The New York Herald Newspaper, January 4, 1851, Page 4

Massachusetts Politics. OUR BOSTON CORRESPONDENCE. Boston, December 28, 1850. ‘The Character of the Coalition, and tts Ohjectp—The Defeat of the Whigs Caused by thew Opposition to | Popular Reforms—Probable Policy of the Vic- tors—The Senatorship—Mr.Swmner— Mr. Bowt- well—Mr. Ramtowl— Mr. Hallett—Mr. Banks-- Mr. Knowlton——General Cushing— The Congres- | stonal Elections— Interference of the Washingtom Union and Washingtom Republic in owr Affairs, — Se., Fe. | The Legislature of Massachusetts will meet here | in a few days, and the session is looked forward to with an amount of interest that I have never seen equalled during a long residence in Boston. Rare- | ly has it happened, even within the memory of that most respected of invisible personages, the oldest inhabitant, that any other party than the whigs hes had a majority in our Legislature ; and never has it been so (since the existence of the | whig party) when there was a United States Se- nator to be chosen. Believing that many of the readers of the Herald would like to have a correct | idea of the causes and probable consequences of | this state of things, | propese bestowing upon them | just as much of my tediousness as may be neces- ‘sary to enable them to accomplish that end. The oath to knowledge, | need not tell you, is generaliy through a dull and dreary region. The tial union becween the democratic and | free-soil parties that was made here in Massachu- | setts in 1549, was so fur successtul as to demonstrate the feasibility of carryiug the State over the heads | of the whigs were the union made on a broader and moreextersive scale. Those desirous of such 4 union being formed, went to work at an early day, and the courequence was, that in all the counties | where there was the remotest chance of defeatin, the whigs, what were called Union Senatorial tickets were formed, composed in about equal pro- portions of aba selected from the two opposition parties. There was some opposition to the demo- crats nominated in Miidiesex county, on the part of © the free soilers; but thie difficulty was removed | by the obnoxious candidates all withdrawing from the contest ; whereupon others were put up, who proved to be eeceptadle. In Essex county the opposition ceme from a number of demo- crats, and led to the defeat of three of the Union | nominees. In the counties of Worcester, Norfolk, | Franklin, Plymouth, «ad Berkshire, the Union can- didates were elected, and one was elected m Bristol county. Twenty-two out of forty Senators were thus chosen by the opposition, while the whigs succeeded in electing but eleven, and there are seven vacancies, which will be filled by the choice of five democrats, or free soilers, and two whigs. Should no other changes tcke place, the Sei will stand twenty-seven anti-whigs to 13 whigs; but it is currently reported—and very correctly, as Lnave the best authority for sayiog—that one of the democrats ¢lected from Middlesex county, (Mr. Banks, of Waltham,) who was also chosen a member of the House, will take his seat in the | latter body, in Which cuse the vacancy must be | filled by the choice of a whig, there being no mem- | ber of any other party evgible. The Senate will | then stand 26 to 14 ‘When the Union Senatorial tickets had been formed—end less opposiuon had beenexperienced in | their formation than was anticipated—equally strenuous exertions were made to unite the two branches of the opporition on candidates for the House of Representatives. It was hardly believed, however, that even such a union, favored though the opposition were by various circumstances, would result in giving the House to them. There were many things that so favored the whigs that few believed that the House would contain less than a reliable workiog majority of that party. Contrary to this expectauon, aad quite as much to the astonishment of one party as of the other, the returns of the first elecuons showed a majority of anti-whigs elected to the House. Whea tne final trials to All vacancies were made, on the 25th of November, it Was tound that the House would contain a decided mujoricy of enti-whigs. This majority is rated as high as fifty by some, while others assert that it will got exceed forty. Either number would be quite enough for al! purposes, were the opposition a homog+ueous politcal orga- pizauion, Which it heypenus not to de. The question that first presents itself, on contem- plating the existing state of thiogs, is this: —What Was the cause of tne utter defeat of the whigs in Massachusetts! The truthful answer to this ques: Lon 18 one of great consequence to the couatry; for, if it can be mede clear that the union between the democratic end tree soil parues was the conse- qmence of their agreeing on natvonal politics—that Is, thet even demecra s have adopted the principles «t the free soil party oa the ery quesuon —thea he matier @ very etrio: e indeed, and should ekvowntoall men The Scuth, in an especial mapper, ough to be made a ted with the fect. Tom bappy to be able to therefore,that, @s Teepects Ravers! polices, there has been no union between the democrats and free soilers of Maseachusetis Exch party has not only main- Lamed is OWD peculiar Views on the slavery ques- tion, but has aiso repudiated any icea of abandon- ing them. The union was formed for the purpose ot eflecting certam changes in our State govern- ment, changes that have jong been demaaded b; « large portion of the people, and against whic! the Whigs heve obstinately set their faces. [ have no hesitation in s#ying that, if the whigs had made afew chonges in certain locel matters, whereby the country 1owns would have mawtained their re- lative Coosequence in the State, they would not bave been beaten et the late elecuoa. Having, however, with Charactermuc obstinacy and stupid- uly, tesoived upon adhering to a system to whicb some of their own number were opposed, and which is clearly benind the times,they were as they deserved to de A party which disp the spirit of mules,should not complaia if it receives the trearment of mules You are aware that our plan of representation is based pot only on population, but also on the towns The smailest town in the State as entitled | (0 atleast One representative, once im ten years; and there is @ Cecennial revision made, so that every len years the Tepreseatation shall’ conform to the populetion. Now, when the revision was mede. 1550, it w dmeovered that the large towns and cities Were oo stuated as to be really the Sate. Not Louw X\V. could have more truly declared that he wae Freuce, than a score of whig towns could coll bewerlves Marsachusetts under the xieting Syste m— ee + erally if the votes enould continue to be divided into three parties. During seversiof the ten ye velween the commence- ment of 1551 and the cioee of 1560, the House of | Represeviauves, even it fail, will consist of only about three huw members—rather less than | more; end of th he whigs would be eure of having @ majo de up of the members elect- | edifrem such places a Boston, Lowell, Salem, texabury, Combniege, New Bedford, and a dozen T power, in comsequence ated Wealth, is too firmly | b) wuy other than the most | siorm, such as are of rare | 4 saw that if the opposition | ere be no | f the whe , but