Evening Star Newspaper, September 22, 1935, Page 34

" D2 THE SUNDAY STAR, WASHINGTON, D. , SEPTEMBER 22, 1 THE EVENING STAR- With Sunday Morning Edition, WASHINGTON, D. C. SUNDAY . eptember 22, 1935 THEODORE W. NO' Lditor Seeeeen The Evening Star Newspaper Company. Business Office: 11th St. anc Peansylvania Ave, New York Office: 110 East 42nd St Chicazo Office: Lake Michigan Building. European Office: 14 Regent St.. London. England. Rate by Carrier Within the City. Regular Edition. The Evening Star. The Evenine and Suni (when 4 Sundays. = TLe Evening and Sunday Star (when 5 Bundays).. The Sunday Star.. Night Fin; Night Final and Sunday Star. Night ‘Final Star- Collection made Orders may be sent tional 5000 Rate by Mail—Payable in Advance. Maryland and Virginia. -45¢ per month _60¢c per month -65¢ per month ---bc per copy ton. r month b per month ach mon'h. meil or telephone N .. 40c Batlv and Sunday.. aily “oniy- = Bunday on! Member of the Associated Press. The Associated Press 15 exclusively entitled to he use for republication of ail news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this paper and also the local news published herein All rights of oublication of special dispatches herein are also reserved. —_— se s 1914 and 1935. Just a little more than twenty-one years ago the people of this country were watching with interest and with some concern the outcome of the as gassination of the Grand Duke Ferdi- nand of Austria by a Serb at Serajevo. Jt was generally believed that there would be no graver outcome from that crime than a conflict between Austria and Serbia, though it was recogmized that there were complications and inter- national jealousies and rivalries that might flame into a general conflict in Europe. There was no mechanism for the pacific settlement of disputes be- tween nations save that which was set up in the emergency of the issue. Dur- ing the last two weeks of July, 1914, events marched in accelerated pace to bring about the greatest catastrophe in human history. Today there is a similar menace In Europe. Two of the great powers are making warlike moves in consequence | | period of of a dispute between one of them and an insignificant African nation. Indeed, there tragedy, no definite breach of the peace to precipitate even the lesser conflict out of which it is now feared may grow the greater one. Judzed impartially, Italy has no cause of war with Ethiopia other than that of domestic needs, for expansion, for colonial territory and to cause distraction at home from an in- creasingly difficult economic stress. To one of the other nations, in particular Great Britain, this move for the con- quest of Ethiopia upon the flimsy ground of revenge for the humiliation of Adowa is a political menace, inasmuch as it, if successful, may gravely affect British prestige and interest in Egypt and the Sudan, as well as in the control, which England now virtually possesses, of the Suez waterway to Asia. Great Britain is now making a demon- stration of naval power in the Medi- terranean. Italy resents this move as a provocation of war. Great Britain denies any such purpose, and declares that the movement is only one of de- fense. alignment of the powers of Europe against the Italian program has been effected. The League of Nations' Coun- cil has endeavored to avert even & localized war, and as the new week begins there remains & hope that a formula of adjustment may be found that would be acceptable to Italy as it will presumably be to Ethiopia. There remains one last remedy, but that is & punitive one and not pre- ventive. If in final rejection of the peace and arbitration proposals of the League Italy should proceed with war the penalty of “sanctions” may be ap- plied to the offending power, consti- tuting a virtual boycott, which, unless weakened by defections, would soon cripple the war-making resources of Italy and render its retirement from | the adventure imperative. This coming week Wwill probably see the issue joined. It may witness the virtual collapse of Italy’s plan of con- quest in Africa, which would conceiv- ably have a most disastrous effect at home. It may, on the other hand, wit- ness defiance by Italy of the League and its member nations now united in opposition to the Italian venture with the peace of Europe hanging upon the thread of some chance incident. Or it may see the setting up of an arbitral organization to study the whole ques- tion and seek a solution short of war. Time is a vital factor in this case. Mussolini has sent over to Eritrea and to Libya great numbers of troops and vast quantities of supplies. He has spent enormous sums in war preparations and in equipment of every sort. He has scheduled these moves carefully to be ready to strike his blow against Haile Selassie at the most propitious moment, which is the ending of the rainy sea- son, not many days hence. His great war engine is in gear, and he has evoked an impetuous spirit among his people to demand that it be sent forward into action. - Twenty-one years ago and today! A war has been fought which was supposed to end war. Today & war is menaced despite all the plans and schemes and contrivances for the adjustment of in- ternational difficulties on the basis of reason and justice and peace. And the factors of greatest menace are those that resulted from the peace treaty which closed the