Evening Star Newspaper, April 25, 1940, Page 13

Walter Bill May Become ‘40 Issue G. O. P. Shapes Up Fight on Power Of Bureaucrats By DAVID LAWRENCE. Events are shaping themselves here to make the paramount issue of the coming presidential and con- gressional campaign the question of abuse of public power. The Repub- licans have been slow to develop the lines of at- tack, but the ad- ministration leadership is vir- tually playing i into the hands of its opponents. Thus two major pleces of legis- § lation—the Wal- ter-Logan bill and the amend- ments tothe David Lawrence. Wagner labor law—turn wholly on the question of a fair deal for the citizen. But intimations are being given publicly that the administra- tion is trying to prevent action in the Senate by persuading its sup- porters to squelch the measures in committee, or, failing this, the Presi- dent is expected to veto the bhills. Senator Barkley, majority leader, says he wants the hill vetoed if passed by the Senate. The tactics being followed by the administration supporters are trans- parently obstructive. Thus, if the Walter-Logan bill as passed by the House is not satisfactory, the normal | course would be to rewrite it in the Senate and send the bill to con- ference. But the administration, while conceding that the objectives | of the measure are sound, prefers| to kill the bill altogether. More Than Year for “Study.” ‘The campaign against the measure | has been going on for several months. The first contention has been that time was needed for further study and particularly to wait for the report of a special com- mittee appointed by the administra- tion itself a year ago. But, as Senator Hatch, Democrat, of New Mexico, who has taken up the cudgels in the Senate for the bill, points out, the administration has had more than a year in which to “study” the bill. Another barrage against the Wal- ter-Logan bill released lately is the favorite old argument that “nobody understands it.” Laymen who read it are said to have difficulty in| knowing what it means. But legis- lation designed to perfect court pro- cedure, or, in this instance, the rules of conduct of governmental commis- | sions, are not written in words oii one syllable because lawmaking | traditionally must use technical terms in describing procedural | problems. | Likewise if failure of laymen to understand a piece of proposed legislation ever had been (he| criterion, the New Deal would never | have been ahle to get the Public Utiling" Holding Company Act, the Securities and Exchange Act or the administrative provisions of its various tax laws through Congress. An Amusing Argument. The most amusing argument being | made against the Walter-Logan bil) | is that it “makes work for lawyers.” | Coming as this does from adminis- } sylvania Republicans, elated over the | RepublicAn votes cast assures proot tration supporters it has furnished the only bit of comic relief in the whole legisiative session. For if| there is one administration which has swelled the pockets of the law- | yers, accountants and technical ex- perts and thus increased the ex- penses of doing business in America, it is the New Deal and its legis- lation. | Take the case of the Securities and Exchange Commission, which | requires a registration prospectusi for every loan above $100,000. The | general opinion among underwriters | is that anybody who can get by with a cost of less than $10,000 for lawyers’ fees and other expenses is an exception to the rule. Ten per | cent is a big penalty or tribute to pay for a small business in need of capital and that's the reason why more jobs aren’t being created. It is curious, too, that the New Dealers should be worrying about lawyers making fees when it isi noticeable that many of those who have been occupying posts in the administration are regularly moving into the various private companies | Indirectly controlled by gevernmen- | tal commissions and collecting big fees for so doing. A congressional | investigation of what has been hap- | pening lately to the personnel of | the New Deal and their relation- | ship to trusteeships and other Iucra- | tive positions outside the Govern- | ment, but related to practice before governmental commissions and bureaus, would be very illuminating. Checks Bureaucratic Power. The Walter-Logan bill is really feared by the radicals here. It is the first sign of a fair deal that has been written into a proposed piece of legislation in a long while. Naturally it will cramp the style of the bureaucrats and will provide a check against arbitrary power. The | | theory that a citizen should find | redress in a court or that sensible | procedure should safeguard his rights seems to have been forgotten by certain New Deal agencies in| their zeal to exercise governmental | power in accordance with individual caprice or economic bias. | The