also that sid be represented hose towns in which the 5 eestion. That question had do with the ral result, which would slavery either had no ex- ignance ja. the coy. or by i ne orienee oom cently regarded by men parties. He: — ce may have had his ma- jority increased from supposed friendliness to the Wilmot proviso; bas, that that proviso hag anything to do—anything of importance, | mean— with the overthrow of the whign that,all other cir- cumstances being the same, the whigs would have carried the State, as heretofore, had the proviso never been heard of, is what no intelligent maa in | Massachusetts will assert. The discontent with whig local policy has existed for years It has steadily increased im strength and circumstances highly discoureging to its growth, and would have | been strikingly manifested long ago, but for the fact that these circumstances were of an insur- mountable character, until within the last few months. Only a twelvemonth since, the whigs, under a condition of affairs much more favorable to them than those under which the recent battle was fought, could arry the Liouse of Representa: tives only by ajority of less than forty, their majorities in that body being genera!ly counted by the hundred. : Some of your readers may ask :—“Admitting all this to be as you say, will not the democratic and free soul members of the Legislature unite oa a free soiler to succeed Mr. Winthrop as United States Senator?” 1 certainly cannot say that they will not; nor can | say that they will. The democrats say that when the “ coalition” was formed, there was no pledge given on their part to vote for a free soil Renstors and the free eorlers substantially confirm this view of the matter, by asserting that there was an “ understanding” to that effect be- tween the coalescing parties—forgetting that no- thing can taken for granted,” or left to be * understood,” in the great game of politics. I feel bound to say, however, that the prospect now is, there will be a free soiler chosen to the U.S. Senate. I have various reasons for this opimon. The demo- crats very generally believe thatif they refuse to aid in the election of a free soil Senator, the free soilers will refuse to eid in the election of a demo- cratic Governor; that, if they should quarrel with their allies, who are a plucky set of fello victory that is within their grasp will glide away like a stack of clouds, and the whig ascendency become stronger than ever, not to be shacken for another twenty years; that all the advantages to the public and to themselves likely to follow from the preseut prostration of the whigs, if no quarrel take place between the meinbers of the al- liance, will never come to pass if they should quar- rel; and that itis hardly worth while to allow the | alliance to be broken up on a mere question of no | great practical importance, when its continuance promises such great positive advantages. It is generally supposed, end | believe correctly, that if the free soilers should be allowed the Senator they will select Charles Sumner for the office. Except- ipg that he is a provisoist, Mr. Sumner is quite as good a democrat as the generality of our most noted leaders of the national opposition party—cer- tainly as good a democrat as any man who goes to whig meetings and makes speeches for the benefit of the whig party. It 18 commonly re- marked, that he is friendly to all the demo- cratic views on those questions which have long nal improvements, ete, ete. Oa most matters relating to the slavery question, or likely to grow cut of it, he would not from nine-tenths of ali the voters of Massachusetts, no matier by what party mame they may be known Opponents as well as supporters admit him to be a strictly honest man—one who will have full regerd for his oath of office. Then as respects fitness for the place, he certainly cannot be object- ed to on that score. Leaving Mr Webster out of the question, as the Eclipse of the course, there bas not been an abler man than Mr. Sumner sent to the U.S. Senate from this Siate for more than forty years He is one ot the best scholars of the day, and quite equal to the station, in that respect, to which his friends desire to elevate him. The only men among our eminent democrats who can he compared with bim for scholarship is Robert Rentoul, Jr., aad who certainly would be elected Senator, if the democrats hed a clear majority of their own men ia the legislature. Mr. Rentoul will be chosen to serve out the bal- Jance of Mr. Webster's term, thus oustiag Mr. Winthrop from bis present place. This, however, will depend upom the success of the other meas: ures. Some members of the democratic party, who are anxious to have the aliiesce maintamed, but who do not like the idea of sending a free soiler to Con- gress, have proposed a chunge ia the arrangements so much talked of. They say, let Mr. Boutwell be chosen United States Senator, and let Mr Philli (the free soil candidate for the office before people) be choren Governor. This would give the State [phe egy substantially, to the ‘ree soilers, and 1 carried out under them as they would be under a democratic goverament. This proposition, which etuikes me es being the most sensible of any that has been brought torwerd, finds but few sup- porters, probably because of its being plain and rational. It may yet be adopted, however, as the only meeps of preventing the whigs from recover- ing the Suate government at once; but thechances ase much egamst t—very much so indeed. The chances are altogether, at this present writing, in fevor of the elevation of Mr. Boutweil, to the chief magistracy of the commonwealth. He is, if l mistake not, the youngest man who ever held the ofhce since the commencement of the existence ot Massachueetts, either as a province or a State, cepting the celebrated Sir Henry Vane, who, of the , tom Post) cl of son, rnd ‘Sue Boston perel; Mr Hildreth,eduor a Bieri ot Middlesex county Beard, of Lowell, is also named in connection with the of- fices of Secretary of State and Treasurer, and will mort probably have eomething. He is one of the original nominees of the democrats for the Senate, in Middlesex county, but withdrew in consequence of the opposition made to him by the free soilers. Mr Knowlton, editor of the /orcester (ium, is understood to have peremptorily declined to al- low his nase to be brought forward as a candi- date for any office, though no man in hia party has more and warmer friends. Mr. Hallett is spoken of ae the probable successor to Mr. Clifford in the office of Attorney General. He would fill the place well; and his appointment would be satisfac- tory to the democratic party, would not give eny offence to the free soilers, a8 the office has n0 particular connection with parties. Clifford is very obnoxious to men of all parties, because of bis absurd aristocratic ideas and manners. He has no very large amount of talent or legal acquire ments. He obtained considerable reputation from his management of the case against Dr Webster; but that was owing more to the imbecility of the renee: senior counsel than to own merits. Any body could have answered Merrick’s argu- ment; but it would have been very different had it vote any different | Itis said that | e reform in State afl-irs would be as fally | | after being Governor of the colony