Evening Star Newspaper, September 20, 1936, Page 33

Editorial Page Political Round-Up REICH HOLDS ANTI-SOVIET DRIVE AIDS EUROPE PEACE Leaders See Centuries-Old Mission to Spread Civilization Beyond Vistula. BY CONSTANTINE BROWN. ERLIN—“We have a centuries- old mission to spread western civilization east of the Vistula into the steppes of Russia. But under the present circumstances, ‘we have a more pressing duty towards Germany in particular and Europe in general. That duty is to crush Com- munism. And we must start with the center of infection—Moscow.” Thus spoke one of Germany's behind-the- ge leaders of the new Reich. “Germany is the only nation which can accomplish this task,” he contin- ued. “After we have crushed Com- munism, every nation in Europe—in- cluding the French—will be grateful to us. Germany does not want to congquer the world; we want to live in peace and keep our place in the sun. But as long as Europe and other coun- tries are continually menaced by Communist propaganda, a peaceful and steady development in Europe will not be possible.” And these opinions are shared by the bulk of the German nation, in ‘whom the idea of a war against Rus- sia_has been steadily instilled. The German general staff and the people are confident that a war with Russia must end with a complete and speedy victory for the Reich. This self-reliance comes from two sources. ‘The first is based on the fact that Hitler's Germany has been able to throw off the shackles of the Versailles treaty and create within four years a military torce stronger than the em- pire had in 1914. And this was accom- plished in the face of open hostility of three-fourths of Europe and the United States. The other factor is that the general stafl has been able to convince the people of Germany that Russia is a giant with clay feet, and that large as it is the military machinery of the Soviets will, in a few months, crumble before the power- fully-organized Mghting forces. of the Reich. Germany Formerly Kicked About. Until four years ago, every German will tell you, the Reich was consid- ered a pariah by the Europear coun- tries. Its leaders had to go hat in hand to Paris and London to ask ‘whether it might have an army ade- quate to police German territory, or such armaments in small quantities as other nations possessed. And they were systematically refused. Ger- man_ was kicked about not only by its former powerful opponents, | Great Britain, but even | by fie"gfikr nations who were France’s allies. Field Marshal von | Blombeig, ministar of war, tells even today the story of how fr¥929 the Polish authorities used to comyel him to surrender his sword at the border of the Polish Corridor, whenever he trav- eled from Berlin to Koenigsberg, where he commanded the 2nd Prus- slan Division. - Now this situation has completely changed. ©~ Without any outside help and despite terriffic. economic difficul- ties, Germany today has become the most feared military power in Europe. And for this the Reich has to thank only Hitler and the generals. The change from a democratic to an au- thoritarian state has done the trick. ‘W ti Germans read in their gov- ernment-controlled press that their| most bitter foes are coming to Ber- lin to try to talk Hitler into some| sort of an agreement; when tiey see the Saar returned to them and the Rhineland frontier bristling with guns from the newly-built fortresses, erect- ed in recent months despite the Ver- sailles treaty, they cannot help think- ing that militariasm in Europe is, after all, & paying proposition. The spectacular German coups in the field of international politics were performed, as far as the outside world could see it, by Hitler. But it is a well-known fact to the insiders in Berlin . that the Reichsfuehrer’s ac- tions were the result of a carefully studied plan of the Reichwehr gen- erals—principally the chief of staff— Gen. Fritsch and Gen. Beck. It is these two men who, working behind the scenes, have pushed Hitler to ac- tions which he sometimes was reluc- tant or afraid to take. It i3 Gen. Beck who, with Fritsch’s assistance, induced Der Fuehrer to remilitarize the Rhineland. Hitler spent a sleep- less night on March 7 waiting for the telephone to ring and announce that the Sarraut government in Paris had decided to mobilize the French army. Beck stood by his guns. “I know the Gamelin type,” said Beck. (Gen. Gamelin is the French chief ¢’ staff.) *He will never assume the responsi- bilit;" of a general or even partial mo- bilization because he believes that the French army is not sufficiently pre] ” And Beck was right. Gamelin did estop the French govern- ment from issuing the mobilization order at the cabinet meeting of March 9. Germany Hems in France, Uader the