Great War. —at—s- A Single Budget. * Placing all the emergency agencies of Government under financial control of the Budget Bureau represents one re- form which the President forecast in his budget message to Congress last January. Another one he outlined in the same message as follows: “In order to promote more satisfactory methods of budgetary control in the Government, I propose this year to inaugurate the been no sudden happening. no policy of having a summation of the budget prepared for publication imme- diately after the Congress has acted on all financial matters. This summation will be ready on or before July 1, unless the Congress is in session. * * * It will exhibit the revenue estimates, so revised by the Treasury, as to reflect any changes in the economic situation dur- ing the preceding six or seven months and also the revisions made by Congress in the tax laws. It will provide a com- plete summary of all appropriations and expenditure authorizations made by the Congress and related estimates of ex- penditures. Lastly, it will indicate the need for executive or administrative measures in controlling the execution of the budget during the fiscal year 1936.” The prolonged session of Congress and the unexpected enactment of a tax bill, not on the cards when the President sent his budget message, have delayed the Budget Bureau in its prep- aration of the study outlined above. When it is complete it should be a highly informative document, not only to the members of Congress, but to the taxpayers who may wish to study the gap between estimates of revenue and items of appropriations that yeached some ten billion dollars during the past session. Such a study, moreover, combined with the President’s action in putting emergency agencies under the Budget Bureau, should lead once and for all to the adoption of a single budget, doing away with the two-faced affair which separates normal expenditures from emergency relief expenditures. The President’s belief that the peak of the emergency has been passed indicates he plans the resumption of orthodox budgeting of all expenditures, which in itself should mean more careful spending. e Jules Cambon. In the memory of Washingtonians in particular and all devotees of Franco- American fraternity in general, the names of two French diplomats will be long and gratefully enshrined—Jules Jusserand and Jules Cambon. The scholarly Jusserand served his country in the United States for the better part of a quarter of a century, including the alliance hetween the great republics in the World War, the climax of a friendship which he had so notably helped to cement. On September 19, in Vevey, on the shores of Lake Geneva, Jules Cambon Meanwhile an almost unanimous | passed on at the end of a life of ninety vears. He was Ambassador of France in Washington when the United States was at war with Spain in 1898. To his | hands was entruste¢ the representation of Spanish interests, and, as Madrid's spokesman, he negctiated the prelimi- nary terms of peace with the American | Government. It is & matter of recorded history that the suave Frenchman’s Old World courtliness ar:d diplomatic finesse contributed effectuaily to consummation of the treaty which:-ended the war and the restoration of normal Spanish- American relations. - President McKinley and Secretary Hay held M. Cambon in highest esteem. After several post-war years in Wash- ington Ambassador Cambon was trans- ferred to Berlin, where he served con- tinuously until the cutbreak of the World War. During his German days it fell to his lot to handle the succeeding crises provoked by the Kaiser's Moroccan adventures. Despite the storms of that period M. Cambon did much to tran- quilize Franco-German relations. When the crash came in 1914 he was compelled to leave the country under humiliating circumstances, but. his name came to be remembered by Germans with respect and appreciation. Together with his brother Paul, Am- bassador to Great Britain throughout the war, and Jules Jusserand, Jules Cambon was one ¢f a group of twentieth century French dnvoys who lent real distinction to their calling. The chronicle of their times will record that to these three musketeers of diplomacy credit was mainly due for laying those founda- tions which in the hour of her supreme in arms of both branches of the English- speaking race. B Ethiopia claims possession of King Solomon's mines. England of having planted mines in the Mediterranean such as Solomon in all his glory never thought of. o Work is needed and one of the ob- structive influences in the process of recovery is theorizing which toils not and spins only a few yarns. ot From Our Friends—, “The lousy aspects” of the New Deal are to come under attack by one of the President’s friends, Gen. Hugh S. John- son. The general, who hatched out the | “Blue Eagle” for the administration, will take the warpath in criticism of the administration’s attcmpt to cure unem- ployment through the Works Progress Administration and the Public Works Administration. “This W. P. A. and P. W. A. stuff is the bunk,” the general characteristically declares. He ought to know, for he has been the New York works administrator. The answer to the unemployment problem, in the opinion of Gen. John- son, is the establishment of sharter work hours, as under the N. R. A. If con- tinued relief is necessary, then