Evening Star Newspaper, March 31, 1935, Page 41

CONSERVATIVE VICTORY IN 1936 BARE POSSIBILITY Split in New Deal and Candidacy of Out-and-out Radical May ‘Defeat Roosevelt. BY MARK SULLIVAN. HE presidential situation a year ahead of us, the prenomina- tion part of it, is shaping up with surprising speed and definiteness. There is mean- ing in the fac® that this is happening 80 early. The nominating conventions are still more than 14 months ahead— they will be held in June, 1936. One fact apparently clear is that the conservative side of the fight, the anti-New Deal side, will be within the framework of the Republican party. There is no sign of & new conservative party. There will be almost certainly third parties on the radical side— Senator Huey Long’s, the La Follette's Progressive party, and perhaps an- other. But apparently the conserva- tive side will be under one standard, the Republican one. ‘There is no sign of a coalitéon con- servative party. There is no sign of the new “constitutional party” that David Lawrence suggested a year ago. ‘There is no sign of a formal coalition of conservative Republicans with con- servative Democrats. Apparently the consetvative side is to express itself in the Republican party only. Perhaps this was to be expected, and it may simplify the line-up. Yet in some ways it is a pity. There was, and still is, much promise in the idea of a coalition of the conservatives in the Republican party with conserva- tives in the Democratic party. Such 2 new party or grouping would be the true and complete rallying place for all conservatives. It would provide a home for everybody, everywhere, who is opposed to the New Deal and also opposed to radical movements of every kind, Glass as an Illustration. If any one wishes to realize how happy a thing such a combination would be, imagine two conditions: Imagine Democratic Senator Carter Glass of Virginia as being 10 years younger, as being 67 instead of 77, and then imagine the Republicans nominating him for President. Can any one doubt that that would pro- vide the practically perfect home for all conservatives, for all who oppose both the New Deal and the other radical movements? The other Vir- ginia Senator, Harry F. Byrd, is young enough and is otherwise almost as well adapted to the role as Sen- ator Glass. But one sees no move in this direction, or any other direction looking to a formal union of con- servative Republicans and conserva- tive Democrats. It is a pity the combination seems not likely. Among other reasons the South is going to be, by a year from now, the part of the country that will be most completely fed up with the New Deal. Any one familiar with what is happening about cotton, and some other developments in the South, can make for himself a rough picture of how things are going to be in the South a year from now. In that territory, much of the turning away from the New Deal, the disillusionment with it, will express itself by getting behind Huey Long. The rest of it would like to express itself by voting for a con- servative for President. But if the only conservative in the race has the letter “R” after his name, the tradi- tional Southern reluctance to vote the Republican ticket will prevent the country from getting the benefit of a complete union of conservative voters. Conservatives Enough. There are today enough conserva- tive votes in the country to elect a President next year under the con- ditions in which next year’s campaign is likely to be fought. If all the con- servative vote can be brought together and held together, and if the non-con- servative vote is split up among Mr. Roosevelt, Huey Long, the La Follette's | Progressive party, and perhaps two or three other groups—in that condition there is not a doubt that the conserva- tives could elect their candidate. In the congressional election last | November the Republicans cast up- ward of 13,000,000 votes, the Demo- crats upward of 17,000,000. That 13,000,000 is the irreducible minimum | of anti-New Deal votes. It expressed | itself, it went to the polls at a time, last November, when the New Deal and Mr. Roosevelt were still high in popularity. There are more than 13,- 000,000 now. If to that 13,000,000 there were add- ed all the Democrats who are con- servative and who by the present time have come to have strong distaste for the New Deal—if these were added to the 13,000,000, there would be enough to elect a President. There would be enough possibly, to elect a President even if Mr. Roosevelt were the only candidate on the other side. But it is quite certain Mr. Roosevelt will not be the only candidate on the other side. ‘The radicals and the discontented who so far have composed much of Mr. Roosevelt's support and whom he has tried to keep with him, will be divided next year. Mr. Roosevelt will still have many of them, but some will go to a Huey Long party, a La Follette party, and perhaps one or two others, includ- Ing the regular Socialist and Commu- nist parties. Angles for Radicals. It is plain that Mr. Roosevelt and the political managers of the admin- Istration are disturbed