inspiration of the most many has hemmed in France. The re- militarization of the Rhineland has rendered the chief supporter of the like | visits were called—since last Spring. As far as the rearmament of Hungary is concerned, Horthy was told by Field Marshal von Blomberg that it would be wiser, under present European con- ditions, to remain quiet. But arms and ammunition for the Magyar army are being earmarked in the German arse- nals and will be ready to ship via Aus- tria as soon as it becomes necessary. Hungarian pllots and group com- manders are being trained in the German air squadrons. The renewed flirtation between worry the Germans overmuch. Gen. Rydz-Smigly is Pilsudski’s successor, but is not Pilsudski. He has neither the strength of character of the late Polish dictator, nor his popularity. Rydz-Smigly is opposed by the pow=- erful political group known under the name of “the colonels” At the head of that group is Col, Beck, the Polish foreign minister, who probably is the most astute politician in East ern Europe. Beck is pro-German, and strongly so. It was he whe brought about the detente between Germany and Poland, which ended in a 10-year non-aggression pact. ‘What renders his position still strong- er is the fact that his pro-German policy was fully approved by the late Marshal Pilsudski. End of Fight Near. ‘The fight between Beck and Rydz- | Smigly—if it comes to that—will not last long. As a matter of fact, right now in Paris there are many who | doubt that the influence of the com- | mander of the Polish Army will last | long. Rydz-Smigly was overadvertised in France. The French government was badly in need of a diplomatic suc- cess. The Polish envoy was promised financial aid for Poland, but whether this aid will materialize is a question which nobody can quite answer. Blum’s price for more money for Poland is Col. Beck’s head, and it is doubtful that Rydz will be able to get it for him. Furthermore, when pressed ‘about Poland’s role in the event of a Russian-German conflict, and whether Poland is going to live up to the terms of her alliance with France, all that the Polish general could say was that in the event France was attacked, Poland would take into “serious consideration” the terms of the treaty of alliance. The extent of Russia’s military power is ject. In public opinion is led to believe that the Russian “steam roller” is not the And over the radio and in the press the public is told about the millions of men under arms, about the thou- sands of airplanes which form 'the Soviet's fighting squadrons, and the thousands more which the Soviet fac- tories can build every month; the public is told about the divisions of tanks and the thousands of guns which the Russian Army possesses, and these tales are substantiated by interesting moving pictures taken in the Soviet republic. These, of course, are not fakes. The Soviets have mil- lions of men under arms—the most powerful reserve of men in the world. They have the war materials, as shown. Yet, the German general staff does not seem to worry about them. The reason for this is that the Ger- man generals look upon the situation trom the professional point of view, which naturally escapes the . public. ‘Those millions of men, as in the days of the czars, say the German officers, lack leadership. Where the czarist commanders were corrupt, the Soviet generals are inefficient. They are good Communists and probably coura- geous men, but lack the technical and the - professional knowledge re- quired of army leaders these days— the next war will be a conflict of mechanized forces. The Russian Army is young; promotions from the ranks have been rapid, and one of the main qualifications for a promotion is the strength of the individual's Com- munist convictions. No Graft in Russian Commissariat. ‘The millions of men are well equipped; there is no graft and cor- ruption in the Russian Commissariat of Ordnance, as there was in old days. But these men cannot be trans- ported with ease because Russia lacks transportation facilities. There are tew new railroads; the old ones con- tinue to be in a deplorable state. Highways, for the use of the thous- ands of trucks the Soviet Army pos- sesses, are practically non-existent. And the Germans figure that in the event of a general mobilization the confusion will be such that it will be impossible to move important masses of men on these inadequate lines of communication. The air force is good and large, but airdrome facilities ap- pear to be deficient. ‘The Soviet government is doomed— at least that is the conviction of the Berlin general staff. With a raw army Boviets powerless to rush to the rescue f of mi of her ally. There are 250,000 Reichs- wehr troops in the Rhineland. These