by all means go back to the dole, says the general, rather than mess around with work-relief projects which cost just about three times as much as it does to give direct relief. Furthermore, this friend of the Presi- dent, who is intent upon saving the New Deal from itself if he can, asserts that business is being retarded by cer- tain economic and social aspects of the administration. Here is heresy indeed. And yet almost in the same breath the general declares that in the com- ing election the issue will be between the principles of Hooverism, “which means special privilege,” and the prin- ciples of Roosevelt, “which means social privilege.” The general is afflicted with need assured France the comradeship | Italy is suspected by | the same weakness as are other “friends” and followers of the Presi- dent, an inability to think things through. In one breath he denounces the social aspects of the New Deal and in the next he praises the President's “social privilege” principles. Discussing the effect of the P. W. A. and the ‘W. P. A. and declaring that such pro- grams lead to more and greater ex- penditures of public funds without per- manent recovery, the general says: “The administration, however, is ap- parently in a daze and doesn’t under- stand that.” It looks as though Gen. Johnson him- self were in a daze, when he under- takes to strike down the New Deal as exemplified in measures other than the N. R. A, and at the same time declares his faith in the principles of President Roosevelt. It does not make sense. Also, it will not make sense to the President. Criticism is not one of the things that the Chief Executive craves. What has happened to New Dealers in the past when they fell out with Mr. Roosevelt is an open book. Gen. Johnson sticks to the “Blue Eagle,” to the N. R. A. idea. He does” not ‘appear to realize that the rest of the, New Deal, the A. A. A, the P. W. A, the T. V. A. and all the other alphabet- ical combinations are compleme'ntary to the N. R. A. Probably Secretary Wal- lace is as devoted to the A. A. A, Secre- tary Ickes to the P. W. A. and Harry L. Hopking, prince of spenders, to the W. P. A. as the general is to the N. R. A. In a few weeks Gen. Johnson will retire as works progress administrator for New York. It is his purpose then to take the stump as a friendly critic of the New Deal administration. He conceives such a course as constituting “unswerving loyalty to the President and his ideals.” The President may ponder that ancient Italian proverb which says: “God preserve me from my friends; from my enemies I will pre- serve myself.” T Farmers protest against stamps for potatoes which may get agriculture mixed up with philately. Such stamps would contribute to the historic inter- est in a time when taxes are making history. . In photographs the President is al- wa shown smiling. The example he sets is good. A smile gives assurance of courage and cannot be analyzed as a logital demonstration. — B Labor desires more wages and less hours. The hours are possibly of minor | consequence. The good workman in- variably learns to love his work. — e Art research reveals old masters who | painted to relieve immediate necessity and possibly in their time did a bit | of boondoggling. v Industrial stocks rise in value more than war stocks. There is no possi- bility of buoyant enthusiasm in the tombstone trade. oo Shooting Stars. BY PHILANDER JOHNSON. Where the Time Went. He was & man who should have moved | To heights beyond the common lot. His life most brilliant should have proved. Somehow or other it did not. The race for power or for pelf— He should have won it in & walk, And yet he just enjoyed himself, He liked to sit around and talk. He had no habits that were bad. His thirst was of the temperate kind. He quit tobacco when a lad. His speech, though vigorous, was re- | fined. Yet as the years went fleeting by One trait his prospects seemed to balk. | "Twas this, he owned it with a sigh; He liked to sit around and talk. The Art of It. “You are constantly outlining new theories concerning an ideal economic system.” . “Yes, my friend,” replied Senator Sor- ghum, “a successful rainbow chaser has | to make up his own rainbows as he | goes along.” Ostentation. “Money talks,” remarked Mr. Dustin | Stax. | “Yes,” replied Miss Cayenne. “And sometimes it makes its audience suffer.” | The Era of Great Luck. We're living in a lucky hour, On which the knowledge of the past Turns its accumulated power And bids man take a rest at last. ‘When there is something to decide On which the public mind is bent, Some one with confidence and pride Can always show a precedent. No matter what you Would express, You need do little, save to quote, In language chastened more or less, ‘What some.ancestral genius wrote. Oh, give the gratitude that's due : Since mental toil has grown so small ‘That, maybe, in a year or'two, ‘We will not have to think at all! A Career Projected. “So they wont let you say anything in Congress,” said Farmer Corntossel. “No,” answered the youthful statesman. “Well, you jes’ stand pat. One o’ these days, when they come around and want you to talk don't you say a word. Then you'll get the reputation of bein’ a sphinx, which is one of the most valuable things a man 4n politics can have.” The Infinitesimal. If in the rush through starry space Our Earth is but a speck set free, ‘We