Evening Star Newspaper, July 7, 1935, Page 27

Editorial Page Civic Dart 2—12 Pages Activities EUROPEAN DEMANDS RISE ON PRICE OF WORLD PEACE Interests of Best Americans Now Depend on Standing Pat, Simonds BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. HE American people may be forgiven a certain sense of be- wilderment over recent devel- opments in the field of naval armaments. Almost a decade and a half ago Mr. Harding and Mr. Hughes celebrated the achievements of the Washington Conference as unparal- leled. Five years ago Mr. Hoover and | Mr. Stimson were even more eulogistic of the victory for disarmament at the London Naval Conference. Since then Norman Davis has been flying around Europe breaking new records’ in the * eause of peace and unpreparedness. | And now things are back where they started and all agreements are in the discard Fifteen vears of persistent pur: of naval restrictions has brought iu:t one positive gain. At the price of a billion dollars we have been permifted to approach a condition of parity with Great Britain. But at the moment when the Roosevelt administration is | building to attain agreed equa'ity.| events alike in Europe and in Asia put the American people on notice *hat, ! s Alice in Wonderland had it. to stav where they are thev will now have to Yun faster than before. for a new com- petition in construction seems bound | to follow the scrapping of all agree- ments. Japan Balks. Japan opened the ball by 2ivinz no- | tice that she would not renew her | contracts of the Washington ard Lor- don conferences. Then the British, bv recognizing German right to exceed the naval restrictions of the treaty | of Versailles. pulled the fsundation out from under the Europ»an situa- | tion. Now France. Italv and the Soviet Union are giving an imitation of hornets when a brick has been thrown in their nest. | Of course. among the Furopean powers the United States is directly concerned only with the British fleet We have made good our claim to parity with it. But the so-called Escalator Clause of the London Treaty recog- nized the British right to maintain a two-power standard in Europe. And with France and Italy off to a new #purt in building we shall have to fol- low suit. for the British are bound to stick to the two-power stanaard. Ironically enough, therefore. the strength of the American flest is de- | termined by the size of the navies of two countries with whose rfeets we have no direct concern. Rifts Bar Treaty. Pranco-Italian quarrels harred the way to any five-power treaty at Lon- | don and still stand in the wav of such | an arrangement. but the mflerenrex’ between the two Latin powers have been complicated by the German ques- tion. At Washington Scialoia estab- lished Italian right to parity with France in battleships. At London therefore, Grandi was bound to win for Fascist Italy a similar advantage in the matter of all nther categories. | But France was unwilling to vield to Italy a parity—which would be in fact 4 superiority in the Mediterranean, | since France has Atlantic responsibili- | ties a3 well | Thus as the Britizh had enunciated | their doctrine of the two-power stand- | ard for Europe, France proclaimed | another for the Continent, claiming | for herself the right to possess a fleet equal to the combined strength of the Italian and German. But while this was not difficult so long as the Ger- man fleet was fixed by treaty. it must become expensive now that Great Britain has recognized Germany's Tight to possess a navy 35 per cent as gtrong as the British. As it stands, Britain demands a fleet equal to the French and Italian; France insists | upon a strength equal to the German end Italian. Finally, Italy demands parity with France. Restrictions Off. France. following the making of the London agreement between the | Germans and the British. has formally | announced that all restrictions are off end that she is going to build as she | chooses. And she has begun by order- ing a new 35000-ton battieship. At present Italian strength is only about two-thirds of the French. but as! France begins to expand her tonnage | Italy must reply and then the British | must move to maintain their two- power standard. In declaring for a 35,000-ton battleship. too. the French have struck the British a shrewd blow, for the latter have always been striv- | ing to reduce the tonnage of the capi- tal ship to 25,000 tons and had agreed with the Germans upon an even lower level. This question of the size of capital ships, like that of the armament of cruisers, is old fighting ground be- tween Washington and London. We have always held out for big ships and 8-inch guns on cruisers. The British have wanted small ships and 6-inch guns on cruisers. They had hoped to line up the French and the Italians against us as they had already lined up the Germans and the Japanese But now the action of France has| wrecked their plans. Since practically all of the battleships in both the British and the American navies are either already past the age limit or rapidly approaching it, the British have thus to face the prospect of re- newing their battle craft at a cost which will be staggering. British Diplomats Active. Looking at the European aspect of the naval problem it is probable that all British diplomacy