by the pros- pect of a new radical party or parties. Some of Mr. Roosevelt's recent actions can only be in‘erpreted as an effort on his part to hold the radicals with him, to prevent radical third parties from arising recxt year. That would explain the violence of his tone in his message to Congress about public utilities. That message was not made neces- sary by any condition in Congress. ‘The bill for the regulation and ex- termination of public utilities was at that time the strongest administra- tion measure before Congress. It had the least need of the oxygen of a public blast from the President. The fact that Mr. Roosevelt sent a mes- sage on the public utility bill and not one in tavor of the public works bill or the .ocial security bill or the banking proposal can be best ex- plained by assuining the message had another oojective, or an additional objective, than the ears of the 531 men who sat tn the House and Sen- ate. The message, any person familiar with the art of politics would infer, must have been designed to be heard by some of those radical voters who are beginning to turn to Huey Long. Mr. Roosevelt, it seems just to as- sume, wanted to assure these voters that he is still strong in the radical faith. Incidentally there was a marked di- vergence between the tone of the measure and the substance of it.- The tone sounded violent and was meant, presumably, for Mr. Roosevelt’s radi- cal followers. The substance of the measure, however, showed a consider- able retreat by Mr. Roosevelt in the direction of a workable and much less harsh public utility bill. A sign, not coming from Mr. Roose- velt, but arising like a balloon in spoken and printed politicag gossip, of a wish to hold the radicals 1n line for Mr. Roosevelt next year, was Lhe cir- culation of a suggestion that the can- didate for Vice President running with Mr. Roosevelt in 1936 should be Senator Robert M. La Follette. But Senator La Follette is far too wise a political bird to let Mr. Roosevelt throw salt on his tail. Mr. Roosevelt has tried it before. When Mr. Roose- velt went into Wisconsin last August and made a speech pleasing to the La Follette type of voter, it can hardly be doubted that part of his purpose was to take the La Follette brothers and their party into his own camp. He did not get them in and he won't. The two La Follettes are young and they are in politics as a career. They must safeguard their identity, their brand, so to speak. Once they go into the camp of Mr. Roosevelt or of anybody else they are sunk. They must continue to have a separate existence, clearly distin- guished in the public eye from other parties and other leaders. This same reason is likely to com- pel the La Follettes to have a candi- date for the presidency next year, either one of themselves or another. They already have a party of their own, formally designated as the “Progressive party.” If they are going to keep this party a’going con- cern—and most certainly they are— they cannot afford to remain out of the big circus next year. If they do, they and their party will be forgotten in the politic swirl of the year. Long’s Situation. The same reasoning applies to Sen- ator Huey Long. He is in politics as a career. He has not quite gone the length of having a formally organized third party, though he seems in proc- ess of creating one. If he really sets up a third party he will be obliged to have it run a candidate in the presi- dential election, and the candidate can hardly be any other than him- self. If by any chance Huey Long shéuld think it wise not to run for the presi- dency next year he still has time, per- haps, to avoid doing so. He could, maybe, “get by” by supporting the candidate of the La Follette party or some other third party. Yet the Louisiana Senator has gone pretty far. What he has already done is going to make it certainly very desir- able, and almost imperative, for him to run as a third candidate next year. Probably he will watch things de- velop and make his decision later. One thing is perfectly certain, he cannot support Mr. Roosevelt next year. Whether he has a third party of his own or not, he is obliged to throw his support to some third party. All developments mean that, on the so-to-speak negative side, things are shaping up very well for the con- servatives. Their opponents are split- ting up into factions and the New Deal is going badly. Yet the con- servatives can hardly afford to merely “sit pretty” and hope to let their op- ponents present them with a victory in 1936. It is highly desirable for the conservatives to stand before the pub- lic with something more definite in the way of a symbol, and perhaps a personality, than they have so far done. Fundamentally—and speaking very broadly—here is what is going on: Many voters, very many, who sup- ported Mr. Roosevelt in 1932, are be- coming disillusioned with the New Deal and are turning away from it. As they turn away from the New Deal they instinctively look about for an- other anchorage. The mass of men are so constituted politically that they like to think of themselves as anchored to a