members of the human race— ‘What tiny atoms we must bel “Dar {is times,” said Uncle Eben, “when true friendship consists in bein’ liberal wif a loan an’ stingy wif de wise talk.” ‘. . . Political Planning By Owen L. Scott. President Roosevelt 1s ready now to set seriously about the business of re- taining office for a second term. Even though the 1936 election still is more than a year away, he is replacing eco- nomic planning with political planning in anticipation of it. Mr. Roosevelt takes up this new task with assurance. He frequently was criti- cized for lack of definite policy or of a clear objective when performing as an economic planner. That field admit- tedly was new to him, and the President entered it on an experimental basi Not so the political planning business. The same critics who found fault with Mr. Roosevelt's venture into economic planning complained that his trouble lay in the fact that he was chiefly interested in polities and political strategy. * K K X Now the country can watch this new- style performance. It opened with an exchange of correspondence in which ‘the President assured business that the New Deal now is substantially complete and that a quiet breathing spell can be counted upon. This assurance was de- signed to upset New Deal opponents who argued that Mr. Roosevelt held a grudge against business men and desired to harass them. Next is coming the presidential jour= ney to the Pacific Coast, in the course of which President Roosevelt will make a number of addresses expanding upon his “breathing spell” plans. He also will sound out sentiment and try to de- termine for himself whether the people are tiring of experiment and long for a period of quiet. He has been told over and over again that they do. He also has been told equally as often that the people of the country are worried over New Deal spending. So, before starting out on his first campaign trip, Mr. Roosevelt ordered the alphabetical agencies to clear their administrative expenditures through the Bureau of the Budget. This is inter- preted as the first step in a forthcoming economy wave. * ok Xk X Most vulnerable point in the New Deal armor is the fact that the Federal pay roll has risen in less than three years from 560,000 to above 730,000—a gain of 170,000. Those figures do not include the Army or the Navy, with their large increase in personnel, nor do they include the 3.000,000” farmers receiving Federal checks, nor the 3,500,000 unem- ployed to be added to the Federal pay roll, nor the 111,000 farmers helping to administer the farm-adjustment plan. The President feels thatAf he can | show a reversal in the trend toward ex- pansion of Government employment, he can satisfy the people on that point. But, questioners ask: Why is the New Deal re-election campaign getting under way so early? Several reasons are advanced by the New Dealers. One is that Mr. Roosevelt is eager to get into action along a political front. He has spent most of his life in politics and enjoys the fray more than almost anything else. Another is that the Democrats fear most of all a split in their ranks. When present plans were laid, Senator Huey Long was a threatening factor who prom- ised to upset re-election strategy by a campaign of his own. An assassin has removed the Louisiana dictator from the scene, and his death simplifies the Presi- dent’s political problem. * ok % ® ‘There still remains the prospect of a break on the part of some conservative Democrats. The Republican party would like to woo them with promises of a place in the fold. But Mr. Roosevelt has been given the assurance of the principal Democratic conservatives that they have no intention to bolt the party. He also feels that anything short of a coalition between the conservative Demo- crats and the Republicans would merely serve to split the conservative vote and further simplity his problem A third reason for opening the re- election campaign now is that the Presi- dent would like to gather a larger elec- toral vote in 1936 than he had in 1932. He thinks that a showing of that type would write the New Deal “indelibly into law—provided the Supreme Court agrees —or, if it does not, then a sweeping vic- work for constitutional .change. This shift from economic planning to | political planning brings with it a change in planners, ® X X % The country from now on will hear less about the personalities who have figured in economic experiments; more | about those who will do the political experimenting. Mr. Roosevelt remains as the chief political strategist, just as he has served as the chief strategist during the task of writing the New Deal into law. The team working under him knows its stuff. James A. Farley is the organizer and salesman. The Democratic national headquarters under him is a high-pow- ered organization in constant touch with the party units throughout the country. Mr. Farley, veteran observers of political operations say, has done a job of organ- | izing such as the country has not seen in the past. The machinery is in a high | state of efficiency. Mr. Farley has seen to that by ironing out difficulties with & number of the big city Democratic organizations. Charles Michelson heads the propa- ganda organization. During the 1932 campaign he was on the attacking side. Mr. Michelson finds that he functions _less effectively in the new role, but