troops, behind the line of fortifications consisting of “pill boxes,” each man- ned by two men and s machine gun, will render the crossing of the Rhine bymflrmmsmmm affair. be attacked in the Far East as soon as the Germans begin their operations i fasz Eife 2 is a foregone (Copyright, 1926) Poland and France does not seem to |. fiex'.;!melz; debatable sub- t“ myth ‘which 4t proved to be in*1914 EDITORIAL SECTION he Sundiwy Stac WASHINGTON, D. C., SUNDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 20, 1936. This Man Gov. Landon! Straightforward, Firm, He Presents an Appealing Personality to All Those Who Know Him. No. 1. The Landon family as they celebrated July 4 while vacationing at Estes Park, Colo. No. 2. The Governor passes the time of day with George Seaman (left), “bullwhacker,” whose oxen ulled the covered wagon in which andon rode during a campaign trip. Mark Reeve is at right. *No. 3. Greeting Republican leaders in New York while en route to Maine. Note—How does Gov. Alfred M. Landon’s personality impress the typical American citizen—the man who is not a professional politician but who is deeply interested in his country’s welfare? Garrett Smith wanted to answer thet question. In the following article he tells of meeting the nominee and describes the reactions of the public to his personality. l stand almost under the rail of the press stand behind which I stood. It was a good close-up as he came by bowing and smiling, but with never a suggestion of the professional poli- tician's bow and smile, though he had a special greeting for old neighbors here and there. ‘The first impression one receives of BY GARRETT SMITH. GOT my first view of the Governor as he approached the speaker’s Landon is an impression of quiet, un- | His attitude is| was when he said: assuming dignity. friendly, but far from hilarious. His eyes are steady and brown (but not as brown as Peggy Ann’s), and he wears glasses. He has tousled, unruly hair. Nothing “up and dressed” about him, as they used to say in my home coun- try. Not the slightest touch of the statuesque statesman, just an average citizen of the upper brackets. In the press stand I sat where I could watch him closely and was with- irn 10 feet of him while he spoke. It “This American NATIONS WILL RESIST GERMANY’S DEMANDS France, Japan and Britain Have Indicated They Will Fight for Colonies. BY BARNETT BILDERSEE, Associated Press Forelgn Staff. ERMANY'’S colonial demands are “part and parcel” of a plan for economic inde- pendence, Reichsfuehrer Adolf Hitler proclaimed to 800,000 Nazis at the Nurnberg convention. Throughout the wofld the questions were asked: “Is Germany determined to demand colonies? “If s0, how? “Will other powers resist force- ful efforts?” Many signs indicate the answers. German ambitions, observers be- lieve, cannot be fulfilled until the Reich has become a colonial power. They remember—and the German people are not allowed to forget— point three of the Nazis’ famous 25 points: “We demand land and territory (colonies) for supplying foodstuffs to our people and for settling our surplus population.” For more than & year every portent has . indicated the German foreign policy will be founded on the demand governor concludes: “Other countries will gradually learn to appreciate that peace and reconciliation- are the aims of the German people—that is to say, of course, an- the basis of an equality which cannot'be denied a great peo- ple in the long run. This equality includes equality in the colonial realm. This demand, too, will win the day.” writers, Hitler himself and innumerable Nazl spokesmen dwell again and again on the colonial issue in German newspapers and lec- ture halls. They contend colonies are & matter of German pride, as well as economic necessity. Confiscation of German possessions, they argue, violated not only Wilson’s 14 points, but also pledges made at Locarno in 1925 to recognize Ger- many’s colonial claims. of German East Africa, | way of life is being challenged” that I | caught his profile, saw the significance of that chin, It was a warning to the challenger—not a belligerent chin of the jutting type, a rather delicate one, but it had a way of setting that meant no fooling. Gov. Landon’s full-face cuts in the public prints don’t do him justice. To catch him right, the camera men should turn him profile on, then, be- fore pressing the button, contradict him about something. BY GASTON NERVAL. the formal suggestion by the Peruvian govern- ment for a reform of article 21 of the League Covenant, the number of Latin American countries which have offi- cially expressed their disapproval of the famous article mentioning the Monroe as a “regional un- derstanding” has been increased to seven. Honduras, E1 