public can understand the | difference between a raw deal and a fair deal. It's a simple issue to explain. The language of the Wal- ter-Logan bill itself will not be de- bated on the stump, but only the record of abuse and prejudice which has cast such a disheartening blot on the record of those who call themselves “liberals.” Now there is regrettably to be added some of the old tactics of the reactionaries in killing legislation in the Senate committees rather than facing it openly and amending it in the public interest. The Republican party can draw on this simple issue many independent voters to its banner this year in the congressional elections and de- feat several Senators and Repre- sentatives who will have gone on Tecord as opposed to a fair deal and & fair hearing for the citizen. Presi- dential vetges often have become campaign issues before. It would be surprising if the administration leaders misjudged the temper of public opinion after the 3-to-1 vote In the House and tried to squelch the Walter-Logan bill, (Reproduction Rights Reserved.) i THE EVENING STAR, WASHINGTON, D. C., THURSDAY, APRIL 25 194C. The Capital Parade Third-Term Group Heartened Despite Talk Roosevelt Favor: Hull-Jackson Ticket By JOSEPH ALSOP and ROEERT KINTNER. It is hardly news that the New Dealers managing the third-term move- ment are more than ever convinced that the President will yleld eventually to their elaborately arranged draft. Their conviction on this point has grown steadily stronger for months. Probably it will not weaken until it is proved right or wrong, when the President makes his great choice. This they expect him to do after the Republican convention in June. It is really striking, however, that despite their conviction that the President will run, eminent members pf the New Deal group now frankly confess that he is talking to them in a quite opposite sense. He has gone so far, indeed, as to map for them the campaign strategy of a Hull-Jackson ticket, for which he first indicated his preference some months ago. Campaigner Jackson As reported, the President’s plan for a Hull-Jackson campaign is both simple and logical. As he has put it, Secretary of State Hull will represent the “principles” of the Roosevelt administration in foreign affairs, while Attorney General Jackson will repre- sent the Rooseveltian “principles” of domestic policy. Though foreign affairs are now so overwhelmingly important, and though the Secretary of State is top man on the proposed ticket, the Pres- ident does not allot to him the most active campaigning role. Hull is to stay in Washington at the State De- partment, making few speeches, deal- . ing with the cruel problems which = = the war may be relied on to present during the summer. Thus the difficulty of Hull's age and somewhat ineffectual campaigning personality will be surmounted plausibly and with dignity. | Meanwhile, Jackson, whose job does not require him to struggle daily | with a disintegrating world, who is younger and speaks far better than Hull, is to shoulder the main burden of campaigning. There is plenty of precedent for such an arrangement—in the Republican McKinley-Theodore Roosevelt campaign of 1900, as well as in the Democratic Cox-Franklin Roosevelt campaign of 1920. In discussing it, the President has recalled both these instances, and predicted that the arrangement would work well for a Hull-Jackson ticket. ‘If We Take Our Coats Off’ | These plans of the President’s, it is worth noting, have been revealed | in the course of actual arguments between him and the New Dealers, as to whether or no he ought to run. The New Dealers’ position is that the President “must run” because he is the only liberal Democrat who can win. The President accepts the New Dealers’ contention that any sacrifice is proper to elect a liberal Democrat. But he dissents energetically from their thesis that he is the only Democrat of this type who can be elected. He has invariably named Cordell Hull in these dissents, stating that Hull’s opinions on domestic policy are much more “liberal” than they have been represented as being, laying great emphasis on the fact that Hull's can- didacy would unite the Democratic party, and predicting firmly that “if we take our coats off” Hull's selection will be easy. Speaking generally of a Hull-Jackson ticket, he has said that it would clarify the purposes of the democracy, and that under his projected cam- paign plan, it would also serve to build up Jackson as the political leader the New Deal group so badly needs. In truth, the President has been pretty definite in his talk. It can be taken for granted, further- U . more, that special significance at- | p taches to the President’s choice of | ¢ the New Dealers as his confidants. | ; ‘Where reasons of policy might move | him to pretend lack of interest in a | third-term attempt to conservative | or moderate Democrats, he could talk up Hull and Jackson to the New | Dealers only because he did not wish to run himself. The New Dealers admit that the President is not anxious to run. The | puzzle remains of their conviction that in tke end he will run. Currently, | they are basing their conviction on the state of world affairs and the recent | progress of Thomas E. Dewey. Before the moment comes for the President’s choice, they are likely to have found additional reasons for it. Meanwhile, it is still any one's guess what the President’s choice will be. (Released by the North Amerit can Newspaper Alliance, Inc) Pennsylvania 6. 