his long experience as a political observer is invaluable to the President in shaping his political course. Emil Hurja, assistant to Mr. Farley, is the chief analyst. and each locality so that Mr. Roosevelt, Mr. Farley and Mr. Michelson can know just what tactics to apply. He is a sort of scientific politician, translating public sentiment into readable graphs. Frank C. Walker is the contact man and arranger. At present Mr. Walker heads the applications division of the four-billion-dollar work fund. He is slated to become Postmaster General when Mr. Farley resigns to devote him- self to his job as chairman of the Democratic National Committee. It is Mr. Walker’s job—one with which he is thoroughly familiar—to help keep mem- bers of Congress in line. e . ‘With those lieutenants functioning at the head of a political machine made up of more State administrations, county administrations and city administrations that the Democrats ever before have commanded, President Roosevelt starts his campaign well prepared. Little of the friction and lack of co- ordination that have been the bane of the President’s venture into economic planning are expected by him to upset his political planning machinery. ‘What have the opposing Republicans developed to match the New Dealers? Not a great deal up to the present time. Their ranks remain badly divided by the split between Western radicals and Eastern conservatives and between | Pugilists and 1 rest i f mparative alues: Now his principal job 1 one of defense. | b, toe fleld of comparative ¥ His job is to chart | the .political sentiment of each State | PART TWO. THINGS THAT HINDER BY THE RIGHT REV. JAMES E, FREEMAN, D. D,, LL. D, D. C. L., BISHOP OF WASHINGTON, ‘There come times in the life of indi- viduals and peoples when they are com- pelled to freshly appraise their equipment and the accumulation of things that the multiplying years have breught in their train. A situation arises where it be- comes necessary to discover what is essential and what is non-essential, what s economical and what is extravagant, in accomplishing a given course, There is an incident in the Old Testa- ment that illustrates the force of this. In the thirty-third chapter of the Book of Exodus we haveé the record of the migration of a people from one country to another. Moving under the direction of a great leader, namely, Moses, they had pursued their journey hopefully and | expectantly, but now and again they experienced severe interruption that threatened the success of their venture and the failure of their enterprise. Inthe instance referred to their leader had solemnly admonished them concerning their wilful apostasy and their disobe- dience to the just demands of their leaders. In their embarrassment and humiliation we read that “the children of Israel stripped themselves of their ornaments by the Mount of Horeb.” Evi- dently they had come to realize that they had laid too great stress upon | things purely external and that were | unrelated to the large interests of the | attainment of the goal they sought to reach. A critical situation compelled them to consider more seriously the real purpose of their pilgrimage and to lay | aside anything and everything that hin- | dered them in thefr quest, Far removed as the incident is, it is | suggestive of a condition that repeatedly | faces us in the prosecution of our life's plan. It is inevitable that as the years | multiply . we accumulate without refer- ence to their value or use things that are purely ornamental and unessential. This is not only true as it concerns our occupation, our homes, but it is still | more true as it relates to our associations | and affiliations. Our bias and our preju- dice come largely from the undue value we place upon intellectual conceits that have no distinct bearing upon the deep and permanent values of life itself, Any real appraisal of life's essentials leatis to the conviction that we are unduly influenced by things that are purely ex- traneous and unrelated to its chief in- terests. We recall that Thoreau was unwilling to encumber his life with unnecessary possessions, He found that they hin- dered him not only in his studies, but in the attainment of his ideals. As he grew in years he sought to rid himself of everything that would embarrass and hinder him in his search. A supreme example of a life lived on such high levels that it could not and would not feel the pressure of unneces- sary encumbrances was that of the Mas- ter. In the prosecution of His ministry He steadfastly refused to permit external and environing conditions to embarrass or hinder Him. It was written of Him that “He knew not where to lay His head.” His judgment of men was based upon what He discovered within rather than what was without. He penetrated beneath that which was superficial and revealed potential powers of which they had never dreamed. He persistently sought to show men that life did not | consist in the things which they pos- sessed; that moral worth transcended everything. When we come to the real tests or | crises of life we are driven to dispossess ourselves of many things that have un- | duly claimed our attention and regard. In such a situation we lay aside the orna- ments and superficial adornments that have claimed an excess of consideration and we realize that life’s finer values are disclosed in what