Salvador. Costa Rica, Mexico, Argentina and Ecuador have, at one time or other, registered their protest over the wording of article 21, which says that nothing in the covenant “shall be deemed to affect the validity of international engage- ments, such as. treaties of arbitration or regional understandings like the Monroe Doctrine, for securing the mmume; of peace.” The Peruvian probably, call forth more from other Latin American governments. Contrary to the belief of Latin No. 4. The Republican nominee receiving congratulations from John Hamilton, committee chairman, on the Maine victory. No. 5. Gov. Landon as he thanked Engineer Ellis for a safe journey. .;N... At home from the Maine campaign, the Governor is greeted by his deughter, Peggy Anne. - —A. P. and Wide World Photos. I mentioned the chin to several of the Governor’s aides. They all agreed chin mesngswhat it saidi “He's one of the stubbornest fighters for his ideas I ever knew,” an old associate told me. “Nothing but cold logic can move him from a course be’s picked. If you can beat him in an argument you've got to be mighty good, but if you do he’ll take it grace- fully and give you full credit. If he's elected we won't have any unstable weathervane in the White House, ready to shift direction with the latest breeze.” It wasn't until the next day, as he | came out of church, that I was actual- ly introduced to the Governor, and got right in keeping with the impression he had already given me. Ours wasn't a long talk. We didn't discuss politics. I'd already neard what he had to say on that subject and liked it. It was just cheery give and take among the group of us, then he passed (Continued on Ninth Page.) MONROE DOCTRINE HIT AS MEANING A “PACT” Peru Is Seventh Nation to Disapprove Language of League Covenant as Unilateral Only. How were the drafters of the League Covenant induced to call the Monroe Doctrine & “regional understanding?” Latin Americans have several ques- tions to ask in this connection. Where, they say, is there any such regional “understanding” about the Monroe Doctrine? . If there is any, which of the different versions of it has been adopted?. .Upon which formula has the “understanding been reached? Upon formulas already ex- pressed? ‘Then, upon which of them? Upon future formulas? This would amount to accepting, in advance, whatever new interpretations the ‘Washington Government may choose to favor in the.years to come. When have the Latin American states ex- pressed their adherence to the Monroe Doctrine, particularly ‘to the Monroe Doctrine as it stands today, with corollaries, etc.? When has the doc- trine even’ remotely approached an understanding among the nations of the Western Hemisphere? Is not the in the future the United States | a handshake that was firm but gentle, | . | was in 1910, before the more recent mD ATTITUDE OF ROOSEVELT PUT LANDON “ON SPOT” President’s Adroit Hitting” Speeches By Kansan Appear Out of Place, BY MARK SULLIVAN. HE gossip that goes on in a sub- dued buzz in the headquarters of both parties in every eam- paign is a kind of family frankness. It includes, as in the inner intimacies of families, a certain amount of mutual reproach. Things are not going as well as might be, and the reason is thus and s0; or the person responsible for dereliction is A, or B, orC. These matters, in party headquar- ters, as in family circles, are, as often as not, the reflection of a temporary mood, a mood which can evaporate through a single event. In the Repub- lican inner circle early in September there was a feeling that something was lacking in the spirit and momen- tum of the campaign. It was said the campaign lacked belligerence, lacked “punch.” It was said that Gov. Lan- don was not hitting hard enough. Soon afterward, Gov. Landon made his speech in Maine. Thereupon the mood of the Republican inner circle changed. They felt that Gov. Landon ‘was now hitting out and that the cam- paign had entered a new phase. The inner circle did not know why, dur- ing the earlier period, Gov. Landon seemed to lack belligerency. But, with a little reflection, the cause can be recognized. If preceding the Maine speech Gov. Landon’s campaign seemed to lack aggressiveness the reason was that his opponent had set the atmosphere of the campaign and had tuned it to a key which made hard hitting seem Moves Made “Hard Sullivan Says. ‘ But it was most important to Mr. Roosevelt that Gov. Landon should no¢ believe the charge—or should seem not -believe jtier . When President Roosevelt invited Gov. Landon to that Des Moines cone ference, and when Gov. Landon ac- cepted, and when the two greeted each other with gracious smiles and made amiable remarks about each other and ate a chicken dinner to- gether—after all