Evening Star Newspaper, July 3, 1936, Page 7

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Will Religious Royalists Be an Issue? Wallace Hits Protestant Training for Failure to Discipline Wealth. BY DAVID LAWRENCE. ELIGIOUS royalists may be added during the present cam- paign to the fleld of political royalists and economic royal- ists who are to do battle at the polls this year. Secretary of Agriculture Wallace, who may be said at the moment to be President Roosevelt’s most effec- tive adviser, has Just written a book called ““Whose Constitu-~ tion?” in which § he outlines a sort of American adaptation of § fascism in which a supreme coun- cil shall issue mandates from the seat of gov- ernment in Wash- Ington telling cap- § ital and labor, agriculture and business just where to head in under a planned economy. Wallace pays his respects to the property owners of the country, whom he thinks are given special protection under the Constitution and he under- takes also to criticize the churches for their failure to inaugurate “an effective discipline” on property ac- cumulations. He is especially caustic about Protestantism, which he thinks In our industrial centers is too iden- tical with “the upper-class way of life.” But here is the quotation in which, for some unexplained reason, the church is brought into the dis- cussion of a scheme for the political governance of the Nation Says Restraint Removed, Wallace writes: “Somewhat in the manner that ju- dicial interpretation was to deny both | Federal and State power to regulate | modern business in the United States, | the Protestant ethic, freed from the | restraints of the Roman Church, failed | to develop an effective discipline for | the social administration of great ac- | cumulation of property. In both cases | ® wide ‘twilight zone' was created in | which the jungle law of tooth and nail prevailed. 1 “Many aspects of the Protestant| faith no longer grip the imagination | of the people of the United States, | as was once the case, but the great| middle class, especially in the farm | region, still works, denies, accumu- | lates and trains the children of the next generation in the same spirit as always, even though the fine points of doctrine have been almost com- | pletely lost. “In the great industrial centers a eurious transformation has taken place. In these areas protestantism has become to a considerable extent identical with the upper-class way of life. The essential faith of this class | is a belief in hard work, thrift, saving, the sacredness of capital and the moral mght of such & group to con- tinue to govern. profit and reap the rewards of a good life. * * * Wealth Production Favored. “Probably no mental approach to reality was better adapted to rapidly expanding wealth production than the Protestant approach. Unfortunately it has not been quite well adapted to wealth distribution and wealth con- eumption in line with the doctrines ©f the New Testament.” The inference that might be drawn from Wallace's book is that thrift, saving, and the right to profit and the reaping of the rewards of a good life are somehow out of favor with the New Desl. It so happens that the religious discussion is but a small part of Wallace's book and becomes significant only as the President’s Epokesman undertakes to show that there must be a supreme power of some kind in government because the citizens sre unable really to govern themselves through associations of their own choosing. Thus Wallace writes: “The outstanding need seems to be for a democratic mechanism which can direct action in behalf of the general welfare. There is no reason to believe that organized farmers or organized labor will in the long run act more generously on behalf of the general welfare than organized bus- fness. * ¢+ = “On several occasions I have sug- gested that sooner or later there should be a council for the general welfare.” Based on Interpretation. Wallace thinks all this can be ac- complished within the Constitution by simple process of judicial interpre- tation. He emphasizes the need for greater power in the national gov- ermnment, and it would appear that if a new set of judges were appointed there would be ample power available for the New Deal to accomplish its objectives. His whole argument is based on the notion that the “general welfare” clause of the Constitution is ample for the exercise of Federal paternalism. It is not & new argument in this respect, but if it were valid- there never would have been any need in the first place for any other articles in the Constitution except the one about general welfare. The Fed- eral Congress would have had in the name of the “generai welfare” the right to do almost anything it planned with Federal funds and with Federal suthority. The conception adopted by the Bupreme Court of the United States is that the Federal Government is a Government of enumerated powers and that whatever powers are not specifically delegated to the National Government belong to the States and to the people who, from time to time 85 