in 1636, at the | age of about twenty-seven, went to Eagland, took | & most promiment part in the greatest events of his ume, tnd nelly Was condemued to aa undeserved deeth, convary to law, in these “unclean sham- bles,” the English courts sitting for State trials wader the Stuarts. Mr Boutwell is about thirty- | tour; but, though Fane atv 3 young for the sta- tion, he hes hed much experience im those very things with which it becomes a Governor of Mas fachusetis to be best acquainted) He entered the Legislature in January, be and has served there ever since, with the exception of one year. Dure ing that time be has acted on many importantcom- mittees, and has taken the leading part on the democratic side, in most debates of consequence Indeed, it has more than once happened that he bas been the only democrat in the whole Legislature, who has been able to speak with efiect on great questions; and thus he wae brought forward on all the ld day made a mame with great repidity. Th dithe high respecta- bility of character, both as a public man anda private citizen, led to his being nominated for the office of Governor in 1849, he receiving about two | votes to every one cast for ovber candidates, before the convention. He has much firmness of charac- cording to the report of those who are with him. ¢ 18 ebout entering upon a #eLoL—supporing the * ¢ jon” to connaue— that will test bis morel and mental qualities. Should he be found equal to the veeasion, he will find his good fortune permanent; bat it must be confessed thet he is not likely to find the place an acy ene, apa | cannot imagine any one who loves wet, locking o himes «a man to be envied ter. quein have majorities, Would gut be repres (as their | Cut Of office bere for a quarter of a century, the two votere were divided etween democrats and free | )t#te thet Mr Moiton was Governor countiag | soilers. This, in the view of men who cherish adeep | eT Bothing, ws the whig ascentancy was no: Tegeré for tows Ofgauiz tins, aad who thereby div urbed. Of course, it is expected, ua- not only of great ci ies, but also of der euch circumstances, that there will be ay wealth, Wes no clight ev An of thorough @ change ia men oe in policy; and should very extensively brie, end ts not unshared by | ‘hisexyectation be diseppoiuted, it i# altogether Whigs, chat the tendevey of Massachusetts legia- | Ptububle that the whige will step back into theit Sau daevaaen © ber ie fC aitn, hee been | 0d places at ndofa tweivemonth. Our Gow to abd te the Ore othe nen he poverty | YT! thas not somuch to do in the way of ap acum The wos wero that the | Pointments a# have the governors of some other great cries and towns | been the ceipienta of | Sre'rs wrk gemgdne amy sth ged seopovted he governmental favor he expewse not only of the | 5") “ye Senmuembiarn deans te alemmaaio "aan agricultural interes’, bu: al-o at that of the emal) | drelel i noneee t0 aieetbetas . towne, of which ther ate between two and three | Most hhely i y ete he ee - Ye 4 hundred in the State, ond the people of which are i. spetedonl ogpones ben favre at the = nied . r toa tig er | 200d; but A statesman’s purity of character Page ames oF. ge vat of represennatives | bes Dever yet coneiliated his political foes; and snade lant eamnene?, the f the smail towns | #* geod men as Mr. Boutwell are to be found mag hene see pled to an evil which | &™ ng our Whigs, so that they would not be com- sa would ace aayra, | Pelle? to ellow hie election on moral grounda, the cumelante nee e eee et ccloecal | Which is a point that never yet decided an election vated, they we fe Fee peee" | onder the sun, if it everdid above that luminary Te Te ee eee lteiy opaning ali | [thes been bitterly snid, thet * party is the mad Ueihtir political | Beet of the many for the benefit of the few,” and if a tare tovah tadeanen, | ee be correet, it only shows how necesenry it it ‘ Boys soy tthe few e pe attended to. In eaying this, ease cae yo aps rp oy. "Se te otuae © not With to be understood as casting any slur tale tbe, valor of their proyerty. Oe the Ouaet | uron ether Whigs moerate who may show @ A ae v-vigorously | Hing for ‘the ay Their conduct is in exact u von eum wee & 2 accordance with the principles of that very imper- ot the ‘atmnall towns to have | feet thing, human nature. There are many @ vod pureved Wwoadeted at, when the | tbibge in Maseachusrtts, which the men of the ene e0te 00 vawieris, cad the @ppoeidon se | opposition will demand, and if they ehould not get sorely. that the latet wth trummph? Ia itne | (htm, Why—nue verrone; as the venerable man crentea tu uote the a iasaren of of the Washington Unum would oy It is im y te S wise hae, Chan Ge | ee man to be more popular, of more Saat ing diteclly Deters one ee ee yam cre | generally esteemed, than was Mr. Morton when hod it lying H “ *, an -y4 y be entered office in 1843; yet he went out of office, oovieus to as, op nS a to | at the close of his term, Without the least regret those who are = * . Nr ng oo 1 aflaire, | being felt by the very men who had stood by him thet neveg ener "Tf ce He pursued what he called “ a e | prevent us from seetng I thn not; and those | Southern popers which heve been startled at see. fing Massachusetts democrats and free aoilers net. ing together, might perhaps find less cause for m at such a lact, if they wruld only take the | troubie to inform + cifouins'ances Bodet Which the * nade 0 Porition parties hej ened to have the sume interests With the email towne, and the lever or a majority @f thei, favored their candidates The opposition | perics have adeep interest in putting an end to | for twenty years ory cour but the whigs were so per to refuse to be conciliated. They area do pot differ much from cornet verse econeervative party. © whet they"were in IS As to the offices, it is seid that Mr. Banke, (dem ) will be Speaker of the Honee: Me Back (free ceil.) President of the Senate; Mr. w Cree eoder,) Lieutenant vernor; Me Coelmen, (who waa the democratic odie date for_ Lieutenant. Governor,) Secretary f tate, or Treasurer; Mr. Josselyn, of Lyan, clerk | candidates | They swear that old dividied our national parties—the tanif, inter- | deen his Jot to contend against a really great advo- cate, suy Mr. Choate General Cushing, as elect of our House of Kepresentatives. He was chosen by a “coalition” of whigs and democrats, in the town of Newbury, and for the purpose of opposing the democratic and free soil ‘* coalition” in the House. It is said that he will be able to rally enough of the old democrats to prevent the election of a free soil U.S. Senator. This may prove to be a well founded view of affairs, but the chances are against it. A new plan has been pro- posed, by which to increase the probabilities of the election of such a Senator. It has been the cus- tom here for each branch to vote by itself on the election of a Senator, but they can go into joint bal- lot if they wish so to do. Now, if such a proceed- ing would be authorized by @ small majonty of the House—eay two or three majority—the twelve * coalition” majority in the Senate would concur in the matter, the result of which there could no Jonger be a doubt. Add to it no matter how small @ majority in the House, or even if there should be a emall majority in the latter body against Mr. Sumner at