leader. In the past they have liked to be “Cleveland men,” or *“Mc- Kinley men,” or “Roosevelt men”—I mean Theodore Roosevelt. Having this instinctive longing for anchorage to a leader, those who now turn away from President Roosevelt and the New Deal look about for one to anchor to. Many of them, of and their source of inspiration, Huey Long or Father Coughlin. But many of the voters now turning away from President Roosevelt are semi- conservatives. For these the conserv- atives supply no leader or symbol, or point of anchorage. Need Not Be Candidate. ‘This is something for the conserva- tives to think about, seriously. Not merely the Republicans but all con- servatives, The personality they lack and ought to have need not neces- sarily be a candidate for the presi- dency, nor even a man in politics. Why is it that no one has arisen to be to the conservatives what Father man who speaks their thoughts and gives them new thoughts and leader- ship? I suspect Gen. Hugh Johnson may have had some such role in mind when he denounced Father Coughlin and Huey Long. But Gen. Johnson is fatally disqualified for conservative leadership by his association with the New Deal. The question remains— Where is the material for a conserva= tive spokesman and the equivalent of Father Coughlin and the antidote to him? (Copyright, 1835.) »- Argentina Bars Tariff Talks Desired by U. S. (Continued From First Page.) leadersnip in the adoption of saner commercial policies.” He, furthermore, answered the argu- ments of “the supporters of an exces- sive and prohibitive tariff,” and cited statistics and figures to show that the United States would be the first coun- try to gain from a revival of inter- national trade, and to prove that “those who contend that a virtually prohibi- tive tariff is absolutely essential ovel look or ignore certain basic facts. And he summarized his case with an appropriate conclusion. “For six years,” he said, “nations have vainly striven separately to restore prosperity. But I would emphasize as strongly as I can the fact that these efforts at national recovery have not fully succeeded because of the destruction of international trade. It follows that a vigorous effort to rebuild that trade is essential if we do not wish the struggle back toward prosperity to be too long delayed.” Three years ago such reassuring words could have been expected more from the foreign minister of Argentina than from the Secretary of State of the United States. Today, while Sec- retary Hull is leading the way to fuller and saner commercial relations, the Argentine foreign minister is closing the door to an exchange of views on customs duties at the next Pan-Amer- ican Commercial Conference. The times have changed, indeed. 4 (Copyright, 1835.) course, are finding their anchorage ! in| Coughlin is to the radicals?—a spokes- | THE SUNDAY STAR, Two Sides to New Turkey WASHINGTO D. C, MARCH 31, 1935—PART TWO. Business and Education Make Tremendous Progress, but Racial Troubles Mar Modern Picture. BY RANDOLPH LEIGH. Special Dispatch to The Star. NKARA.—There are two sides A ment platitudinous enough to apply to any situation. How- ever, the difference in this opposing ar contradictory evaluations can be pushed. Looking at the bright side one sees, ting the corruption and entangle- ments of one of the world’s oldest and most cosmopolitan cities, is mak- heart of its own people—a capital, furthermorz, in which the emphasis is placed on the modern in every- This new capital is not only physi- cally Occidental, in buildings, grounds, amusement places, etc., but in thought laid for a gigantic university. Here the most scientific archeologists are directing the expeditions which are uncovering civilizations of more than 3,000 years ago. They are doing this, too, with an understanding of its cul- which it will have for tourists. Language Being Remade. Here the language of a people is (the idea being to extirpate foreign words as much as possible). Here, too, is concentrated the machinery to (about 80 per cent) people into a nation of readers. For these pro- spective readers a literature is being to this New Turkey—a state- case is the extreme to which the for instance, a regime which, quit- ing & new capital for itself in the thing. and attitude. Here plans are being going out into the nearby deserts and tural significance, and of the allure being remade along naticnalistic lines turn an overwhelmingly illiterate brought together and a new (to them) alphabet, that of the Western World, | is being mede compulsory. It is rushing forward with plans for universal education. some idea of the distance which it has to go 15 to be found in the fact that six years ago the amount spent on education for this entire nation of 14,000,000 people was only about $2 per capita per year. Its present uni- versity plans alone will involve a its greater outlay than that for one year's | construction work. Of course it has a very modern and effective army. In fact, everything rests on the will of the army, which is feared abroad as well as at home. ‘Women have been emancipated, it no longer