will now be di- rected toward persuading the Prench and Italians to come to terms on the Basis of parity and on the ratio of 10-8-5 so far as the British fleet is concerned. This would amount to 5-5-3.5 for the two Latin nations vis-a-vis Germany. At the same time Italy and France will be asked to agree to the 25,000-ton size as the maximum for capital ships. The Soviet Union will also be heard from, end it will doubtless ask for parity with Germany in order to prevent German mastery of the Baltic. Agreement between France and Italy will be difficult to obtain. French military security in Europe depends upon her ability to move her African troops to the continent in case of a war. She must therefore keep the #ea lanes open between Tunis, Algiers and Oran in Africa and Marseilles 5 | for it and the price is not excessive, | security of the nations whose means | missionaries and the Europeans were | mainly to get some other country to | the British are just as unwilling as Asserts, and Toulon in Europe. Obviously she has also to protect her channel ports. Italy is her only possible foe in the Mediterranean, and Germany in the Atlantic. If Britain demands thn' France conform to British ideas in| either field the French are bound to | ask British guarantees in both. | If the British will undertake to de- fend France from naval attack either by Germany or Italy, then the French | will probably agree to recognize the Italian claim to parity and accept | the ratio this would impose in re- spect to Germany. Of course, the British pledge would take the form | of the Locarno pacts and guarantee the status quo against any aggressor, thus insuring Italy against France and France against Italy. That was what was proposed at London and fell through because the British would agree to a Mediterranean Locarno only if the United States promised to come to consultation in event of; crisis. Compromise Urged. Dwight Morrow urged that come promise, Stimson played with the idea —but Washington exploded when this entanglement was reported to be under consideration. So presently it was dropped and with its demise expired all hope of a five-power treaty. Doubtless the British will try to get us into the same sort of an agree- ment in any future naval conference. But, as a practical matter, it is hard to see why we should accept the re- sponsibilities involved. If there was no reason why we should be mixed up with the original Locarno on the’ Rhine it is difficult to see why we | should permit ourselves to be involved in the Mediterranean agreement. As for the British, if they want a hanm-: Italian agreement. then they must pay | for they do not wish Germany to be superior to France in the Channel nor Italy in the Middle Sea. If the United States will only stand | firmly to the principle of parity with Great Britain and leave it to the British to determine the modalities of such parity in the European field, making their political bargains as they choose, our situation will be simple. But if we undertake to barge into the European situation and try to tell Britain or any one else how strong its fleet should be, then we shall be in- vited to accept responsibilities for the of defense we are seeking to limit. ‘When Europe makes its bargain. then we can reduce or expand our fleet as the British totals dictate. Reservations Certain. EDITORIAL SECTION he Sunday Star WASHINGTON, D. C, SUNDAY MORNING, JULY 1¢ Lion Sharpening Its Claws England, Forced Out of Isolationist Role by Germany, Catches Europe’s War-Scare Fever. A What the British will try to “sell” us again, as before, is the idea that the | peace of the world and the whole cause of disarmament depend upon our assuming certain responsibilities. | If we present a program, as we have | no business to do, they will support it | --with reservations, to be sure—and | the prestige of the administration will | be engaged to achieve victories for | its plan. One day the American people | will discover that they are mixed up | with all sorts of European issues and then, again, it will be the mission of the Senate to protect American se- curity at the price of repudiating an- other President. Mr. Hoover cou of armament conferences because he believed passionately that it was pos- sible to persuade other countries to | limit and even to reduce their arma- | ments without making any reciprocal | concessions. For reasons of domestic | politics and. of course. because of his personal enthusiasm for arms limi- tations, he was always proposing to England and France plans both for naval and military limitations. Time and again these proposals were met by similar demands for American guar- antees. Always in these meetings the American delegates were trying to be engaged in Yankee trading. Now the United States has estab- lished its claim to parity. If the British find that European conditions dictate an increase in their strength, we have the right to equal any expan- sion. But if we undertake to do what Mr. Stimson tried to accomplish at London and Mr. Davis at Geneva, reduce its strength so that we ean have cheap parity with the British or a moral triumph for an adminis- tration. then we shall land just where we did at both the other conferences, when we were confronted by demands that we undertake political