the Federal and State Comstitu- tions are amended, surrender the powers they wish to delegate to Gov- ernment. Means One-Man Rale. Wallace shares the views of many New Dealers, including the President, that the National Government which for 150 years existed alongside State governments must now be given su- preme power. This really means that the vast powers of the presidency would govern . the country because today both houses of Congress have been brought under the control of the Executive through the use of Federal funds and Federal patronage. ‘The new book will probably be heard from in the campaign. Wallace writes frankly and sincerely and gives his book the atmosphere of the 1776 revolution very much as did Mr. Rooesevelt in his acceptance speech in Philadelphia. (Copyright, 1036.) David Lawrence NG STAR, Behind the News Pledged Curtailment in Congress Spending Proves Backfire. BY PAUL MALLON. NLY persons with unusually long memories will recall that eon- gressional leaders started this last session of Congress with a promise to cut down on spending. Ome particular house leader went to Warm Springs and announced the formation of an economy bloc. He said it would rebel against the New Deal expenditures program. The results of the rebellion were announced the other day by this very same leader, who, however, neglected to recall his prophecy, made siz months earlier. The reason for his neglect is the fact that his tabulation showed: Appropriations by this Congress: $10,338,938,339. Appropriations by previous Congress: $10.973,370,000. Curtailment accomplished: minus $265,568,839. The way curtailment has progressed, in reverse, may be traced from the beginning in these estimates by Chairman Buchanan of the House Appropriations Committee. Hs fig- ures indicate that the first congres- sional session of President Roose- velt's administration appropriated $4,600,000,000. The next session jumped the total to $8,700,000,000; the third to $9,500,000,000 (not in- cluding the stabilizations fund), and then the last two to $10,073,000 and $10,338,000,000. Bonus Given Blame. The failure to show any net econo- mies this time is blamed on the soldier bonus which carried $2,249,000,000. Also there was an appropriation of about $300,000,000 to pay off A. A. A. contracts. In other words, about $2,500,000,000 will not be recurring next year. However, there will be other things to take the places of these, such as, for instance, social security. These figures prove officially, at last, that Mr. Roosevelt’s expendi« tures in this campaign year will probably be greater than last year, 1t passed unnoticed in the adjournment excitement, but just a few hours before Congress closed, a bill was slipped through hurriedly, authorizing the Rural Settlement Administration to make tax payments to local taring authorities. YOU CALL THAT It means Prof. Tugwell's boys are now going to pay out to affected communities sums equivalent to lost taxes. This sounded like a big-hearted and judicious move when proposed in the Senate by Senator Black four hours before adjournment. The Republicans thought so, and let the bill go through. Nobody mentioned the real reason behind it in the debate, namely that the resettling lawyers are worried about that adverse decision in the Bound Brook case. They are trying to constitutionalize their law before it gets to the Supreme Court. (Note—Prof. Tugwell's lawyers did not act a moment too soon. They have not found it out vet. but they will have another suit on their hands shortly. A prominent local lawyer now is being solicited by private cllents to institute suit against another of the five big resettling projects.) Roosevelt Lucky Number. Mr. Roosevelt thinks his lucky number is seven. He graduated from law school and started the practice of law in 1907. He was married on March 17, resigned as New York State Senator to become Assistant Secretary of Navy on March 17 and accepted renomination on June 27 for the term beginning in 1937 The smarest one of the Democratic estimators has written off the Lemke third-party movement at a book loss of 1,250,000 votes. Ordinarily this would not be worth considering, but the trouble is Lemke will get nearly all of them in six States. North Dakota, Minnesota, Towa, Michigan, ©Ohio and Massachusetts. The question is whether these defections will be sufficient to let Lan- don carry those States. It is a very serious question from the viewpoint of the Democratic high command. The new Union party has put the serious third party advocates in a hole. As vou know, Gov. Olson, Phil La Follette and others have talked of & third party to be launched “after Mr. Roosevelt.” The Union party, by entering the election this year, will be virtually assured of a place on the ballot in most of the States in 1940. If the La Follette groups try to get into the picture then, they will find the third party seat already taken. They are troubled about it. Do not be surprised if Mr. Roosevelt stops the third-term talk during the campaign by resurrecting and personally adopting the Democratic platform plank of 1912—the vear he first attracted the eve of Josephus Daniels, who started him on the road to political fame through the Navy Department. This plank reads: “We favor a single presidential term, and to that end we urge the adoption of an amendment to the Constitution making the President of the United States ineligible for re-election,” (Copyright, 19386,) | two men are | of the difference Landon Shows Weapons on July 23 Acceptance Speech May Set Tempo Against Roosevelt’s Art. BY MARK SULLIVAN. 