being possible to get rid of a wife for putting too much salt in the soup. But the abolition of polygamy has forced many women to seek work. Wealth Virtually Conscripted. In step with.the freedom-loving governments of the West, this gov- ! ernment has virtually conscripted wealth by placing the most rigid in- ternal control on money, and by pro- hibiting its export. But there is a dark side to the pic- ture, though the full responsibility for it cannot be placed on Turkey alone. I refer to the treatment of the Greeks and Kurds during the period in which peace has theoretically pre- { vailed in this area. At the end of | the World War there were about 3,000,000 Greeks and 1,500,000 Kurds in Turkey. The Greeks cut right across the all- Turk program, and the Kurds (who are Caucasians, but have been in this region for 3,000 years) were unfortu- nate enough to be located on top of one of the greatest oil fields in the world. Greeks Ruthless in Invasion. There is much controversy over the Greek matter, and it cannot be de- nied that the Greeks, who invaded Turkey just after the World War, were very ruthless in their treatment of the Turks, and on at least one oc- casion massacred numbers of them. It is also known that about half the resident Greeks fled from Turkey when they saw what was developing. In addition, there has been much governmental swapping of popula- tions between Greece and Turkey in order to dispose of the minority prob- lems, Making all these deductions, how- ever, it now seems rather well estab- lished that about half a million Greeks have vanished utterly, whether by flight into unknown regions, by starvation or by outright slaughter in clashes with the civil population or the military. The most charitable approach to the matter is to treat it as simply a phase in the intermittent warfare which has been going on between Greece and Asia Minor since the siege of Troy. ‘The treatment of the Kurds, how- ever, presents an entirely different problem. In their case one of the basic principles of the dismember- ment of Eastern Europe (that of racial self-determinism) was flagrant- ly violated. The Kurds have been recognized as a formidable unit since the time of the Syrian Empire. One of their great leaders was Saladin, who led the Moslem world in the great struggle, in which Richard Coeur de Leon was the hero of Christendom. Kurdistan Ruined by Division. In the final solution (if, indeed, it is to prove to be that) of the Turkish question there was a bitter struggle to take from Turkey the Mosul oil fields, with England as the chief aspirant. Kurdistan was finally di- But | | Kurds, Turkey, which had, of course, | fought to retain its oil lands, passed laws for transferring them from their healthy highland to the malarial Ana- tolian coast. They | evitable, | From the great Kirkuk field, below have resisted, | but the odds have been too great|of Tripoli in the French mandate and their disappearance seems in- | of Syria. MUSTAPHA KEMAL. an immense pipe line for oil. This 600-mule line branches after about 40 miles, one conduit carrying the precious fluid to the English seaport of Acre, and the other to the port Turkey now seems to have settled down to the acceptance of 10 per | Mosul, England and France now run | cent of all ofl royalties paid to Iraq The destruction of 100-year-old buildings paving the way for ez- pansion of George Washington University cgain focuses attention upon the historic local educational institution and that section of the country in which it is located. BY JESSIE FANT EVANS. This academic community, to which come each year some seven thousand students from all parts of our own country and from 40 foreign lands, lies in an area which seems somehow isolated from the hurrying tempo of modern Washington. The university’s buildings, though just four squares west of the White House, State Department and United States Treasury, are located within view of George Washington's beloved Potomac, near the point where the Memorial Bridge links the Capital City with his native Virginia. The neighborhood still retains the char- acteristics of the older day—not one century ago, but two—when this part of the Nation's Capital wasn't even Washington, but an independent town called Hamburg. Tract Bought by German. ‘When the independence of the Eng- lish colonies in America was still but a dream of the liberty-loving Jacob , & German emigrant, bought a tract of approximately 130 acres in that portion of Frederick County, Md., out of which Montgomery County was later carved. These holdings were within the limits of the present City of Washington. They comprised ap- proximately the area in the northwest section bounded by H street on the north, Upper Water and B streets (at that time the bank of the Po- tomac) on the south, Twenty-third street on the west and a line midway between Eighteenth and Nineteenth streets on the east. In 1768 the tract was laid out by this colonist of vision into 287 build- ing lots and a town incorporated which—probably after his native city in Germany—he called Hamburg. The nearest neighboring towns at this time were Georgetown, Carrolsburg and Bladensburg, with the interven- ing country woodland and pasture. Within this incorporated area, at what is now the southeast corner of Twentieth and G streets, Mr. Funk reserved a lot upon which a German church was built. The church oc- cupies this site today and still con- ducts German language services. Its present edifice was erected in 1891. The house which Mr. Funk built for himself is believed to have been located between Twenty-second and Twenty-third streets, and is said to have been constructed of bricks im- ported from Holland because they were very much smaller and of a different texture from the bricks used in this vicinity. Spring Near Glass Factory. 