the fast moment, and the free soil Se- nator will be chosen. Besides this, there are two or three whig members of the House, who pro- bably will vote for Mr. Sumner in prefereace to Mr Winthrop. There are two vacancies in our delegation to the present Congress, and not less than seven in thet tothe next Congress. Governor Briggs, by way of parting salutation to the men who laid him out cold, has ordered a trial to be held for filling these vacancies, on the 20th of January. He hopes that the democrats and free soilers will fall out on this matter, as they run separate candidates, a fact which is by itselt sufficient to show that the “coalition” bed nothing to do with national mat- ters. But they will not. If they “agree to dise- gree,” it will be in acivil sort of a way. The whigs are much more likely to quarrel over their The impertinent interference of the Washington Republic against Mr. Grudder, the whig candidate in the Tenth District, has excited a good aeal of indignation among the whigs. itchie has been employed by y Websier to edit the Republic, and that, hy 4 done the democracy all the injury he possibly coul he has cortracted to pulverize the whigs in con- sideration of being allowed another slap at the pubhe postion Speaking of the venerable relic of "98, 1 em reminded that the democracy here laugh at his impertinent interference in their local concerns. His interference in the matter of the Senatorship wiil be attended with no other effect than to increase the chances of Mr. Sumner’s election; for while the *‘ancient mariner” of our political seas can go out of his way to censure Northern democrats, he has never a word to throw at thoee of the South who leave the straight path. ‘There are some other points connected with our politics, about which [| should like to say some- thing, but the Jength of this letter admonishes me that, if said at all, it must be said on another day. Cotonna. Mississipp! and the Compromise Measures. ADDRESS OF THE COMMITTEE aPProiNT! bY THE MEMBERS OF THE LEGISLATURE FRIENDLY TO SOUTHERN KIGHTS, TO THE PEOPLE OF MISSISSIPTIL, _ Fenrow-Crrizens—lt has now been upwards of sixty years sivce the formation of our present con- sti'ution, That instrument was frarred by sepa- rate and feeble States, to give them greater strength amongst the nations of the earth It was adopted with great reluctance on the part of the South, at the earnest solicitation of the North. For a num- ber of years efter its adoption, an extreordinary struggle was gowg on in Lurope. The ware of the french revolution shook every throne to its cen- te. It was ipoel g at difficuliy that the United States could avoid being involved in these coll mons. Exch of the great belligerent powers en- deavored to foree them from neutrality ; but the wisdom of our revolutionary sires preserved the bey of the country. The pressure trom abroad ept the people united at home. The slave ques- tion, which even betore the adoption of the con- stutution, had been a source of difficulty, was per- mitted to sleep in the presence of a more presein; denger. France ceded isiana to the Unite Sates, to keep it from falling into the hands of England. This produced no extensive agita- uon of the subject of slavery, because «!l thoughts were occupied by our foreign relations. But after our — to resist aggression from abroed was established wi the war of 1812—after the increase of our population and wealth had given us a high rank among nations—and after the Union was thus felt to be less neceasary for defence ageinst foreign powers, our dissensions on the subject of slavery were renewed The gene- ral peece of Europe removed all fear of a foreign war. When @ State, carved out of the territory of Louisie: pplied for admission into the Union, the question of slavery eppeared in a more me- nacing form. The existence of the Union was threatened, and the goverament was shaken to its foundation. The wisdom and patriotism of that day were found sufficient to adjust the difficulty, but ata sacrifice on the part of the South, whieh fully evinces her attachment forthe Union. That everifice was made with @ pe that it would puta final end to the question he subsequent epread of our domain to the Pacific Ocean was not fore- seen. If it had been, no one doubts but that the line of 26 degrees 80 miautes would have been ex- tended across the continent. That would have ended thie question for ever, in its application to territorial acqvisiti But this prescience ‘as not accorded to the mea of that day. It remained for the events of the prevent time to dev: lope folly the evils which grow out of en interierence by Congress with @ subject not entrusted to it by ihe constitution. The Missouri Compromize gave quiet to the country but fora very chor: time. In fifteen years from the time it was de, the halle of Congress were filled with petitions praying tor Irgisiation upon the subject of slevery, in many other respects. Such power of legislation was denied by the South, and this topic has been the source of a constantly increasing egitation, from that time to the present. At the last cession of Congress, it absorbed its entire at- tention, and excluded almost every other mat from considerstion. A bitter warfare of its destruction, if it be not_stayed and arrested by the action of the South, The general govern- t, under the control and in the hands of a orthern majority, is arrayed egainst it, and the tution must perish if the States who are inte- ed preservation de not protect it A sayacious Southern statesman, years ago, de- clared that it was the settled policy of Congress never to admit another slave State into the U, liad Congress alone been consalted, th wy would have been carried out to the letter. in ISM the desire of (he people for more territory, by a popular vote, \rought ebout the annexation of ‘exag, and the settlement of the Oregon by iw hought, thet by the resolutions of « tion, a Vast extent of territory was toalennably se. cured to the South. Although the South conceded the whole of Oregon tu the North, without a mare mur, a reckleee majorsy of the lest ogress, by an offer of $10 000.000, and by throwing t into the eenie elong With the porse, diemembering Texas, by which freesoil makes an immense stride ‘cowards eecompl shing the avowed object of ite e *®, in surrounding us with a cordon of free The same determi- petion to prevent the edmiseion of any more slave Stetes, induced the North, during the war with Mexico, to refese to vote appropriations to ear the war, unlees the territory to be eequired si be previously devoted to freesoiliem. The policy thus early developed, bae found ite consummation € m the recent acts of Congress. Under all the cieg) ees which the act haa been toede to eseume, it ie easy to be seen that the ad- mriesion of Celiforaia was brought about by the fe- deral goveromen ponvention which framed the constiintion of California, wee called by heer of the United States, who preseribed the ovalifiestions of the voters, and put im motion all the preliminary proceedings. le was but the event of the federal goveroment. It is an estab- hehed principle, that every government becomes rerponsible for the act of its officera, if, when those acre are complvined of, they be n agent hed, and ten made ment of the United States bhuedone neivher of