0.P., Elated Over Primary, Presses Fall Drive Democrats Faced With Selection Of New Leader | F. Torrance summoned his State Despite the lively Democratic fight for party control, Republicans, united behind the successful sena- torial candidacy of Jay Cooke, Phil- adelphia city chairman, polled the largest vote in State-wide balloting. Republican State Chairman James Committee to meet May 11 and de- clared that “Republicans in Penn- sylvania are the victors in the first battle of the presidential cam- paign.” He predicted the party’s State candidates would be elected in November by more than half a By the Associated Press. | PHILADELPHIA, April 25.—Penn- million votes. Mr. Cooke asserted: “The wide margin between the Democratic and size of their vote in Tuesdays pfl.i that the citizens of this State are mary, plunged into plans for a two- | continuing to reject the New Deal fisted fall campaign today as Dem- | ocrats tackled the job of revamping their State organization. | Major problem confronting Dem- | ocrats was selection of a successor | {to David L. Lawrence, who sur-|districts missing, the Democratic rendered the party leadership and announced his retirement as State chairman after United States Sen- ator Joseph F. Guffey’'s decisive vic- tory in a fight for renomination. Mr. Lawrence, who split with Mr. Guffey in the 1938 primary, backed Walter A. Jones, Pittsburgh oil man. The Senator beat Mr. Jones by nearly 100,000 votes. A third can- didate for the nomination, William N. McNair, former Pittsburgh Mayor, trailed far behind. Will Continue in Politics. In stepping aside, Mr. Lawrence insisted he wasn't giving up politics, | but would continue active in his| home county of Allegheny (Pitts- | burgh). Until the 1938 discord, he | and Mr. Guffey had been friends | and political allies for 25 years. in the same thorough way they started to do in 1938,” when Re- publicans regained control of the State government. Latest Returns. With only 328 of the State's 8,105 senatorial candidates polled a total of 729,939 votes, compared to a total of 910,810 for three Republican sen- atorial candidates—Mr. Cooke, Al- bert H. Ladner of Philadelphia and John A. Derenzo of :Altoona, Pa. The registration was 2,572,100 Republic- ans and 2,046,129 Democrats. Returns from 7,777 districts gave Mr. Guffey 384,425 to 295,905 for Mr. Jones. On the Republican side, 7559 districts gave Mr. Cooke 656.- 556 to 207,307 for Mr. Ladner, his closest rival. Democrats cast nearly a half mil- lion votes for President Roosevelt, whose name was the only one on the preferential ballot. In the Re- publican presidential voting, all| write-ins, Thomas E. Dewey of New | York, with 8,700 votes, led Gov. | The Democratic State Committee | must meet no later than May 22 to “SPRIG HAS CUB ALL WIGHT, 5 Arthur H. James of Pennsylvania | six to one. ! AND AS USUAL WE HABN'T AN ESSO OIL BURNER” Installed, Serviced, Guaranteed, and Fueled by theMarketersofissoGasolines EASY TERMS & B8 Co. of New Jersey, a3 low as ution Ave. N.W. s-lm PER formation about the Esso Oil Burn- Fhone National 9032, er and your easy payment plan. WEEK After 5 P.M., National 1350. Without obligation, send full in- on monthly Budget Plan Nomé— . . _ Address. ST ————— L_H_O_M_b_i_y Payments Start ll_ Septembor :THE qpintons o] the writers on this page are their own, not necessarily The Star’s. Such opinions are presented in The Star’s effort to give all sides of questions of interest to its readers, alt By G. GOULD LINCOLN. Ninety per cent of the members of the Republican National Com- mittee, it is said, would like to see the very efficient organization built up by Chairman Hamilton during the last three and a half years continued — in- cluding reten- tion of the na- tional chair- manship by Mr. Hamilten for the 1940 presi- dential cam- paign. There are sound reasons, say these com- mittee members, for such a course. G. Gould Lincoln, The organization as directed by Mr. Hamilton is functioning efficiently. Indeed, it has functioned well ever since it caught its breath a few months after the smashing defeat which the G. O. P. suffered in the 1936 elections. The campaign of that year closed with the