we are rather than in what we have. In our religious practice, and indeed in our devotional life, we | place too great stress upon the externals of our religious profession. They doubt- less have their place, where they serve S & means to an end, but where they occupy too large a place in our considera- tion of things essential they prove un- satisfving and unavailing when a supreme | test is upon us. These more recent years have made clear the futility of wrong appraisals. One of the mightiest lessons thai our latest crisis has enforced is that “& man’s life consisteth not in the abu dance of the things which he possesset, Fifty Years Ago In The Star The following news dispatch from St. | Thomas, Ontario, printed in The Star of September 16, 1885, Death of potes the death of one of Jumbo. the most famous identities in America: “Jumbo. the $300.000 elephant, was killed on the Grand' Trunk Air Line track. half a mile east of here, last night His keeper was leading him along the track when a freight train came up behind unnoticed and ran him down He was injured so badly that he died in thirty minutes. The trick elephani, Tom Thumb, was also injured, his leg being broken.” The Star of September 17, 1885. turns the death of Jumbo into a moral lesson to politicians: Moral of “Jumbo is dead. The Jumbo. friend of youth. the ad- mired of all. the boast and wonder of the age, is n@more, and what remains to us is to bear our loss with resignation and to extract from the sad | event its moral 1 ns. Jumbo met his untimely and tragic death by getting in the wayv of a train of cars. He was walking alonz the track with his keeper when a freight train ran into him and c d him to death. “The moral of this distressing acei- dent is obvious. Jumbo is dead because, innocently, no doubt, he antagonized the course of events. He opposed the spirit of the age and obstructed the prozress of mankind. Other big beasts have tried the same experiment. with invariably the same result. and the con- clusion may now be accepted as fully established that in collisions of this sort the course of events, spirit of the age l or progress of mankind, will always win. If any one could have succeeded, Jumbo could, and Jumbo is dead. | tory would be expected to lay the ground- | “It is very desirable that politicians and all others who cope with mankind in the mass should study the anecdote of Jumbo and the freight train. No | matter how great and strong politicians | may be, if they either by accident or design oppose themselves to the course of events it is certain that there will be a tragedy in which they and not the course of events will be the chief suf- ferers, “Just now this tendency of the times seems to be toward a reformed civil service, a friendly forgetfulness of war issues. the abandonment of a semi- barbarous metal currency and an in- creased respect for labor and temper- ance. Politicians of both parties shotld be careful not to get caught and crushed by the people’s train. Even Jumbos will do well to heed the warning, ‘Look out for the locomotive when the bell | rings.’” 5 * * % On the eve of another great prize fight, which is expected to be one of the largest money- making affairs in the history of that sport, the following in The Star of September 17, 1885, has an in- Novelists. Sullivan has figured up that he has made $157,000 out of prize fighting in five years. Anthony Trollope calculated that he made $370,000 out of literature, but then he was twenty years about it and is dead, while Sullivan is still young and active. This shows that pugilism compares very well with writing novels as a business, and by a judicious under- standing with the other party it need not involve much wear and tear of the features, while fiction exhausts. the nervous system and brings on heart disease. On the whole, prize fighting can be recommended as furnishing the richer rewards for the aspiring youth.” the radicals and conservatives in indi- vidual States. National Committee head- quarters still provide little evidence of effective organization. ‘There is the further handicap that the Republican campaign can hardly get under way until next year's national convention and its choice of a ticket. At present a scramble is developing among rival candidates for the presidential nomination. The Republican hope lies in a sweeping popular reaction against New Deal ex- periments that will upset the best-laid plans of the Democratic political ma- chine. Either that or a cleavage in the ranks of the Democrats. Judged by the rivalry being shown by the individuals who would like to have the Republican nomination, these po- litical experts feel that either or both of those developments could confront the Democrats. Much may depend on what the Supreme Court does to the New Deal di the Winter, - uring the coming Capital Sidelights By Will P. Kennedy. week there will be an important nce at the Capitol of members of the special committee on investiga- tion of campaign expenditures with House leaders. Representative Willfam J. Granfield of Springfield, Mass., chair- man of the committee, arrives tomorrow tomap out his campaign, which he prom- ises will keep the closest scrutiny known in many years. This committee was first heralded as specially picked to in- vestigate the regime of the late Senator Huey Long. It will watch (as they were never watched