'ASHINGTON, and perhaps the country also, seems for the time being to have an atmosphere of political lull, A general judgment is that President Roosevelt, by his acceptance speech at the close of the Philadelphia con- vention, won a certain advantage of position. By | the eloquence and | finish of his per- formance, he, 30 1 to speak, took the Ppsychological of- fensive. Probably the next phase will not appear until Gov. Lan- don makes his ac- ceptance speech, ?f which will be on July 23. The proximity of that date, the delivery of both acceptance speeches and the completion of the preliminary rituals | eight days before the beginning of | August, makes a new record in earli- | ness, so far as I can recall. It sug- gests eagerness, and a campaign long | enough to provide thorough enlight- | ehment of. the country. The few speeches the public has | heard from Gov. Landon over the | radio s0 far have not suggested that | he has anything like the emotion- stirring quality of Mr. Roosevelt's ora- tory or Mr. Roosevelt's remarkable fa- cility at phrase-making. So far as the campaign is to be a duel of per- sonalities, the two candidates fight with equipment so different that it is almost impossible to compare them. They can only be contrasted. Against Mr. Roosevelt's colorful personality Landon has a simple one. Against Mr. Roosevelts' high spirits and gaiety and zest Landon has seriousness. Against | Mr. Roosevelt's agility Landon has| sure-footedness. Against Mr. Roose- velts’ skill in using words for charm and allurement Landon’s words have | directness and simplicity. 1 Mark Sullivan WASHINGTON, Landon's Weapon Vital. How far the people may take sides | and form the line-up on the respective | personalities of the candidates. no one | can say. In the contrast between the | two there is at once warning for Lan- | don and possibly & good omen for | him. The warning is that Landon would make a mistake if he should try to compete with Mr. Roosevelt on the latter's own ground, with the lat- ter’s choice of weapons. The Repub- lican candidate does not have a color- ful personality and does not have a radio voice of anything like the “come- | hither” quality in Mr. Roosevelt's ut- terances. Since the qualities of the 20 opposite, probably Landon will be wise to make capital He will do best to make the fight with what God has given him There is, in the contrast between | the two, the possibility of advantage for the Republican candidate. Who can say certainly that thq country will necessarily prefer the eandidate who happens to have the more en- geging traits of personality? It is at least conceivable that the large num- bers of voters who in the primaries turned to Landon were drawn to him precisely by his simplicity of person- ality, It may be that a large part of the public feels a psychological hun- ger for a plain man. Landon's lack of ornateness, his possession of so many qualities that are common to the average man, and so few adorn- ments that mark him off from the average man; the fact that common men understand him readily, that they feel he has a personality which re- mains the same and that therefore they trust him unconsciously—these may be factors that may cause the country to turn to him. Coolidge Analogy. It is these qualities that justify what analogy there is—it 15 often over emphasized — between Landon and Calvin Coolidge. Before he rose above the crowd, Coolidge was indis- tinguishable in the erowd. In none of his campaigns, beginning with parochial contests for local offices, did any one see in Mr. Coolidge’s inconspicuous personality any advan- tage over his opponent. Inded, over- confident opponents sometimes de- rided him as looking like a “singed cat.” Yet Mr. Coolidge never failed to win a campaign of the dozen he contended in, from candidacies for councilman of a small city up through the mayoralty of it, State Representative and State Senator for several terms, Lieutenant Governor, Governor and President. Probably the present lull in political excitement will continue until the initial clash of swords between the two combatants is completed by Landon's acceptance speech July 25. In the meantime perhaps, and later certainly, we shall have fresh instal- ments of a factor that is going to count much in this campaign. Blasts Expected. So far, the number of prominent Democratic leaders who have said, directly or by clear implication, that they will not vote for the New Deal nor for Mr. Rosevelt as the source and symbol of the New Deal, con- sists mainly of