these, elhough the South hae birterly remeonerated. The whole series of merenres, from the proclamation of Gen Riley to the sdevmsion of California ag a Stte, fed pething to redeem them from the che racterof wor ation ant revelutwn but the retion | of the goverament of the United States. It hence lo lowe thet © eet of Onlifornia wae but the of | eet of the federal ceveroment, and that the advea- torers Whe gainered apon its shores, and seized we ‘of a void act can give it validity. The bills forming territorial governments for Utah and New Mexico are no departure from this line of licy, to yenatade all mined sone - Slave tates. gress was ready en: yy interven- tion, to shut out slavery from Calffornix; but was firm to the principle of non interveation as to the repeal of the Mexican law in regard to slavery in these territories. The law was deemed as effect- ual for the exclusion of slavery as the Wilmot proviso. The teritorial legislatures are forbidden ‘o touch the subject, and it is thus rendered cer- in as anything future can be, that these territo- when they come into the Union, must come free States. By this action of the government, the Southern States have been deprived of all benefit from the country acquired from Mexico. The men of eve- ry clime under heaven has free access to these regions, with all his capital, except the citizen of the Sonthern States. His capital consists chiefly of slaves, and if he should go, he must leave them behind. The blood, and treasure, and valor of the South, did more for the acquisition of the territory than any other portion of the Union. Had these vast acqui: ns been made in the absence of a consti\ution of union, by thirty States, as equal sovereignties, what would b> said of the ettempt of these States to appropriate the whole of these territories to themselves, to the exclusion of the people of the fourteen slaveholding States? Can any legitimate action of the government of the Union result in what, without the Union, would be undisguised plunder? Is this discrimination egainst the rights of the South just? And if not just, will the South sit down under it, in uncom- plaining acquiscence? ‘i But itis not in regard to territory alone that the recent acts of Congress have done injury to the South. By this same action of the government, the balance of power between the two sections of the Union bas been destroyed. A permanent sectional majority in both branches of Congress haa been se- cued, hostile to the institution of slavery. The struggle for equilibrium, which lasted for thirty years, has been ended. The North has now the power—has it likewise the will to crush this insti- tution? He must be blind to the warnings of the it who does not see unquestionable manifesta- ions of this will. The church, the pulpit, the schoolmaster, the press, the public meetings, the legistative halls of the North, and all the depart- ments of their State governments, with a few belgys cromeces are all against this institution. Where, then, is there room for hope, except in the united action and counsels of the South? ‘We pass over the abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia, with but a single remark. ltis a portentous sign of the times. It is the care tying of another outpost, prearmony to the final attack upon the citadel itself. — Another most significant siga is the opposition, so generally manifested at the North, against the Fugitive Slave bill. This right to recapture fugi- tive slaves, hapacat | guarantied by the constitution, was the only semblance of good extended to the South by any of the measures of the last session ; and this will not be permitted to remain on the statute book a moment longer than fanaticism can gather strength to take it off. Even now it is in Traction, to @ great extent, nullified and set at de- hace, The habit of discussing slavery in Congress, without any view to its poe. fills the coun- try North and South with agitation. Indeed, agi- tation is pursued as a system, and there seems to be a fixed determination to keep it up, to continue it, and te increase it, till slavery 1s swept from the land. The object of the constitution, as deciared in its preambie, was ‘“‘ to establish justice, provide for the common defence, and insure tranquillity.” It has failed in securing these vitally essential ends. North and South the country is rent with dissea- i subject of slavery. Congress, so far Z means to bring about tranquillity on this head, is but the arena on which the passions find place for their exhibition. What a spectacle i thus presented to the world! The institatioa of slavery is assailed and the satety of the Southern Siates endangered, not by any foreign power, not by natural causes operating among ourselves, but by the fanaticiem and lus of power of our asso- ciates confederacy constituted for our pro- tection. No one nation or State is permitted to interfere with the domestic institutions of another. This principle was propounded at a very early day, especially the policy of this continent. Ithas kept out interference from abroad. It is quite as appli- cable to the sister States of this confederacy as to foreign nations, except in regard to those objects which are confided to Congress by the constitution. Yet, in violation of this principle, the ple of the North do not hesita'e to seduce our from our service; to tect them from recapture, and to prepare their minds for insurrection, The national egislature wili aflord us no redress, because a per- manent rectional yng! is egainet ua. If a fo- reign nation were to do these acts, and make no reparation, it would be just cause of war. This principle has been more than once asserted by our governmentin relation to this very description of pro- perty, and as often recognized by Great Britain. Without the constitution, and without the Union, the acts of the Northern people, above set forth, would be cause of war. As it is, the constitution is the rampart behiud which abolitionism affects to entrench itself, and commits these acts with impu- nity. Sofarfrom the constitution affording pro- tection to slavery, and justice to its owners, as it was intended to do, it is converted into an instru- ment by which deadly assaults are made upon the institution. Ifthe compact of Union has thus failed in practice, to attain the ends for which it was cre- ated, it is time to seek for security in amendments of its provisions, or in some other mode. Is it right that those who have no pecuniary or rocial interest in the subject of slavery, ehould be permitted constantly to agtate the question of slavery in Congress, solely with a view to ite de- strvetion t le it right that slavery and the sleve trade, so far ns they are connected together, should be abo- lished in the District of Columbia t Ie it right that the Fugitive Slave bill, and with it the constitution upon which it is founded, should be disregarded and set at naught? Is it right that the common treasure of the States should be expended by a free-soil majority in Con- gress, in purchasing the territory of a slave-hold- ing State to a line south, which, if extended east to the Atlantic, would leave more than half of the State of Mississippi north of itt Is it right that the North, which, in a spirit of in- justice to the South, restricted its institutions to