before) the large number of “unofficial” or independent campaign organizations which usually handle large sums of money for campaign purposes 1 seldom if ever make a report to the ! clerk of the House as required by law. Those organizations will have to watch their step this year. Granfield, while urbane and gracious is aggressive as a lawyer with an inborn sense of justice and sportsmanship. He was born poor and “played in the gutter,” but rose above it. He worked in a rail- road machine shop. He earned his way through Williston Academy and Notre Dame University. Then he played pro- fessional base ball while getting his law degrees. Twenty years ago he began his political career as a member of the Common Council of his native city— thence to the State Legislature, the State Constitutional Convention, the last three Democratic National Conventions— and he is one of “the inner council” who confer nightly when Congress is in session with Representative John O'Connor of New York, chairman of the House Rules Committee. Granfield will keep his Investigating Committee working. but there will not be the customary fanfare of trumpets. “We'll let the results speak for us,” said Granfield. 4 E N ©One of labor’s best and seasoned friends in Congress—a real power on the House Labor Committee —is Representative Reuben T. Wood of Springfield, Mo. He knows labor from the ground up—born on a farm of Virginia parents, both with college educations who gave him full measure of home culture. At an early age he entered the cigar industry (like the late Sam Gompers) and together they fought labor's battles for many vears. For 20 years Wood was president of the Missouri State Federation of Labor, and as chairman of the Legisla- tive Committee attended every session of the State Legislature' for nearly 25 vears, enactment of the workmen's compensa- tion law for more than 10 years. He came to Washington 16 years ago as a national legislative representative for railway employes. During the World ‘War he represented his State on the Fuel Administration and the Food Administration. & % % % Colleagues on Capitol Hill—what few of them are in town—and all the con- gressional employes are welcoming back Representative John J. Cochran who has just recovered from a lengthy and severe illness following a general break- down. For 14 years he was one of the most popular congressional secretaries and for 12 years he has been a member of the House, best known for his good- natured aggressiveness. In a recent primary he had 55 candidates against him and polled 1013824 votes. He re- | ceived the largest number of votes ever given a Democratic candidate for the Senate who was not nominated He | is an ardent fisherman sportsman, claim- ing that the Washington vicinage is a sportsman’s paradise. He has been a persistent worker to protect the Potomac River from pollution. Government em- ployes have no better friend in Congress. * KX % “Back home” to where they are “big shots” have gone scores of members of | Congress, most of them with well- rounded experience and more or less efficiency, some experts in their special | line, who seldom get their names in the headlines of newspapers throughout the country—and yet, they are the backbone | of legislation—the men who know, who think things out, who study, and who vote unswerved by ballyhoo, public plaudits or political pressure. Such a one is Representative William *Marcus Pierce of La Grande, Oreg., born on a farm, who attended “the little old red school house,” taught school, oper- ated wheat farms, practiced law for 10 years, engaged in banking, ran stock farms, went to the State Legislature and sponsored laws for roads, labor and edu- cation, member of Board of Regents of the State college, married the State librarian, has six children—a quite ver- satile and successful life. His wise coun- sel is sought by congressional and State leaders. . He led the persistent fight for | What the Indians Are Doing By Frederic J. Haskin. There probably has been more activity on behalf of the Indiaws on the part of the Federal Government during the Rocsevelt administration than at any time in many years. John Collier, named commissioner of Indian affairs, is & reds man enthusiast, long assoclated with Indian interests. He has altered the entire policy of the Office of Indian Affairs. Indian reservations were originally set up when the Indian problem was a large one. To some extent, the reservation system was a protective measure. It was felt that the white settlers would be safer from molestation if the Indians were concentrated and kept on the places set aside for them About 10 years ago this policy began to be abandoned. The Indians had * dwindled to only a few more than 300,000 and it was believed best gradually to liquidate the reservations and encourage the Indian to become assimilated with the general population. An organized effort was made to find jobs for the Indians off the reservations. Ultimatel; it was felt, there would no longer be | any need for the reservation The « | Indians had been granted citizenship | rights and were to be treated no differ- ently from any other Americans When John Collier took office under the present administration this policy was precisely reversed. He changed the Indian office policy back to one of cor centration on the reservations an | ventive work in aid