also open- ed it to emigrants from every quarter, who ht |b Ae aoe Pe snips wrong. ed ge ny orth, stung by a sense of outrage, and in- spired by a noble cause, poured into the debatable land, and promised soon to establish a supremacy of numbers tl ere, involving, of course, a just suprema- cy of freedom. Then was conceiy:d the consummation of the crime against Kansas, What could not be accom- lished ably, was to ke accomplished forcibly. reptile monster that could not be ee, and securely hatched there, was to be pushed full groww into the Territory. All efforts were now given ta. i Wt eae fores slavery Ge free a jagrant derogation e very popular sovereignty whose name Telped to impose this bill y the. country, the atrocious object was now distinctly avowed, And the avowal been followed up py the act. Slavery has been forcibly introdaced into. Kaneas, and placed under the formal safeguards of pee law. How this was done, belongs to the argument. in depicting this consuromation, the simplest out- line, without one word of color, will be best. Whether regarded in its mass or its detaile, in ita origin or its results, it is all blackened, illumined. by nothing from itself, but only by the heroism of the undaunted men and women whiom it environed. A plain statement of facts will be a picture of fear- fol truth, which faithful history wiil preserve in its darkest galiery, Inthe foreground all wil! recog- nize a familiar character, in himself a connecting link between the President and the border ruftian— less conspicuous for ability than for the exalted place he has oceupied—who once sat in the seat where you now sit, sir—where once sat John Adams and Thomas Jefierson; also, where once sat Aaron Burr. T need not add the name of David R. Atchi- sen. You have not forgotten that, at the session of Congress immediately sueceeding the Nebraska bill, be came tardily to his duty here, and then, after a short time, disappeared hs secret his been long since disclosed. Like line, he stalked into this chamber reeking with conspiracy—imno im Senatum eenit d then, like Catiline, he skalked » evasit, ervpit—to join ant