that happened, and happened in the presence of crowds and cameras, it became difficult for Gov. Landon to make any very serie ous charges. Gov. Landon played the role that was staged for him. Think- ing, naturally enough, that the test of his part in the affair would be the cordiality with which he accepted Mr. Roosevelt's invitation and the urbanity with which he carried him- self—thinking that, Gov. Landon acted toward Mr Roosevelt with the greate est amenity. Gov. Landon could not possibly act that way—so the public was bound to think—if Gov. Landon really believed that Mr. Roosevelt was & dangerous man in the presidency. Mr. Roosevelt, by bringing about that meeting, put the presidential cone test on about the same basis as & friendly tennis match. He made the contest seem one between friendly enemies—Alphonse and Gaston grae ciously bowing to each other: “After you, monsieur”; “No, no, monsieur, after you.” Almost it seemed as if the campaign was so unimportant that the two contenders might decide it by a friendly throw of dice. The like a most inappropriate discord. By | a most astute adroitness and by a per- | fectly legitimate maneuver President Roosevelt had created an ltmosphere‘ in which strong words by his opponent | seemed almost as out of place as in a | church. Des Moines Conference. ‘When President Roosevelt called the Des Moines conference of Midwest- ern Governors to consider the drought, it was surmised by critics and ob- servers, shrewdly enough, that the President might have had a political purpose in addition to whatever pur- pose of mnon-political usefulness the conference might possess. The polit- ical part of Mr. Roosevelt’s purpose, observers said, was to cause the coun- try to see the two candidates together and compare their personalities. In | such a comparison, a comparison con- fined to manner, appearance and the outer surface of personality—in such & comparison Mr. Roosevelt"was cer- tain to have the advantage. He had popular appeal, political “it”; he smiles attractively and readily, he has instantaneous . responsiveness to the crowd, he has a natural sense of the dramatic, he is a superb showman and stage manager. Beside him, Gov. Landon would seem prosaic. But that Des Moines meeting had a deeper political effect. Here was a President in office and here was a con- tender against him. The contender, Gov. Landon, was declaring in effect, by the very fact of his candidacy, that the President in office ought no longer to be in it. The principal point of Gov. Landon's making his fight rests | in the assumption that Mr. Roosevelt is doing something seriously wrong with the office he holds. In the minds | of those most strongly opposed to Mr. | Roosevelt, the major reason for termi- nating his presidency is the charge that he is using the office to take | America through a change, a change | which, in its completed form, would amount to a new order of society and the altered form of government which the new order must entail. This is the sort of charge that, if true, should or- dinarily lead, not merely to defeat for re-election; the charge, if true, would justify impeachment before the end of his term. Attitude on Landon. That considerable numbers of voters believe this charge is, to Mr. Roosevelt, material, but not necessarily deadly. safety and interests it will promptly get ready to meet the emergency. But where, in all this, is the ex- plicit, or even the implicit recognition by the other 20 American republics that the United States has a right or an obligation to look after them? The provisions of international law must be derived from an interna- tional agreement, open or tacit, with- out which they lack validity or ef- fect, unless they are put into force by sheer violence. No single State, without consulting anything but its own peculiar interests, can assume the role of a universal -legislator for all the American continent. The Latin American states have never—except in isolated, individual utterances of some of their states- men who had in mind, of course, the original doctrine, not its present de- rivatives—expressed in a formal or official way their adherence to the Monroe Doctrine as it is understood today. To be sure, most of them have praised, and still praise, the original Monroe Doctrine. In fact, they praise it exaggeratedly. Some of them have even gone s0 far as to call it a principle of American public law, when they thought they could use it to their own advans tage. But these individual declara- tions are very far from giving the Monroe Doctrine a contractual or continental nature, just as the in- dividual declarations of their North- ern colleagues did not give the doc- trine an obligatory, unalterable char- acter. On the other hand, on