Republi- can National Committee facing a deficit of $1,167,000. Two States caly, Vermont and Maine, had remained faithful to the Republican party. The G. O. P. was as flat on its back as it could be and still breathe. There were demands from many quarters that the chairman be replaced. Despite the discouraging situation, under the leadership of Mr. Hamil- ton the Republicans caught their second wind and scrambled back to their feet. Little by little the debt was reduced, funds were col- lected to carry on headquarters, to supply the Republican congressional and senatorial committees with needed money to operate and money was turned back to the States for their own use, G. O. P. Revived by 1938. By the tinie 1938 rolled round, | with its congressional and guber- natorial elections, the party organ- ization was hitting on all fours. The Republican gains in that year were material, although the Democrats were still left with large majorities in the Senate and House. But the Republicans had started their march | back. Ordinarily, the practice has been | for a new national chairman to take over the head of the national political organization as soon as a new presidential nomination has been made. The practice has neither made for efficiency nor for economy | of effort or money. With the arrival |of a new chairman, the organiza- | | elect a chairman and other officers. | . tion, such as it was, turned a flip- flop. The Republicans, during the last three years have built up an organization designed to carry on for years—with a re- search division, for example, com- prising 14 men, all trained in that work, several of them formerly with the Brookings Institution. They have set up also an efficient pub- licity division directed by Franklyn Waltman, jr. A woman's division, under the leadership of Miss Marian Martin, formerly a member of the Maine State Legislature and of the Maine Senate, has been extremely active, National committee members who have backed the chairman in his efforts to create an efficient and smoothly operating organization, working in co-operation with the Republicans in all the States, are anxious to see it continued and not thrown on the scrap heap. If a new chairman takes over next June, puts a lot of new assistants in office, as new chairmen have done in the past, at best it means a long delay with a national campaign already | under way before the organization can hope to function well. Democrats Working Smoothly. The manner in which the Demo- cratic National Committee, under the leadership of National Chairman Farley, has been continued and has worked smoothly during the last seven and a half years has been an example to the Republicans. Mr. Farley, becoming chairman immedi- ately after the nomination of Presi- dent Roosevelt in 1932, has remained on the job ever since. There was no lost motion whatever in 1936, when Mr. Roosevelt was renominated. And however, | gh such opinions may be contradictory amo: themselves fifi'& directly opposed to The Star’s. ddisiin L L A e S T BT T ) The Political Mill Hamilton’s Organization Wins Approval of Majority Of Republican National Committee there are Republicans who believe that if Mr. Roosevelt is renominated for a third term Mr. Farley will be found on the job again directing the national campaign. Mr. Farley is himself a candidate for the Demo- cratic presidential nomination—and perhaps for the vice presidential nomination. If he should be on the Democratic national ticket, whoever the national chairman selected to succeed him, Mr. Farley’s organiza- We, the People Roosevelt, as Third-Termer, May Train Liberal Running Mate as Assistant President By JAY FRANKLIN. There is a very exciting idea behind the President’s message to the Young Democrats, in which he suggested nominating “a pair of liberals” as the party's candidates for 1940. ‘This is an attempt to solve the most baffling of all political problems— the selection and training of a successor—within the Constitution of the United States. This issue has baffled Roosevelt from the start and now accounts for the third-term movement, since F. D. R. is the only thoroughly experienced and well qualified candidate available. v Roosevelt is considering going back to the earliest device in the history of the Republic for solving the problem of the succession and is preparing to make the Vice President—not Garner, but the next one—the heir to the New Deal leadership. In other words, the plan is to make the next Vice President really an assistant President, put him in charge of domestic policy and program, Sou- Bomt oF us. @ leaving F. D.'R. free to concentrate OueAT To PRART his energies on national defense and “tion, so painstakingly developed, will be continued in operation it seems entirely clear. In England political parties have their permanent organizations—they continue to