of the Indians there It was his view that, instead of bein | assimilated and absorbed in the gener: | population, the Indian should be enabled to maintain his racial integrity. Indian reservations are scattered widely over American territory, and this means that a large variety 6f crops can be raised. In some of the Northern reservations frost occurs every month of | the year, while the South conditions re nearly tropical. The Indian never was a natural farmer. It has been the ask of the Indian office to teach him, and a great deal of patience is required in that work. | The Indians do not raise crops on the reservations. Each one has a garden, some of them well worked an | some neglected. The gardens are usu of about half an acre in extent, but an effort is being made to get the Indians to plant and raise more to assist with Winter food problem. Often, in he: Winters, the Indians are threatened b; starvation and the Government, umber of occa: s, has had reir relief. They now are being to pla in additi to their * vegetable wants, enough of the produce which stores well to insure a W 1pply of food Financial Aid Is Offered. There are between the Some Indiar ow S a great deal initiative and persevera nce and have de- raising live tion to their crops. In- have been stock and prot own livings, surplus genious irrigation systems worked out by some of them It has often been noted that the white man gave to the Indians, as permanent reservations, lands which he did not want himself, and this is largely true To be sure, through operation of an ironical justice, some of this despised land came to produce oil such vast quantities as to make millionaires of the Indian owners. In general, thou the reservation lands are poor and bette | adapted to grazing than to any other | type of farming Formerly, such Indians as did stock did not manage very well. ‘The: bought high-priced breeding stock to produce what seemed to offer the best in meat profits. rather than the types most suitable for their grazing land and the type of grass grown. The e tension service of the Indian office now is making progress in altering this state of affairs and showing them how to stock | their lands tq the best advantage. /i The Indian reorganization act, recently | passed by Congress, appropriated $2,500.- 000 as an Indian credit fund. This money is to be used in making loans to | Indians to enable them to buy live stock, | better seed and farming machinery and | implements. It is planned that the Indians shall organ live stock asso- ciations and, perhaps, make joint loans somewhat on the basis of co-operatives The money can be used for purchase of improved and better adapted breed- ing stock, for vaccines and dips, and for fencing. Loans are not confined to live stock, but Indians on any reservation can borrow for any agricultural purpose. Tk whole fund will operate as a revolv fund. repayments of loans being put o again. Before obtaining a loan the in- dividual must outline his program—the uses to which he intends to put th money. The advice of extension agents is at all times available to the Indian farmers Women and Children Helped. The work of the Indian extension service, under the New Deal has n been confined to farm problems. Th is an active home economics section | which has been assisting the Indian women. The work has been carried on as a sort of link between the school and | the home. An example of what has been done is given in the use of surplus Army clothing which has been turned over to some of the reservations. The | women have been taught how to take | the uniforms apart and recut the cloth in such a manner as to make garments | for children. Entire families of children in this way appear clad in old uniform |~ There are various ramifications of | home economics work Underwear 1 made from flour sacks. the women ar | taught how to make slips and apron they are taught canning and dyeing and a variety of home arts, with especial attention being given to the utilization of waste articles. It must be remembered | that while there are a few Indians who have been made immensely wealthy by oil, the vast majority of them are des- perately impoverished. Their poverty, it has been said by some critics, is due to their natural disinclination for work, | and by others to the poor quality of their lands. Whatever the reason, they are | poor and the Indian office is bending every effort to help them to help them- selves. Four-H clubs have been organized among the younger generation and in- terest has been stimulated in the rais- ing of live stock and poultry. There are calf clubs, just as on the white man's farms An unusual activity for Indians is noted in their construction of a truck road over Black Mountain on the Mescalero Apache Reservation in the Southwest Before the trail was built the trip from Indian Creek to tite other side of the mountain meant a 54-mile detour. Under direction of the new extension section. the Indians started the construction of a highway in 1933 and have now fin- ished it. There are marked differences of opinion as to the success of the Collier policy. Many Americans who have studied the Indian think the effort is useless. Others maintain that the Indian has great capabilities which can be de- veloped and that the Nation owes it to the red man to assist him to a perma- nent position. a cas raise vl