ex-Gov. Smith of New York, with his associates in the pre-convention announcement, ex- Gov. Ely of New York, ex-Senator James H. Reed of Missouri, former Secretary of State Bainbridge Colby and Dantel Cohalan. Democratic Senator Copeland of New York declined to attend the Democratic convention, although he had ben elected a delegate, taking the ground, presumably, that election to a Democratic convention did not require attendance upon a New Deal one. But Senator Copeland has not sald whether he will vote against Mr. Roosevelt or will add his voice to that of ex-Gov. Smith in outright leader- ship against the New Deal. That there will be more announce- ments of Democratic defections is well known to observers close to the inner stirrings of the campaign. Some will be of such a nature as to con- tribute major detonations to what promises to be a highly explosive campaign. (Copyright. 1936.) PERSHING HONOVRED Diplomats of Both Americas Pres- ent at Paris Function. PARIS, July 3 (#).—The municipal- ity of Paris honored Gen. John J. Pershing, commander-in-chief of the American Expeditionary Forces in the World War, at a reception and vesterday at the Petit Palace in the Champs Elysees Members of the diplomatie corps from North and South America. in- cluding United States Ambassador Jesse Isidor Straus, attended the af- fair, at which tribute was paid to Gen. Pershing for his recent appointment to the Institute of Franc tea | D. C. FRIDAY, JULY 3, 1936. Senator Joe Robinson, Pitied as Obedient Soldier of New Deal, Has Advanced Ideas Himself. BY CARLISLE BARGERON. DEVELOPMENT which should rank among the most important although undoubtedly it has been crowded out of the public con- sciousness, is the revelation that a great injustice has begn done to Benator Joe Robinson the past three years bv his friends and writers alike. Or it may be, that inasmuch as the Senator’s home State is Arkansas, where one would not look for the “advanced thinking” we are getting, that they really saved the Senator from himself. The fact is, however, that all during the New Deal sympethy has been poured out for the Senator for the position he was in. If it has been said once by well-meaning people it has been said a thousand times, that the Benator was certainly to be felt sorry for. “These things must be pretty hard for Joe to swallow,” is the way the feeling ran. “But, of course, he is the floor leader and he believes in party government, g0 he is going along.” Not only did he go along, but he has been about as forceful a leader as the Senate ever had. He has ruled through sheer physical strength and the power of his voice. The leftists, undoubtedly, haven't the slightest complaint to make against him. Yet there was a time when the Senate Progressives —that's what they were called in those days—were decidedly leary of him. There was a time, in fact, when they looked upon him as a tool of the interests, and, indeed, on one occasion he had to get up and explain that he had never had any embarrassing relationships with Harvey Couch, the Arkansas utilities magmate. * %k k% When the New Deal first came in, there was a lot of talk about displacing his as floor leader. The administration’s leanings had not shaped up in the public eye at the time, but the leftists had a very definite idea about where they wanted to go and they saw Joe as a barrier. As things have turned out 11 the President has had to do 18 to say he wanted this cr th to it that he got it in so far as he Senate was concerned. But all of this time the impression was that many of the things the President wanted must be hurting him mighty badly. Every now and then the thought occurred to some that if these ® things were really hurting him he should ezercise his party influence to check them, but the explanation one heard most was that although they were hurting him he was going along as the perfect soldier. There was a development at Philadelphia, however, which gives grounds for the belief that irstead of it being a case of his just taking ideas from the brain trust and pushing them through the Senate with an aching heart, that he may have been furnishing some of the ideas himself. Certainly it would appear that he is. at least now, right along with the “advanced thinking” element of the New Deal. * % % % It is recalled that there was quite a squabble in the Platform Committee over whether it should have a plank advocating a constitutional amendment empowering the Pederal Government to regulate wages and hours. There were many hours of heated debate about it. The rather general assumption was that Senator Wagner and one or two others of the “advanced thinkers™ on the committee were fighting for the plank and that the conservatives, with Senator Joe as their spearhead, were making a vigorous stand againat it. Then, lo and behold, it developed that Senator Joe and Senator Wag- ner were the two insisting upon the amendment — Senator Joe from a States’ rights State if there ever ‘was one! History will probably record that there never was so much misspent sympathy