function year after year with the same officials, no matter who the party candidates may be. The theory there is that the party is a going concern, designed to operate for years, and that candidates are merely transients on the stage. Naturally a great deal will depend upon the candidate selected by the Republicans in their natiohal con- vention in June to head the party ticket. The custom has been for the oldest member of the Republican National Committee in point of service retaining membership in the committee after the convention has concluded its labors, to call a meeting of the committee to elect a chairman. First, however, this mem- ber usually consults the presidential nominee and asks his wishes in the matter of a chairman. There is no law, or rule, providing that this must be done. It has been con- ceded, however, that a presidential candidate should be empowered to pick his own man to run his cam- paign. Usually the choice has gone to a pre-convention campaign man- ager for the successful candidate— and occasionally that has been a mistake, Headquarters Is Neutral. Undoubtedly, next June the Re- publican presidential nominee will be given the same leeway, if he insists upon taking it. However, there is reason to believe that some of the candidates in the field are already convinced of the wisdom of continuing a going national organi- zation. The national headquarters, under the leadership of Mr. Hamilton, has kept itself entirely neutral in the pre-convention campaign. There has | been no favoritism shown to any of | the presidential possibilities. All are | treated alike. And whoever gets the nomination can feel assured of the loyalty of the organization, it is said. It is no secret that some of the Republican leaders, outside of the national committee, have not been friendly to Chairman Hamilton. They have agitated from time to time the idea that he should be removed. Nevertheless, Mr. Hamil- ton has had the continued support of the great majority of the mem- bers of the committee itself, repre- senting as they do every State in the Union. A new chairman would find it necessary to make contacts with 48 State chairmen, mention 106 members of the na- tional committee, all within a short time. A crowning achievement of the Hamilton leadership of the national quidation of the entire debt of the committee. The committee not only has paid| off $1,267,000 coming over from the | last campaign, but it has been able | to raise the funds necessary to build up and operate the present organ- ization. Gov. James Will Call Special Relief Session By the Associated Press. HARRISBURG, Pa, April 25— Gov. Arthur H. James whipped into shape for issuance today a call for a special session of the Pennsylvania Legislature to replenish the relief treasury. He has said he expects a short sessibn—two or three weeks. Relief funds are being exhausted at the rate of approximately $9,000,- 000 & month. On the basis of recent expenditures, an additional $70,000,- 000 will be needed to keep relief go- ing until the 1941 legislative session in January. Take this New Kind of Bath, and Drift Off Into Utter Rest ‘When you toss and fight the bed- clothes, when one black hour after another goes by without re- lief, it’s because yout nerves are tense and there is an excess of fatigue wastes in your blood. What you need, to get utter rest and deep, Eelceful sleep, is a way to relax those nerves—and a way to speed up the clearing of those fatigue wastes. Fortunately, there is now a - simple way to do it, without drugs, without trouble, and with- out expensive preparations. Find out for yourself gow easy it is to sleep like a baby. You’ve always known that warm baths were relaxing and had a tendency to make you sleepy. But ®™w, by the right ind of warm bath you can sleep as you have never slept before. Just fill your tub half full of water that is from 100 to 104 de- grees warm. Then sprinkle through it 3 to 4 heaping table- spoons of Colman’s Dry Mustard. (Even tender skins won't feel this.) Soak yourself, at full length, in this bath for 15 minutes. Then dry yourself genily, keep warm, and go promptly to bed. The reason this new bath ‘works such magic (as proved in scientific tests) is because the warm water and Colman’s Dry Mustard in combination have wonderful drawing power. They materially increase the flow of your blood, all over your body, toward the surface of your: skin. This speeds up the elimination of the fatigue wastes, relaxes your muscles and overstrung nerves, and sends you to bed ready for that dreamless peace Nature in- tended your nights to be. TRY IT TONIGHT. Thereis g(ro ably a tin of Colman’s Dry Mus- tard in your pantry. If not, your er has it. Take this Colman’s m regularly and fo! that you ever knew those nightmares of tossing which made you dread the nights. mas g e not to| | Assistant