the one oc in which a formal proposal for indorsement of the Monroe Doctrine—of the original Monroe Doc- trine, not of. the modern one, which they consider anathema—was sub- mitted to the representatives of the La 1 American republics, they re- jected it overwhelmingly. At the fourth Pan-American conference at Buenos Aires, a Brazilian project for collective acknowledgment f the ben- - efits derived by Latin America from the promulgation of the Monroe Doc- trine failed to receive any support, ever after it had been modified and redrafted several times. Amd that interpretations of the doctrine had campaign was made to seem rather less heated than any ordinary contest between a Democratic candidate and a Republican one, an ordinary came paign between an “in” and an ambie tious “out.” Amd if Mr. Roosevelt could reduce this campaign to merely that he would have an enormous ade vantage. In a time when rising prose perity favors the President in office, and when, also, the difference be= tween Republicans and Democrats has largely disappeared—in such a condi= tion the “in” has the odds greatly in his favor. Called Master Politician. About all this, many reflections are pertinent. The art of politics, when played by a master, has esoteric reaches beyond the comprehension of the public—and Mr. Roosevelt is & master beyond any one America has seen in this generation. Played by an adept, an excellent way for a President to run for re-election, is first to spike your opponert's larger guns and then go about the country making speeches—scarefully announced 2s “non~political”—speeches about “an errand of husbandry,” and speeches with a psalmedic religious flavor, about “green pastures” and “still waters.” It makes your opponent seem like a rude boy throwing pebe bles against the windows of a prayer meeting. It is all quite legitimate. So far as a presidential campaign is itke & game—and inevitably it includes that aspect—the contender who is most adroit commands admiration for his skill. The game in recent years ine cludes, in increasing degree, the art of creating mass-moods, and whoever is most expert at that has a material start in the race. For tne early part | of the campaign, at least, Mr. Roose= | velt created the sort of national mood which thinks about such peaceful beatitudes as green pastures and still waters. To what extent Mr. Rooses velt may have accomplished this by conscious strategy, no one can say. No one can tell surely what goes on in any other man's mind. But, whether by conscious design, or un- conscious instinct, or even by accident of circumstances, Mr. Roosevelt gave to the early part of the campaign an atmosphere which made it difficult for Gov. Landon to fight him very hard. I am not sure about the value of “Oh, Susannah!” as the Landon came paign song. It is an agreeable lilt— but decidedly it is not a fighting song. No one will ever mistake “Oh, | Susannah!” for the “Marseillaise.” In one way, “Oh, Susannah!” fits the Republican position in the campaign. It makes one think of going away from disagreeable conditions, starting off joyously toward a happier place. But if this campaign is & fight” the Republicans should have a fighting song. The Republican bandmasters might keep “Oh, Susannah!” as their theme song, but vary the program occasionally with “Battle Hymn of the Republic” and “Rally Round the (Copyright, 1936.) Oklahoma Farm Taxes Decline 50 Per Cent STILLWATER, Okla. (#).—Taxes on farms in Oklahoma have dropped more than 50 per cent in the past five years, the most outstanding tax shift in the history of the State, it is shown in figures compiled by J. T. Sanders, head of the department of agricultural economics at Oklahoma Agricultural and Mechanical College, “gchool taxes were reduced from an average of 20 cents per acre In 1930 to 10 cents in 1935, a decline of 50 per cent,” Sanders said State tax com- mission records reveal. Other reductions cited included a drop in county taxes from 13 cents to 10 cents, a decline of approximately 30 per cent; State and township taxes, a decline from 11 cents one and one-half cents, a drop of per cent. Japanese Rate Highest As Esperanto Speakers VIENNA (#).—Esperanto, the “ine ternational auxiliary language,” |is understood by 60,900 Austrians and 15,000 Viennese, among them 150 po- licemen, 80 street car employes u:’l 130 railway eonductors. The figures were published in con- nection with .the annual cbnvention here of the international Eperanto organization. It was also said that Japan has the most Esperantists of any country, with Sweden, Holland, added tu its debit in the eyes of Latin America. + (Copyright, 1936.) A Spain and Austria ranking in that order in number of Eperantists among - continental countries, 1 Y