a line of 36 degrees 30 minutes by a compromise, thirty years ego, should now be permitted, in a a spirit much more upjust, but by another com- promiee, to drive us to a line further south, by ab two hundred and seventy miles! ls it right that the people of the South should be excluded from the territories acquired from Mexico t ls it right that they should ecquiesce in a system which restricts the institution of slavery to its pre- rent limita, which will result ia cresting a free soil berrier westand south, beyond which it cannot pose, and which must end in its final destruction, mvolving the people of the South in universal and irremediable ruin ? If all these are right, then the South has no pre- ent cause of complaint, and should not utter a murmur. But ifthey are wrong, it behooves the South to consider how its rights are to be in- ned, and whatare the means of remedy and re- dr The firat obvieus step in the progress of remedy is the call of a convention of the peeple. By this et p the State assumes her highest attitude of sove- revgnty, and is prepared to call her whole resources into exercise. That convention may ask for re- drese with seme hope of success We would suggest that it ehould ask amend- ments of the constitution, by which either of the two great sections of the confederacy should, ia the furure, be deprived of the power of oppressing the other, by unequal and unjust taxation, whether direet of indirect : e slaves shall be delivered up, that fngi from justice are, and that the State authorities ehall assist in compel their delivery: By which all future discussion or agitation of the subject of slavery in the halle of Congress shall be excluded, unless with a view to extend to it the protection given to other deseriptions of property + And that it should ask that Congress shall extend the Missouri Compromise line to the Pay ocean, end to that end, obtain the con tof California pet euch line may constitute her southern boun- dary d that the right of the people of the slave- holving States to carry their slaves to all territory ooth of it ehall be aknowledged and secured If redrees like thie can be ootained, the whole ‘fieulty will be ended by means which cannot meet onjecton from any quarter The evuressions of which we complain have, no doubt, reached their fearfal maanitade, from the pinion entertained at the North that we dared et cerry our resietence to the point of a serious ttorbenes of the present orgenization of eur eye em of government, even in defence of our cred rights Seeing our divisions at hom 5 J srypesed eur weakness would prevent resistance from being formidable or eficetoal I) the retion to which we t referred shall etety them that we are crete 1 to maioteia wr riet t elt haverds, thet we have the ewer t, we may still bape tha ation f the Union mat be avoided The remaiving ptrie of the North, and muen more. their riereet in preserving # tride and commerce, fos fered end cherished byw an nareatrained itereour-e woh the Sonh, will indnee them to recognige wn & svarentee our equal and just rights, bem ae p line faith and justice corresponding to uestions involved, by our grie Ser teal tebe Soe etre pes and fraternal kindness restored, @ guarantee aflorded of the petcotal ‘of the Union. If the North shail re: to accede to our just demands, then will come up for decision the ques- tion ilar ol we shall submit to grievous wrongs, tal FS 8 The com- evidence of hostility on their part will be lete—the cup of submission on ours will be full. ‘on: action, tional submission. yond that point, will be uncondi- If we would remain a free people, must then resort to such remedies, as, under existing circumstances, should then promise to be most effectual. The federal Union is formed of equal indepen- dent aareereiaaiee. The constitution is the bond of Union. hen that is violated, the Union is broken. It is the right of the States to judge, in the lest resort, of infractions of the constitution. The Union must rest on the consent of the parties to the compact. As each State acceded to the constitution, and became a member of the Union voluntarily, each one may, in the exercise of its high sovereign right, withdraw from the Union, without avy ation of obligation to those which remain; and if justice and good faith shall govern ourse, there can be no occasion for hos- in. This is the doctrine of the fathers of the consti- tution. Mr. Madison says: ‘It appears to be a plaim principle, that when resort can be had to no tribunal superior to the authority of the parties, the themselves must be the rightful judges in resort, whether the bargain has been pre- served or violated.” 5 ‘ Mr. Jefferson says :—‘‘ In this, as in other cases of compact among parties having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions as the mode and measure of .”? sSeveral of the States, at the time of the adoption of the constitution, also expressly claimed he nght to resume the power granted under the constitution. Hence it follows that the right to se- cede belongs to every member of the Union, and that itis a right that is never given up. But the expediency of the exercise of this right is quite a different question. We are by no means prepared to recommend to the people of Mississippi, at this time, to take this step in advance of her sister States, even should our complaints go unheeeded ; but as a measure of precaution, it will become the duty of the convention to act with reference to the consequences of a refusal, on the part of the go- vernment of the United States, to redress these grievances, and to afford guarantees for our future protection and safety, and to that end to provide for the appointment of delegates, whose ute it shall be, in case of such refusal, to meet the delegates of the other Southern States in convention, and | jointly to consider of the grievances and the mode | and measure of redress—the plan of aciion thus to be devised by their united wisdom, to be laid before the people of the States therein represented, for their final adoption or rejection. If that convention, with all the lights which may be thrown upon this subject by the events of the past, as well as those which may have tran- spired in the interval, shall then come to the so- lemn conclusion that the eafety of the South, the political liberty of the southern States, the exist- ence of their institutions and the honor of their people, can only be preserved by a secession from the Union, and the formation of a Southern con- federacy, and should recommend that course, we know xo power but that of the people in these States, who would have a right to question the jus- tice or pkgs @ of adepting the recommendation. In such case, this course would be dictated by the truest wisdom, and by the most exalted patriotism. The interests and policy of the States composing wh a confederacy, would be ident Their ility to sustain their position and maintain their right#, cannot be doubted. With annual producta ot the value of one hundred and fifty millions of dollare, and with nearly « million of fighting men, the South has the capacity to maintain a national independence egainst all external pressure. Such a people, with all the elements of power, cannot be expected to eurrender their rights. We have no desire for a severance of this Union. Long