about a man. At the con- vention this writer was sitting among a group of Southern editors when Joe got up to make one of the series & of keynote speeches. As he arose the editors murmured, almost in unison: “Poor Joe, I'll bet this goes hard with him, to have to get up there and indorse something he can’s possibly believe in.” But unquestionably they are wrong. Either we have never understood Joe or he has changed. There is not the slightest reason now to doubt that he is for the New Deal 100 per cent. And the same is very likely true of Garner, upon whom a lot of sympathy has also been spent. After all, that letter he wrote w0 his fellow Texan, John H. Kirby, and which the Republicans like to quote as evidence that he is very unhappy, didn't say a thing in the world. In this wise it was very adroit. $2,824 ON BACK LOST | | she lost it in May, when “the tape | Woman, Denied Alimony, Tells of | slipped.” which she carried with her “taped Taping Money to Self. garden, DETROIT, July 3 (#).—Circuit |and we ran out to see what was the Judge Theodore J. Richter denied & | matter,” she told the judge. wife's petition for $500 & month tem- | the excitement was over I found that husband testified she d $2,824, | was gone.” to her back.” Mrs. Edith Watson said | | porary alimony yesterday after her \ the tape had slipped and the money Headline Folk | and What They Do Tax Asked on Hand- some Actors for Stranded Girls. BY LEMUEL F. PARTON. NE of Clark Gable's press agents reports that he has 100 suits of clothes. Buiely he might have found in an old vest the price of a railroad ticket home for young Martha Vichnes, the 15-year-old Brooklyn girl who spent her father’s bonus money as the re- sult of the chronic gabilities which i afflicting the younger set Broke in Hollywood, which is worse than being broke in Death Valley, she was tent home by the American Legion, arriving today without having seen her idol, whom she has been bome barding with let- ters, and whose pictures fill her room. Both the bonus money and Martha'’s slice of the young Amer- ican dream are a total loss. No | ™ Clark Gable such heppy end- | ing as in “It Happened One Night.” No one can blame Mr. Gable for being handsome, and there's nothinz in the Constitution about screen stars flickering across State lines, but such | allure can become quite disturbing | among youth. Perhaps it should be taxed, to the extent of a ticket home for runaways, in the interest of do- | mestic security. Gable seems to be considerablv more of a feminine excitement than the late Rudolph Valentino. Last year, women mobbed him in Santiago, Chile and later in Houston, Tex. The con- | trasting screen appeal of the two men | 1s interesting. Valentino was romance {of the far away and long ago, and | Gable is romance a couple blocks down the street, the first turn beyond the gas station. The one-time Ohio farm boy fits in nicely with what dramatic critics call pathetic self-identification.” Movie-struck girls get to thinking they really know him, which with his presentment of the os- tentatiously red-blooded young Amer- ican of today, is a lot more under- standable than it would be with Val- entino’s M. Beaucaire. ! On his father's farm near Cadiz. Ohio, he grubbed stumps and milked cows. The stage fever first hit him while he was a pre-medical student in | Akron, Ohio. He was an in-and-outer with small stock companies, touring | the kerosene circuit for a few years | Stranded in Butte, Mont., he climbed poles for the Portland Telephone Co llcr a ehort stretch and then headed | for Hollywood (Copyright 1836) - I WILL CUT CAR FARES CHICAGO. July 3 (#.—The Chi- cago Rapid Transit Co.. operator of | the elevated lines, announced yester- “My husband and I were in a beer lday it would reduce its fares from when a dog got run over 10 cents a ride to three rides for 25 | cents, effective for a six-month trial “After | period. | The new rate schedule will be the lowest since 1928, when the company | discontinued selling three-ride fares. IT'S GOT EVERYTHING/ TOP-CYLINDERS KEEP MOTORS coOOL THERE are more brands of Ethyl gasolines than there are makes and models of cars. And no one brand can be one whit better than the basic gasoline to which the = THE D/FFERENT ETHYL GASOLINE ! Ethyl anti-knock fluid has been added. But Tydol Ethyl is different!...because Tydol itself is different from all other branded gasolines. With Tydol Ethyl your motor is not only driven with everything that Ethyl can give it in smooth, knockless power...but all the upper motor parts are oiled and cleaned, at the same time. In addition to Ethyl fluid, every gallon of Tydol Gaso- line contains a top-cylinder oil and a carbon-solvent. Work- ing together, all three ingredients develop a new high in motor performance and a new low in motor upkeep. Next time try Tydol Ethyl...the triple-premium motor fuel. Sold everywhere at the regular Ethyl price. A PRODUCT OF THE TIDE WATER OIL COMPANY Convright 1987 W. 0. Cs. PREMIUM PERFORMANCE FOR MODERN MOYORS e

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