Evening Star Newspaper, March 29, 1937, Page 25

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CAPUDINE gt HEADACHE TELL EACH OTHER THE SECRET OF THE ALL VEGETABLE CORRECTIVE R many years i older folks have been telling each other about the wonderful all-vege- table corrective called Nature's ¥ Remedy (NR Tab- lets). From one per- ©0n to another has passed the news of this purely vegetable lazative. It means so much to je past middle life to have a laxative that horoughly clears their bowels of accumulated wastes. It means fewer aches and pains—more ‘happy days And Nature's Remedy is sokind to haert l:m Non- e MR IS IaRT Getaboxatany drugstore—2! tablets for 25c. CHILD’S COLD MMON colds often settle in throat and chest. Don’t take ch.::: fil;‘on‘t {3 them go untreated —at the first sniffle rub on Chil Y um o ‘hildren’s ildren's Musterole is just good &ld Musterole, only in mil:ier Igrm. It penetrates the skin with & warm- ing tingle and gets such marvelous results because it's NOT just a salve, but a “counter-irritant”—heip- ful in drawing out local congestion and pain. Used by millions for 25 years. Rec- ommended by many doctors and nurses. All druggists. In three strengths: Regular Strength,- Chil- dren’s (mild), and Extra Strong. ‘Tested and approved by Good House- keeping Bureau, No. 4867. CHILDREN'S | their claim in a& new right in a new | way. This right which they long have FORCE REPLAGES L ABOR'S DEBATING Contractual Right to Work Held Easier to Attain Than Proprietary. This is the second of a series of articles by Mr. White on the changing industrial sceme in the United States. The writer has talk- ed with many leaders of labor and industry in gathering material for this series, subsequent articles of which will appear in The Evening Star. BY WILLIAM ALLEN WHITE. The sit-down strikers evidently are trying to enforce their claim not merely to a new right but to enforce held in abeyance is the right to work. Under gradual legal evolutionary processes, having gained the right first to strike, then to picket peacefully, in the last hundred years, they now are moving the picket line from the high- way and sidewalk. There it was de- fended by the bill of rights under their claim of free speech and free assemblage. Now they are crowding through the front door. As picketers, they were merely de- baters. Inside of the front door, with the nine points of the law which comes from possession, the representatives of labor unions are now moving from de- bate to the use of force. That move from the sidewalk across the doorstep of the factory was indeed fully im- plied by the very formation of the vertical industrial union. Craft Claims Adjudicated Separately. The craft union was interested pri- marily in promoting the wage rights of skilled workers, seeing that they had special privileges which common labor did not enjoy. Also, in an in- dustrial plant, the loyalty of craft union members was not to labor as a whole, but to their fellow craftsmen. Moreover, the claims of each craft were adjudicated separately with the | boss. He had his special privileges. | They desired theirs. It was a question which could out-talk the other and convince public opinion. For, in the end, public opinion decided every strike under the craft union set-up. But the vertical union makes “labor” out of workers. Their loyalty | is to “labor,” not to their fellow crafts- men. The philosophy of the vertical | union is class conscious. These new unionists contend that the philosophy of the boss is class conscious. They are right. The mere fact of class | consciousness. cannot be strongly con- demned on the labor side of the quarrel and permitted on the other. Now we see class-conscious workers organized as “labor,” mot as crafts- | men, moving in one big plant union | into the factory to take a brand-new | quarrel off the street. They are| taking the struggle away from the| protection of the bill of rights for | free speech and free assemblage. What they are really seeking is to erect a class right to work co-equal with the right to own tools. Here we have something fundamentally different from any labor troubles | which America yet has seen. Call it! socialism, even call it communism, it | is still a new phase of our American industrial life, the core of the labor plank of the New Deal! Undefined Rights Sought. Now, what is the right for which labor has abandoned its appeal to reason and left the bill of rights on | the sidewalk and gone into the shop | to win by force? It is an undefined right of labor to some kind of joint control in lieu of joint ownership | of the tools of industry. Probably| labor leaders today will call this new assumed right a property right, the right of a man to his job. The whole political philosophy in | America for the last four years