responsi- bilities ourselves. Japan Causes Crux. There remains the Japanese ques- tion. Japan is done with ratios and the British, unlike ourselves, recog- nize that fact. On the other hand are we that Japan should possess a fleet mathematically equal and there- fore tactically superior to either Anglo-Saxon fleet in the Far East. As a practical matter the British do not believe that the Japanese will undertake to build such a fleet because the costs would be prohibitive. But unless the British and American Governments recognize Japanese mas- tery in China, it is plain the Japa- nese will make every sacrifice to main- tain tactical superiority. In other words, as long as the United States shows the smallest sign of challenging Japanese policy toward China, so long no form of agreement short of parity will be possible. On the other hand, if we agree to close our eyes to Japanese action in the Far East. then while Japan will not formally accept a ratio of inferiority, she might agree to restrict her build- ing program. Her prestige would thus remain unimpaired, but as a practical matter the Washingtcn ratio might be substantially preserved. Until we are ready to talk China, however, the Japanése will not speak limitation. For the Japanese fleet is designed to cover the Japanese offensive on the Asiatic mainland from any attack in the rear by either Great Britaim or the United States. Just as wise American policy dic- tates that we should keep out of the European mess, o it also dictates that we should refrain from any attempt to mix up with the Far Eastern trouble. We do not mean to fight in (Continued on th- Page. L4 HE MAY NOT LIKE IT, BUT HE'LL WEAR IT JUST THE SAME. BY HAROLD E. SCARBOROUGH, Auther of “England Muddies Through.” ‘The Immortals” Etc ol HEN vou think of the detense of England vou no longer think of the chalk cliffs of Dover. You think of the FEhine. That is where today our frontier lies.” said Mr. Stanley Baldwin ir the House of Commons on Julv 30, 1934 “I am happy to sav that now we are making a very marked advance toward producing the right zort of gax masks at a reasonable cost and to masks if necessity arises.’ Hailsham in the House of Lords on | May 16, 1935, The phrase abouf Britain's frontier being on the Riine was.a pungent one. It spread lik> wildfire arourd the world. In Enzlard, however, it bore a vaguely reassuring connotation. It seemed to imply that future air raids | on England wouid be turned back 200 | miles before they reached the English | coastline. It took just over nine months for the full implications of the Baldwin atatemen: to be recognized i | assuring ourselves that the mass of | officially. G 1d never get the hang | the population would be able to get! It isonly withia the last few weeks | plus a thousand years' accumulation said Lord ! ~Drawn for The Sunday Star by P. Strothmann. that the Englishman, who ordinarily does not think or spesk of himself as a “European,” has realized that after 17 vears of hesitation Britain is once again a European country: that fron- tiers on the Rhine mean gas masks in Rochester; that if you are going to take a hand in continental polities you must be prepared for murders in Sera- jevo to imply ration cards in South: ampton, Since the ending of the last Britain has fried unsuccessfully to keep a foot in both camps. The geo- | raphical situation of these isiands. jof strategic, dvnastic and economic | relationships, ciearlv label Britain as a part of Furope. Great Realiza- | tion of the unsat:sfactory nature of the World War and of the desire of the empire to keep clear of European commitments mece the Britisn en- deavor, during the 205, to maintain a more or less isolationist role, Th renaissance of the new Germany. ho ever. has loaded the scales in Europe's i today ms a Furopean power that Britain faces the future. Whether events could possibly have turned out (Continued on Ninth Page) What Does Hitler Want? Demands Equality and Declares for Peace, but What Are His Real Aims? BY HENRY BERENGER, President of the Foreign Affairs Commis- sion of the French senate HE Reichsfuhrer's recent speech to the Reichstag merits dis- cussion with as much care as was taken in its conception and preparation. It has the appear- ance at once of the meditation of a hermit and the trumpet call of a people—and such. indeed. is the dual character of Hitler, that inner mystic who became the voice of a whole people. In listening to him one hears all Germany, the Germany of yester- day as well as that of today and of tomorrow—the eternal Germany, | never satisfied and always yearning. | the more formidable because she be- lieves in her good faith and has to be understocd if a settlement is to be made with her. Through Hitler Germany proposes peace to the world; but he intends to propose it arms in hand—and equal arms. He declares that he does it with the authority of one whom, by 38,000,000 votes, the German democ- racy has elected as its sole deputy. He recalls the difficulties in which the power was confided to him on January 30, 1933, by President Hin- denburg, and the means he saw fit to take against these difficulties. About the nature of these means, which were those of a directed econ- omy, Hitler has no illusions; he even criticizes the unnatural bureaucracy