Secretary of State Adolf foreign affairs. That was the solution which George Washington adopted in training John Adams and which Adams followed with Thomas Jef- ferson. Jefferson himself might have done the same but for the treachery of his Vice President— Aaron Burr. So Jefferson switched to the office of Secretary of State and during the so-called “Virginia Dynasty,” Secretary of State Madison fellowed Jefferson, Secretary of State Monroe followed Madison, and Secretary of State John Quincy Adams followed Monroe. The gloomy intrigues of John Calhoun against Andy Jackson led Old Hickory to put his chosen successor—Martin Van Buren—in the vice presidency. But there followed a long and choppy series of political upsets and there was no clear succession until the G. O. P. appeared and the systematic reduction of the Vice President to the stature of “Throttle- bottom” began. For the Republicans had received the fright of their lives when Lincoln’s Vice President Andrew Johnson, proved to be a man of imagination and courage. So for the duration of the Republican era, the vice presidency was packed with a series of party hacks, who werd chosen for their geographical “availabliity” fn order to “balance the ticket.” The exception of Theodore Roosevelt confirmed the G. O. P. in the belief that it was not safe to entrust the vice presidency to a man who could not be depended on to stand hitched and take orders. During this same period, the Democrats also played the Republican game and the 1932 nomination of Garner on the Roosevelt ticket was s typical bit of Throttlebottom politics. F. D. R. came from the Northeast, Cactus Jack from the Southwest; Roosevelt was liberal, Garner con- servative; Roosevelt was strongest outside the party, Garner had a good grip on the machine. Device Fails to Work ‘The experience of the last seven years shows that this method was wasteful and impolitic. As the New Deal became a party of ideas and a program of action, it could not work with the usual patchwork of geographical and machine considerations. The strain grew and after 1937, Vice President Garner was head of the opposition to President Roosgeve]t and chief cause of the frustration of the New Deal mandate | of 1936. | To select Mr. Garner as Mr. Roosevelt's successor is politically absurd. Yet to follow the Jeffarson precedent and pick Mr. Hull is equally inadvisable, since Roosevelt's Secretary of State has a full-time job with our foreign affairs, is not conversant with our domestic prob- lems, is old and unwilling to be a candidate. * So the President has this in mind: To pick a feliow-liberal as his running mate in 1940—if the third term drive continues to be as ir- resistible as it now appears—and tv employ the Vice President as the Assistant President of the United States, in charge of domestic policy and program. In this way, the vice presidency will be filled by a man who is admittedly of presidential stature, with a view to taking over the presidency itself in 1944, with an ample background of experience and | training to fill the most important single elective office in the world. This device will solve the prcblem of combining representative democracy | with the necessary purpose of filling the presidency with a well-trained | man. It has the further value that it will solve, upon a high constitutional | plane, the problem of division and opposition within the Democratic | party itself. | The question remains of who the other liberal will be: Attorney- | General Bob Jackson, Senators La Follette or Wheeler, Supreme Court | Justices Douglas or Black, Mayors Maury Maverick or Fiorello La Guardia, | Secretaries Wallace or Ickes. On that point, F. D. R. is not committing | himself, as the whole grand design is still in what we would call an | | “Iffy” stage. | | Advocacy of Involvement | The importance of “American White Paper,” by Joseph Alsop and | Robert Kintner (New York, Simon & Schuster) is not that these two | enterprising columnists have tried to make a public record of American | | diplomacy in the 1939-40 war crisis. ;It is not that their book is pre- | sented as an under-the-President’s- | bed account by men who obviously were not under the bed. It is not that the “American White Paper” | reflects the interventionist views of A. Berle, jr., who has graciously given them access to his personal | diary and other documentary ma- | terial. This book is of cardinal im- & portance because it is the first responsible and formal advocacy of | United States military involvement in a war which we are already politically and economically entangled. For it is a statement of the | growing conviction at Washington—in both parties and in and out ot | | the administration—that America’s stake in the victory of the allies is a | good deal bigger than the merely political interests of Great Britain and | | France in their struggle against Hitler and his fellow-totalitarians. At a time when it is thought smart politics to say that America must keep out of this war, Messrs. Alsop and Kintner assert that a defeat for “our side” would force us to “bid farewell to the historic freedoms for | which the founders of this Republic toiled and fought.” This, I submit, | is important. (Released by the Consolidated News Features, Inc.) = > There is a piano in this sale for every home and every purse— hurry for the best values. STORE OPEN EVENINGS This Changing World Allies Risking Defeat In Norse Drive to Reassure Neutrals By CONSTANTINE BROWN, The difficulties encountered by the allies in Norway are inevitable and likely to increase. From the beginning of the cam- paign military observers real- ized that land- ing operations in Norway will be even more dif- ficult than those at Gallipoll. The coast is more rugged; the fjords are nar- row. Outside Bergen and Trondheim, both “in German : hands, there is " no place which Constantine Brown. lends itself to mass landings. Even Trondheim is inadequate for such operations be- cause it has a long and narrow approach dominated by positions impregnable from the sea. Op- erations from Narvik south are practically impossible because there are no passable roads connecting the north and the south of Nor- way. The British air force has to operate from its nearest base— 400 miles away—or from the air- plane carriers which are threate- ened at all times by submarines. As long as the Germans have a flotilla of submarines left—and they have many despite losses since the beginning of the war—the trans- port of supplies/to the army will be difficult and dangerous. The landing of comparatively small units may be spectacular; they may obtain local victories but they will be in difficulties as soon as they are in the presence of larger German forces able tq get their supplies and reinforcements either by air or by railroad from Oslo. Difficulties Weighed by Allies. These difficulties were, of course, known to the allied general staff be- fore the troops were sent to Nor= way. Yet the political reasons de- manding such an expedition were so strong that the allies had to take a chance. Had the allies contented them- selves with merely denouncing the Germans for their ruthless conquest of Norway, the rest of the small neutral countries might have gone over to the German camp bag and baggage. The slogan of the Goeb- bels propaganda outfit that every time the Germans achieve a de- cisive success Mr. Chamberlain makes another speech and that is all the assistance anybody can expect from the allies might have rung true. Allied troops had to make their | appearance in Norway even at the risk of heavy losses in order to show the neutrals that they can count on allied support. Neutrals Reassured. The landing of British and French forces has put new courage into the governments of the Netherlands and Switzerland. Both these countries are placed in a better position than the Scandinavians because in the event of a German invasion they | can obtain immediate and substane tial help from the British and the French. Had the allies remained | impassive at the rape of Norway these nations might have assumed that they in turn could look to no assistance if and when their turn came. The campaign at Gallipoli was dictated by military motives and proved to be a blunder. The allies did not think that a military decision could be reached in the rugged mountains of Norway. The operations there were dictated purely by political motives. Now, even in the event that they may have to give up, the neighboring neutrals are satisfied that the Brit- {ish and the French are determined | to meet their opponents in wherever they choose to send their armies. |Oil Wells Raise Hopes | Of Mississippi Wealth | B the Associated Press. YAZOO CITY, Miss, April 25.— Mississippi, State with the lowest per capita income, looked back today on its first eight months of oil pro- | duction and found the picture prom- ising hope that the State is on the threshhold of new wealth, Eight months ago Mississippi had not a single oil well. Today the State has two fields, 42 producing wells, an average daily produc- tion of more than 8,000 barrels of high gravity oil, 10 tests drilling and wildcat activity in 21 of the State’s 82 counties. Choose from 150 New & Used BETSY ROSS SPINETS LESTER GRAND PIANOS & STUDIO CONSOLES A Wholesale Clearance of Great Proportions—New and Used Pianos, Floor Sam- ples and Demonstrators 26 PRIVATE LESSONS With vory mow or ased LESTER Plams, :m&-xmm:.um OTHER MAKES OF USED SPINET PIANOS ST 103198 YEARS TO PAY, IF YOU WISH Conveniont torms, plus Buéget eharge Ak sbest eor TEN YEAR GUARANTEE & PROTECTIVE CERTIFICATE LESTER PIANOS: 1231 G St. N.W. 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