may it survive, if it can be brought back to its pristine purity, to dispense equal justice, and io- sure domestic tranquillity to @ free, united, and happy people. We are ready to surrender much to preserve it. But we could not get rid of slavery, if we would. We have not the means of seading | flooded the marke! them away, if we were willing to part with them | without compensation. mind, thatif a payment to us of anything hke the value of our slaves be mude the condition of their removal, it is simply impracticable—as it is evi- dent, upon the least reflection, that the tion of a sufficient amount of capital to this object, ond its consequent abstraction from the commerce of the world, would derange every branch of busi- ness, agricultural, commercal, and manufaciu- ral, throughout cbristendom. There can be no equality of the races. They cannot live anoog% us, except 48 our slaver, OF a8 Our mas The whole history of the past proves th. ae or the other must have the ascendancy. We must either maintain our superiority, or surrender the land of our fathers. Between these two alterna- lives no one would hesitate. The past success of the abolitionists only makes them more keen for future vietorice. If they are not stayed, post after post will be carried, until they are ready to make the final attack upon the institution in the States. Northern fanaticism treads no step backwards. A few more enward steps will brash the scales from ali eyes. We trust it may not then be too Jate. Fellow citizens! we have thus endeavored to lace facts plainly before you. When your minds ‘come convinced of these truths, there will no longer be dissensions among ourselves If the people of the whole South once become united, the crisis will be passed. Divide and conquer, has been the policy of our opponents. If to this policy You oppose a united front of firmness and of patriot- ism, the country may yet be safe. 1a our opinion . But if in this coaflic: the constitation shall » we may eppeal to the civilized world to eor witness to the truch, that it fell not by the hands of the South; but that true to its instincts of freedom, the South gave up the Union only when it no longer secured to us the blessings of a ration al libert (Sig ed J eoger® ton, T. Jones Stewart, J. J. Meliae, C. K. Ciifton, C P. Smith, J. A. Quitman, Jo. Bell, on behalf of the Committee. Jackson, Dec 10, 1850. The Commerciat aspect of the Slavery Agitation in the United States Fh the London Mercantile Gasette, Nov. 27 ) € on this side of the Atlantic mast take a lively interest in all that conceras the welfare and social harmony of the United * is not, therefore, without some freling of uaeasi- ness that we hear of che dissensions which now prevail—not merely among citizens of the same State, but between the Northern aod Soutbern Statee, as independent federal goveramente—on the subje ctot the Fugitive Slave bill, With the feelings of abhorrence which prevatl in this couatry against slavery, and ull who are concerued, how- ever remotely, in prof by or promoting it, it will be quite unnecessary tor us to speak as we might do on the late measure of the American Coa- grees; but we naturally feel a sympathy with the unfortunate beings who are the vicums of such an abominable lav, and with those who denounce the whole system which has given rise to it. Hy ua, however, there are other feelings which must have some weight) The United States are now more than ever beund to this country by commercial ties of Vastimportance to both countries, mace sull more fore, look, as we have a right to do, for something importent by our free trade Iegisiation. We, there- in the way of reciprocity from our transatlantic oflspring. The British ports are open to the ship- ping and produce of every kind of the United States, without duty or charge What caa we look f n—Wwhat would be reciprocity! Why, clearl m ys u the tariff on the mannfactures of this couatry should be reduced to mil, or at least to a very low figure. Itmay, perhaps, be seid that what we import from America is raw produce, whereas our exports to that country are labored menufacta: The raw cotton of the States is undoubtedly Ww pro duce, but we deny that their flour, their bauer, their cheese, end cured ment, can be #0 consider: ed; they are as much manufactured articles as the iron Weexport to them Again, as regards our shipping, As we have thrown our colonial trade open to American shi ping a veevel under the flig of the United States can bring a cargo of sugar trom Jamaica to Liverpool, or # cargo of diye ina saliperre from Caleutta to London—itis difficult to conceive on what principle of equity a British ship should not be wllowed to take « cargo from New York to San Frenciveo At present, the Americans contend that this certainly putting @ very forced construction upon what may be properly considered « coasting trade. Let the Americans really make # coasting voyage of the peseege from New York to Oalitoraia, and wemay yiell the point to them; bat this they Weuld be very reluctant todo; yet in a few years, when the medita Atlentic and the Pacific, 1 willreally be a coasting voyeur, t, however, along the shores of the Uni d States, but through independent republics er @ ot er States. Moch @ American friends may be envied the poereesion of such the Americen content as 4, would be un- sir bot to admit that, m thing possession it ho colonieing tt, they have rendered good service tecommerciel Durope California has now a popu- Jation of about 900,000, which, in all probability, J.M Ciayton. J.1 Guioa, | And iet it be borne in | was without admiration that we see have done for it in so short & more = Urts, we reely o4- ; country taken sion of it, instead of the Americans, we belleve it would be in avery diflerent state to what it is at present ; probably, its population would have to be number- ed by hundreds instead of by thousands. The fact is, there is a spirit of wandering enterprise among the citizens of the United States which no other peace possess ; and this h2s been brought power- fully to bear upon the auriferous region of Califor- nia. Britith America was originally founded by European wanderers, and the ** Pilgrim Fathers” eppear to have retained this much of their identity to the present hour. . With the ion of California, with the con- ceesions which this country has made to the trade and navigation of the United States, and with the increase of 11s population through emigration, we anticipate the most brilliant prospects of wealth, and, 80 far as wealth can give it, of prosperity for that country ; and although the Americans will, of course, have the Jion’s share of whut they are developing, still they cannot have it all. Commer- cial Europe, and this country in particular, must more or less participate in American prospenty ; it is not @ miser’s board which cau be shut up and concealed from the rest of the world. Take Cali- fornia, for mmstance: we may fairly expect that our manufacturers will have a fair share of the busi- Less of that colooy—we beg pardon, it is now one of the States—particularly if the Americans should treat this country more liberally—that is, more justly—in their commercial dealings with us than they do at present. Above all, as regards the voy- age between Europe and Calitornia, it would even- tually