severely—but he declares that he “was forced to it by sternest neces- sity.” If he broke the militant syn- dicalism of the workers as well as that of the employers, if he broke the party political organizations, it was to suppress the disastrous trends of salaries and prices and to cure un- employment. Hitler Complains. Hence Hitler does not disguise in his speech the artificial nature of national socialist economy. He would have preferred something less rigid. more supple. nearer the course of | nature; but he asserts that the stepsi he took were forced upon him by | the unnatural conditions in which his | predecessors had left post-war Ger-, many. He complains that the rest of the universe has neither done justice nor brought aid to the economic con- struction achieved by the new Ger- many. This Germany, he continues, can- not be compared to the Germany of the past: “Its ideas are as new as worn, as & determining political fac- tor, than the tendencies of Marxist internationalism. If Germany today wishes peace, this is neither through weakness nor cowardice; it is because of the conception national socialism has created of the people and the state.” This conception is that no nation can be deprived of its rights or its frontiers by war, and that there will always be nations ready to de- fend their rights and their frontiers against foreigners. Hence National Socialist Germany wants peace because she has need of it: but she wants it with absolute its actions, for the spirit of noisy bourgeois patriotism is not less out- ’ equality of rights with other peoples. That 14 why she rearmed and con- > HITLER SPEAKING D‘.JRING A RECENT CELEBRATION. —A. P. Photo, tinues to rearm, for the other nations had not disarmed—they had even in- creased their armaments, despite Article VIII of the treaty of Ver- sailles. Equality of rights, for Hitler, is, first of all, military strength, which permits the German people to speak on equal terms with eny other peo- ple. German rearmament is thus not a threat of war, but an insurance of peace. But equality of rights is still an- other thing: it is the power to discuss beforehand, on equal terms. the con- ditions under which international eol- laboration can be developsd. “Peace should not be & peaes of unilateral L) right, but a peace for all—and eonse- quently of right for all.” Hitler vigorously attacks the pro- grams drawn up beforehand at Ge- neva. or elsewhere by certain privileged states: “We shall not participate in any oonference if we have not col- laborated from the beginning in the establishment of “the program.” He attacks also, with no less vigor, what he calls “the mania for collective pacts. collective collaboration. ccllec- Special Articles Travel — Resorts RED ARMY IS SCHOOLED IN SPECTACULAR SCENES Sons of Toiling Classes, All Picked Men, Lead Forces, Teach Citizenship. BY W. CHAPIN HUNTINGTON, Author of “The Homesick Million—or Russia Out of Russia HE time is the 1st of May. The | place is the Red Square ln: Moscow, heart of the Soviet | Union and focal point of cen- turies of Russian history. The paved rectangle, over half a mile long and | 500 feet wide, is covered with 30,000 troops taking part in the May day parade. | The west side is bounded by the battlemented wall of the Kremlin, citadel of Russia’s rulers todav, as it was yesterday. Midway along the wall stands the tomb of Lenin, a pyramid of red polished granite. On the tribune atop this tomb stands Lenin's successor, Stalin, dictator of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, sur- rounded by his ministers, Suddenly sabers are drawn and arms presented. Voroshilov, people’s cominissar for war and navy, steps forward and looks down into the faces of thousands of new recruits who are drawn up below him. His voice, carried by amplifiers, intones the Red oath of allegiance: and the thousands of recruits shout the hoarse answer: “I, the son of the toiling people.” “Citizen of the Soviet Union,” and the crowd roars back “Citizens of the Soviet Union.” “Take upon me the calling of a fighter of the workmen's and peasants’ Red Army. Before the work- ing classes of the Soviet Union and of the whole world, I pledge myself honorably to fulfill this calling. con scientiously to learn the art of war of the workmen's and peasants’ gov- ernment, to come to the defense of the Soviet Union against * * * all attacks from its enemies and, in the struggle for the Soviet Union. the cause of So- cialism and the brotherhood of peo- ples to spare no effort nor even my | own life.” Great Parade Starts. The thunder of cannon from the Kremlin ends the ceremony and the great military parade begins. There are loud hurrahs: bands play. The mass of troops start to move, in- fantry in close formation marching |in perfect rhythm. cavalry with mounted bands, horse-drawn artillery of all ecalibers, heavy guns rumbling on caterpillars, fleets of grim tanks rattling and roaring, hundreds of troops in motor transports. And all the while 700 airplanes are flying overhead with deafening exhausts. It |18 the finest spectacle in Russia and | perhaps the greatest military show | on earth. The men look healthy and | { it: uniforms. boots and rifles are spick and span, the cavalry horses have their legs smartly wrapped in red cloths, the field guns and motor transports appear modern and well cared for. What does it all mean? Obviously the Soviet government is not pacifist And has not Stalin said: “We stand for peace and we defend the cause of | peace, but we are not afraid of threats We are ready to give blow for blow with the inciters of war!" What we have just seen is & small segment of the workmen's and peasants’ Red army, which is the full title for all the armed forces of the U. 8. 