has implied this right of the worker to live and live by work, either by made work, by public work, or by private enterprise, as the fundamental right of man. What else does W. P. A mean? Or the C. C. C.? Or any of the dozen alphabetical set—upe} which have been called from the vasty | deep to keep men employed during | the depression? The right to a job which inheres in the basic philosophy | of the New Deal is easily transmuted into the right of a particular job— “my job,” says Labor. ‘‘Your job, the cat's foot!” replies Capital; and adds: “How come? Under the Con-| stitution?” Both sides are a bit excited. The right to strike and the right to picket in an industrial controversy implies rather profoundly some right of the worker to his job. Labor feels that his new assumed right inheres in the association, in what may be called the joint partnership of labor and capital. The title is not clear to this | right. The courts shrink from es- tablishing it. The right is still even undefined. But it lurks in all the legislative and labor decisions that, for & hundred years, have been grad- ually strengthening workers in their right to “collective bargaining with representatives of their own choos- ing.” If the boss is compelled to bargain with you and talk about your case as a laborer to a man whom he dislikes and distrusts, you as a laborer have certain rights which the boss is bound to respect. Proletarian Treatment. Now then, what are those rights? Consider this sit-down strike, extend- ing from Los Angeles to New England, suddenly threatening peralysis, or worse, to our industrial system. Why 1s it regarded by the great middle class American majority as a menace to the orderly processes of Government? Perhaps this is the answer—because the sit-down strike, abandoning de- bate and the democratic rule of reason, has chosen to adopt force' to secure this vague new industrial right. More than that, the sit-down strike is dis- tinctly a proletarian movement, ‘The word ‘“proletarian” makes the American middle class citizen's blood run cold. He is a home-loving, God- fearing, right-thinking, church-going exponent of law and order. He has shut his eyes to the gradual forma- tion of classes in this country. The theory still works in his heart that we go from shirt sleeves up to million- aires and back to shirt sleeves in three generations. The middle class is per- suaded that this is still a one-class country and there is much to bolster his contention. It may be a one- class land. So we realize that the most terrifying thing to the average middle class citizen about the sit- down strike is that here is a class movement. It is a class movement for a class right; the right of & manual laborer, whether skilled or unskilled, to a job, specifically his job in his factory, And note the last “his!” ‘There’s a conniption fit in the pos- sessive pronoun! That labor will get an extension of its industrial rights sooner or later, K THE EVENING STAR, WASHINGTON, Dangers of War With Japan Told in Walter Karig’s Book Walter Karig, Washington cor- respondent of the Newark Evening News, has added his name to the growing list of newspaper correspond- ent-authors. But, instead of following the prevailing fashion of writing about himself, or what he has learned from dinner table tidbits and press confer- ences with the great and the near- great in Washington, he has chosen for his subject America’s policy in the Far East and those of its elements which, he believes, will lead us into war with Japan unless the funda- mental precepts of the “good neigh- bor” are followed. His book, “Asia’s Good Neighbor,” has just come from the presses of Bobbs Merrill & Co.,, with {llustra- tions by the author. The book, Karig said today, was @ result of an idea to write something in the nature of an ethnological study of the relationship between the first Americans—the Indians and their forbears—and the people of Asia. But, while he found publishers cold on ethnology, they seemed hot for international politics and by process of evolution, aided by Karig's observa- tions as a Washington correspondent and his trip to the Far East as a member of the delegation attending inauguration in 1935 of the Philippine D. C, Commonwealth, the present book re- sulted, The original idea is retained in the theme that 200,000 years or so ago two streams of humanity flowed out of Asia in opposite directions, that now they are met again and that the possibilities of destructive clashes can be averted only through the policies of the “good neighbor.” The book is the second to be written under the author’s name, the first one being an adventure story about eight years ago, based on Karig's experi- ences with the French Foreign Legion in France. He left Princeton to en- list in the legion and came out & cap- tain. But he is the “ghost” author of at least 20 other books, written for girls and boys, under a long and as- sorted list of nom de plumes. His last book under a nom de plume was & detective story involving Washington correspondents and members of Con- gress in a murder in Virginia. Sports writer, reporter, country edi- tor, feature writer, comic-strip car- toonist, political cartoonist, chief edi- torial writer and Washington corre- spendent, Karig has seen journalism from most of its angles. He lives in Alexandria with his wife, two daugh- ters and a curious collection of domes- tic animals and’ lethal weapons, the latter representing the result of travel in this country and abroad. one way or another, by the evolution- ary democratic processes or by riot or bloodshed, no one can seriously question who looks at the world scene today. The only serious American ques- tion is, what kind of right in his job and in his factory can the worker finally hope to get? A property right? Hardly. Certainly not without over- turning the whole theory of private property in this Republic. But there is one right which labor can achieve that leaves something considerably more than a vestige of property right in the hands of the boss. Labor can get a contractual right in his job, and probably that is the basic sub- conscious aim of the whole new alignment of labor under John L.| Lewis and the vertical union. The contract right would be basically something like this: That when & man has served a certain length of time on a job, or in an in- dustry, so long as that job or that industry is a going concern, re- turning interest to the employer, that going concern must guarantee that man & job during good behavior. We define good behavior as diligence, loyalty, the average capacity to pro- duce. The right to hire and fire indiscriminately, which once was the prerogative of the boss, probably is passing from him. Labor as a com- modity has been outlawed by the American courts for & generation. Now the question rises, whether or not the boss has any right to re- strict the faithful employe in his employment so long as the boss is earning enough to keep the front door open. Does this imply the closed shop and all that goes with it? That question will have to be de- cided by labor itself. Of course, these issues are not sharply defined in the contest be- fore the American people today. Cer- tainly a majority of the laboring people in this country have not joined Mr. Lewis and his vertical union. Certainly Lewis has no right, except the right of force, to speak as leader of the minority for a majority until he actually develops a majority behind him and by a free industrial ballot proves his right to speak for the majority. Lewis is using force now in two ways: First, to shut down the plant | and coerce the boss, and, second, to club his fellow workers who haven't made him the ‘gepresentative of their own choosing.” "He is bludgeoning Mr, Green and his A. F. of L. quite as ruthlessly as he is hammering the boss. But, say Mr. Chrysler and Mr. Sloan and the heads of industry gen- erally, “Stop the ship—wait a minute, Mr. Lewis, you speak for only s minority of the workers. How many have you actually in the bag?” To which Mr. Lewis shakes his mane and cries: “You should talk of minorities! How many shares of your company de you actually hold—you and your so- called ‘control’? Your ‘control’ may be a sixth, possibly a fifth of the voting stock. The other five-sixths of the voting stock strings along with you, maybe because of the dividends you pay, maybe because they're a lot of class-conscious sheep. Well, that's hoss and hoss, Mr. Chrysler and Mr. Sloan—meaning it's a tle, & toss-up, the pot calling the kettle black. I hold my crowd just like you hold yours. That kind of talk will get us both into trouble!” So the meat of the whole sit-down strike, the difference between the sit- down strike and the sidewalk picket is a fundamental difference in aim, not & matter of minority or majority con- trol of labor or of voting shares of control. The picketer was interested in a temporary contract. The sit- down striker is interested in industrial reorganization, some new right of labor not heretofore nominated in the bond. (Copyright, 1937, by the North Amerizan Newspaper Alliance, Inc.) DEATH IS PROBED Coroner A. Magruder MacDonald today is investigating the death of Sandy Monroe, 24, colored, 121 Shott's alley northeast, whose body was found yesterday in the Tidal Basin. The body was found by Joseph Smith, 624 Maryland avenue southwest. Dr. MacDonald said Monros appar- ently had been dead about five days. LIGHT, FLAKY at EVERY BAKING Tarn TEA Todey/ ‘SALADA TEA 490 The Lowest Priced Fine Tea You Can Buy Enjoy them! 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