be to their own interest to do 30. But bright as are the prospects of the United States, they may all be marred by those internal dissensious which are threatened through the hostile party feelings engendered by the Fugitive Slave bill “ We are not surprised that the people of the Northern States—the uncontaminated— should regard this bill as a foul stain upon the national character, and a disgrace to this enlight- ened age; nor that the South, so long accustomed to the degrading agency + / slave labor, should be dead to the appeals of humanity and civilization. Still—for the sake of America, for the sake of Europe, and, above all, for the sake of this coun- try—we hope that these esperities will cool down. Separation between the Northern and Southera States has been threatened; and, although we do not think that such extremities will be resorted to, or even that they are intended, yet the Americans are an an excitable and en obstinate people, and, in the present state of popular feeling in that coun- try, it is to be apprehended that very serious disturbances, approaching to civil war, may occur, upless some modification of the obnoxious bill should take place during the session of Congress, which meets on the second of next month. Se- rious disturbances cannot occur in the United States, without materially damaging the commer- cial interests of this country. Additional Kuropean Markets. Livearoon, Dec. 14.--More activity this week in the heavier articles of provisions. Beef met an extended inquiry from the trade. Holders sell freely at present Prices, but do not seem inclined to give way further, which, with a small stock in retailer's hands. may ena- Die this seasoa’s cure to be cleared off at about present quotations, Pork finds ready buyers at steady prices, and stock of old now much reduced. Fer becon, in- quiry does not improve. Shoulders getting svarce, but demand not brisk. nor do prices stiffen, Lard. ‘The small stock in first hands sustains present quote- tions for fine; ord. dull, and sells slowly at 35s, For fice qualities checse # ready sale at top quotations, but middling sorts do not move so freely. The continued heavy imports ot wheat and flour bave caured increased, dullness ia the corn market and prices to recede, The large artivaly ot French, together with American flour. have, fer the present, barrels may be quoted from 6d. t cheaper. Southern flour, for Treland, io fair demand; but fine dressed. for bal Wheat nominsily 1 to 2s. per use. is slow of sale bushel lower. The arrivals of Genesee and Cena- d only & retail des reat eral large lots taken by Indiau corn rm at full prices; quantity « ad limited im assortment; no fine white to be bad; demand from l, and no signs of fi Quereitren bark im fair u siderable extent trom shi ther improvement in New Orleans more p The scarcity of rhips f n 108 to 124 64. per ton. Ships not pleoty, Pasei dull. Bacon—Long migdies, boneless, cwt., 32 do. rib-in, 308, 6d. a 818; do short middl 200, 0 08 64; do. rib-in, S00 64 25e Shoulders, 21 a 22s. 87s 6d w 88s ; good. 370 & i : inferior aud grewme, 298. a butter, 25 0308 Cheese — Fine, boxes. 38 a 42°; easke, ord. boxes. S54 ke, 3 Fi Canal, per bbl ; Philadelphia, 238. » 238. 64 ; ja. 236 6d a 24s; St Louis, al (or sour, 10 aie Wheat—White G 5 ae per hush 70 lbs. 6s. 3d a 6s. 10d.; mixed, 6s. red. be. tak 6s. Gd 5 red, ert. 480 Ta Ss. 10d ; whi! # 5a 10d. Od adds White, per bbl 196 ibs, 158 a 150 64 lds Quereitron Bat hi Bd ; do. Bi bts—To Boston, fine good 25s ; weight. 228 Gd 2s; New York, fine goods, 174 @4. a 204, 120, 6d; Philas Os, a 124, 64; a fine goods. 25 a 5¢ weight, 124 64 « loa, ; New Orleans, fine goods, 17s, Gd. 20s; weight, lls « 12s. 6d ron Dee. 14— Athes advanced to 32s, for pots, and 20s. fer pearls. Berries —Sales ot Persian yellow 22 bales at £67. 64 to £6 12s Od latter for reall; oe. —Business checked by the high pri- cer required; £9 10 asked for third quality Ohemi- —Boda ash taken at 25.18d per degree for forward ry. and some makers have deolined to take fur- ther orders at that. Prus Patas tons sold at Is 44. tols 44d. per lb In Bichrome a fair business | done; ealee ct 20 tons at Td perld Of sods crystals 200 tons eold on rather easier terms; to-day makers are not disposed to rell offes — A moderate business only @ bags Ueara at auction at 47061 by private 50 bags native Ceylon at 35s; 200 bags Bt Domingo 48s Cate con- tinues high | Dyewoods—Logwood —A cargo of 300 tens offered by auction, for which £6 6. offered, no higher bid since; 60 tone Bt. Domingo sold at £4 2 Od extra quality. Fustic.—Bales of Cubs at 9 & £10; Porto Cabello at £5 10; and s small parcel | of Rio Hache at £5 a £5 2. 6d. LI Nicaragua wood £14; Camwood to arrive £26. Atew tons Barwood £4 Hider. —Sales moderate, but at ex- treme prices; ® few salted Kiver Plate ox good fealized 4\\d. and Rio Grande 37,4. per Ib ie Rubber—200 pks offered, only 0 soldat ie Od for lnrge heavy bottle. up to Ie 11d for good. Insigo—A few chests sold at Se Od ade 2d. perlb Jute a litte 9.000 balen sold at £12 ap to £16 104 for Dye Only sale 4ch. Diamond B at 2e. very fine | Bd ‘per Ib. Maddere—Turkey madder roots mash in- tes of America; it | | rome deserii | for raile pumerovs and £6 per ton is offered. without er, but the advanced rates check alee 62 bales Pe today Stock very light her again higher trom Smyrna fully Some Dutch roots, all 8 408 per Naval et ewt, ra ted for 3 000 bbls o Br. but demend mall Nitrate soda taken tos limited ewt Otle— Olive ee, bri e extent 10d aS being ace from the absunce of in pala to errive £23 108 per ton of id wt oe better Inquiry reign ‘and bage mid. to good brow 6d. to Wn 6d per ewt demand pet Id the goed to fi Jone rovnted 0 reported ery firm and prices From the large advance don public en the whole foun: the continuaver of @ good busi verroot. Lnow Marner, Deo. 18 d prices tevd upward Tally full of orders tor some weeks to come and forge Pigs, in Btaflerd-hire have advanced bs per ton. The Pirernt aepect of things aveims to jnstity the expeate- jon that a general iinprovement will be eatablished. Rare, in Wales £4 ihe earh) good brands £2 4 bar. $6 6*.; nail rod for b Tron rematns fem, The maXers are now cone. No 1 pigs in Glasgow, (net In Liverpool Merohant boop, £7; thwet, £7 168; Sevtch pig No 1 £2 128 64 Manaiaetured troa in active demend and prices ate 2e. 6d. to bs higher on lone. with an upward tendency Orders fflect Beotch pig neglected. and rather easier Tin plates very mnch sought atter and command 220 6d to 348 per box f ton for pigs copper LC chareesl Lead frm at £17 per Block tin up £5 pet ton, No change in il Sve to Ble ; Cotten firm at im ling to middling mail parcel of yellow Havane eld rie) More doiag at rarher bishor prices. Ou dry River Plate B06 to 450.; 4500 dry Rio drands, Pe to S4e , 2000 dry Bihia ze to P89; 5.000 eal 14e to 200 spews there was lictle doing: Phe held Grmly at 565M. at which price some salen ade Btorke 7. Coffer Business is revived tii and st Domingo say Ke to %y has been recovered; prices were well matatetand Seles of the week were 0 bags Bead at Be 46 + 100 Ft Domingo S*. tobe. 1000 La ange to Ne Huger wibeat animation, 840 bow wid wt 1% to Ain per 100 tbe, BOO casey Webi wt dierent prices Rice Onrollge’ at 12 ty 1iym. pet 100 Ibe. Bpives business very trifling