8. R. It has been built up in the years since the revolution and the disintegration of the old Czarist army. Lenin drafted the decree for its estab. lishment, but the credit for its organ. ization in the first years belongs to | a man whose name is never ment:ored in Russia today except to anathema- tize it—the exiled Leon Trotsky, Pledges to Fight. In the oath of allegiance the new Tecruit swears “before the working classes of the Soviet Union and of the whole world.” and he pledges him- self to fight not only in defense of his country, but “for the cause of social- | ism.” In the beginning the two ideas | of defense of the Soviet fatherland | and aid to the imminent world revolu- |tion went hand in hand. As the ‘iprospefl. of the world revolution faded | and the Soviet regime settled down to | the arduous task of governing Russia, the real purpose of the Red army be- came the normal one of national de | “I, the son of the toiling people.” I pledge myself, at the first call | tive security. collective enflal#m!nls,‘“’n-"- although fanatical communist etc” * * * This collectivism of peace | have not given up the old interna- appears to him only to be preparing | tional ideals and lip service is still for war. He prefers independent and reasonable settlements suggested by circumstances. Moreover, Hitler sees another threat in the Franco-Soviet pact, the preface to & more extensive Eastern pact. This threat would lie in its weaken- ing of the Locarno treaty, “the only reciprocal treaty of security which is clear and really valuable in Europe.” He points to fundamental opposition of doctrine between German National Socialism and Soviet Internationalism, and announces his refusal to sign a pact of mutual assistance with a state whose bases are contrary to those of the German state. At the most he would accept treaties of mutual ndn- aggression confirming those already existing. Thus we know what Hitler—that is to say, Germany—wants. Now, what does Europe want? Especially, what does France want? Preliminary responses have been made in the name of England by Mr. Baldwin in the House of Commons, in the name of Italy by Signor Mus- solini to the Senate. These replies have been of a temporizing character, for the two statesmen reserved the necessary time to study fully the 13 concluding propositions of the Hitler document. Undoubtedly the French Government reserved the same right. Such temporization is defensible, for the document read to the Reichstag is the most decisive diplomatic act of the Third Reich. Any reply to it should not be made lightly. ‘What an independent French writer may say now is that Europe’s first reactions, at least in the west, have not been systematically unfavorable. Neither Germany nor Hitler can cora- plain of an attitude of systematic negation. The door remains wide open to negotiations between Ger- many and the rest of Europe. No doubt Hitler's 13 points are not (Continued on Ninth Page.) ® done them on all oceasions. How big is the Red army? Up to | last year it had an official peace strength of 562,000 men. No one is | quite certain whether this included | the 100.000 special troops of the dread state political administration, or “G. P. U.” which constitutes an autonom- ous body used to patrol borders. guard orders. Last January it was announced that the peace-time army had been in- creased to 940,000 and that the war | budgel had swolien to four times its size of two years ago and was now | 6,500.000,000 rubles (equivalent at par to about $6.000.000.000). The ulti- mate war strength of the Red army is estimated at not less than 8.000.000 men. It is now the largest army in the world. Every year in the Soviet Union 1,260,000 men become 21 years of age, and therefore liable for military service, which is universal and com- pulsory. Russia is now, as always. rich in man power, and the authorities can afford to be selective. of this contingent is therefore ex- cluded from bearing arms, either owing to unsatisfactory physique or because of belonging to the disfran- chised politically “unreliable” classes— priests, peasants opposed to the gov- ernment’s collectivist policy, and the like. Such men serve as laborers on various defense projects. The Red army is strictly a class organization and only “toiiers” are allowed to have weapons. The Soviet authorities are taking no chances of an armed counter- revolution. Those who do not qualify for the standing army, but are assigned to the territorial forces, are also subject to a five-year service period, but ac- tually serve only three months the first year and from one to two months in each succeeding year. They serve, however, with a skeleton formation of regulars, » the railways and quell internal dis-| One-third | The armed forces of the U. & 8. R. are under the commissar for war and navy, Clement Vornehilov, a Russian of peasant origin, wha fought valiant- 1y in the civil war against the Whites —a record which is an open sesama to the Red army career. | The old Czarist armv wag charac- | terized by a sirong raste mvstem. Soldiers were forbidden bv the regu- | lations to &moke in public, to ride { inside in sireet cars or to enter rec. taurants. They addressed their eolone) ur high well-born-ness” and a general your excellency.” The Soviet s have endeavored to make the Red army demoeratic while maintaining strict discipline. Ite gnl- diers are called “Red-army- : and the hated word “officer” has heen re- placed by “commander”: and every officer from a general down is simply addressed as “comrade commander,” The big epaulettes of the past are gone and the only insignia of rank are small marks on the collar; for a full | general four diamonds; for a colone| three oblongs; for a captain four squares, Most of the officers are now drawn from the working and peasant classes They study hard in the various mili- i'ar\ schools which have been estab- | lished by the Soviet government, b | their training is criticized by for- | eign experts as being ton sterentvped | and rigid. a consequence of the li ed general education with which tr are admitted to the higher schools. Some I saw in the big hotels of Len- ingrad and Moscow were slovenly in | appearance and table manners: others wore trim uniforms and carried them- selves well, The Red army staff believes that the next war will be largely mechani- c Last year Voroshilov stated tha the Red army was the m mech- anized in the world. having nearly eight horsepower of moto man It has been necessary to create new | tvpes of troop formations, he said, and to transform infantry and cavalry | commanders into tank and aviation officers, Aviation Force Huge. is no doubt that the Red Army has one of the largest aviation forces in the world, th something like 3.500 planes in additoin to 400 commercial planes owncd by the gov- | ernment. Great advances have been made recently in bombing and pur- suit planes. The personnel in the aviation forces is estimated at 35.000 of whom 6,000 are said to be fivers, ' Like attention has been paid to tanks. Soviet officials claim that small tanks have multiplied 25 times in the last four years; heavy tanks |8 times. Foreign experts believe that the total number is now near 1,500. “We have now both quanti- tatively and qualitativeiy an excellent artillery,” said Voroshilov last year, and European military men seem in- | clined to agree. Prom heavy artillers to machine guns, which plaved such a dramatic role in the revolution, there has been a great €xpansion in equip- ment The Soviet navy does not amou | to much. Russia 1= a landlocked e ;plre whose main sea frontage i on the Arctic Ocesn, and her chief re- | liance, now as always. iz in her land | forces. The naval vessels are little | more than a coast patrol, and the | chief expansion recently has been in the construction of submarines, *“We | have no battleships or airplane car- iers,” Voroshilov told the Commu- nist Congress last year, “We onlv want to cefend our coasts, and we are convinced that the light naval force | and coast defenses we now have, and | especially our naval aviation and sub- | marines can cripple an attacking en- emy.” | Russia is a huge country. two and & half times the size of the United | States. How is it to be defended— and against whom? Nature has pro- vided a splendid defense on the north | in the ice-bound Arctic eoast. and on | | the south in high mountains . and The danger zones are in the ‘There deserts. west, where Poland, an ancent enemy, | and Rumania lie across the border, and in the Far East. where Japan dominates Manchuria and thus thrusts a wedge between Vladivostok | and Eastern Siberia Frontier Nearer, The western frontier was pushed | 400 miles nearer Moscow by the World War, which created an independent Poland. The new Baltic states of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia would | be on the flank of a Soviet army at- | tacking Poland. Leningrad, with its | 3,000,000 population and expanding | industries, is only 20 miles from the Finnish frontier and is strategically threatened, as is the new industrial center at Dnieprostrov, where the | famous dam built by Col. Hugh Cooper | is located. i As a whole, however, Russian in« | dustry is safer than in the past bes cause, under the five-year plans, the | heavy industries are being centered in the Ural Mountains, 800 miles | inland and bevond the range of air- | plane bombardment Asiatic Russia also is being indus- | trialized. and a great metallurgical center has been established in the Kuznetsk coal basin, 1,000 miles east of the Urals. The second five-year plan calls for another iron and steel machine building center in the Far East, capable eventually of forming a war-industrial basis for operation in that industry. The two striking features of the Red Army which differentiate it from all others are, first, its political educa- tion and, second, its relation to the economic life of the nation. In no army of the world is s0 much devoted effort spent upon the political training of the men, “The Red Army is not only a mili- (Continued on Third Page.) 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