0ld records speak of a spring, where many came for water, located about half a mile from the old glass house or factory which was situated- in Hamburg between Twenty-first and Twenty-second streets. Near a rock in the Potomac River, just west of the glass factory, Gen. Braddock is said to have landed in 1775, during the French and Indian Wars, en route with his army from Alexandria preparatory to being joined by the youthful Washington with his rein- forcement of Colonial troops. By old citizens this rock for many years was referred to as “Braddock’s Rock,” and the place near it as “Braddock’s Landing,” the story being that Brad- dock’s men filled their canteens here before taking up their march on their ill-fated expedition westward against vided between Persia, Turkey and |Fort Dug Irak, the last named being & phan- tom government under the thumb 2’! England and the League of Na- lons. This ruined Kurdistan by breaking its unity and cutting off its trade with Baghdad by the Tigris River. Nevertheless, the English Parliament ratified within five days this pro- cedure, To deal with the enraged » uesne. “Hamburg Wharf,” at the foot of ‘Twenty-first street, was important for many years in the early history of ‘Washington as a place of landing. As late as 1806 an act of Congress fixed at 25 cents the rate of hack fare “from the President’s house to Hamburg ‘Whart.” On December 20, 1792, when “the Federal city in the Territory of Co- S RAZING PROJECT RECALLS UNIVERSITY’S EARLY DAYS Tract Where Old G. W. Buildings Are Now Passing Bought by John Funk, German Emigrant—Church Intact. lumbia,” was in the making, Jacob Funk assigned his holdings in Ham- burg in trust to William Deakin, jr., of Georgtown, treasurer of the Board of Commissioners, Stoddert, an original holder of land in the District of Columbia and our first Secretary of the Navy. These two trustees were “to execute deeds to holders of lottery tickets issued for the sale of lots in Hamburg.” On April 7, 1793, Thomas Johns, James | M. Lingan, Uriah Forest and Ben- jamin Stoddert deeded all their lots in Hamburg and Carrolsburg to Thomas Beall of Georgetown, and John M. Gannt, trustee, “in trust to convey the same to the United States commissioners for the purpose of | building a Federal city.” A portion of this tract was conveyed by the trus- tees to John Lenthall on July 18, 1800, “this being the first conveyance of this lot to a bona fide purchaser.” Washington’s Interest. Gen. Washington'’s interest in the town of Hamburg is clearly indicated in several letters written upon the subject, one of which was addressed by him from Philadelphia on February 17, 1791, to William Deakins and Ben- jamin Stoddert, who were later to serve as trustees for Jacob Funk. In- deed, Gen. Washington afterward pur- chased “square number 21, said to be in Hamburg,” which he willed “to George Washington Parke Custis, grandson of my wife and my ward.” It is not generally known that Thomas Jefferson thought this sec- tion of the city the ideal one for the location of the Capitol itself, and in connection with his rough outline of & plan for the Federal city wrote the following: “The highest summit of land in the town heretofore called Hamburg with- in the territory, with a convenient extent of ground circumjacent, shall be appropriated for a Capitol for the accommodation of Congress, and such other lands between Georgetown and the stream heretofore called the Tyber as should on due examination be found convenient and sufficient shall be appropriated for the accom- modation of the President of the United States for the time being and for the public offices of the Govern- ment of the United States.” The exact location which President Jefferson indicated as his choice for the Capitol Building, according to the research of Miss Maude Burr Morris of the Columbia Historical Society, was the site at the southwest corner of Nineteenth and G streets, now occupied by the “Lenthall Home for Widows.” This home, incorporated in 1833, is the memorial of his two devoted daughters to the memory of their dis- tinguished father, the John Lenthall who was the first bona fide purchaser of a lot in Hamburg. Born in Eng- land in 1762, the son of Sir William Lenthall, Speaker of the House of Commons, John Lenthall came to America in 1793 when he was at- tracted no doubt by the opportunities for the practice of his profession in the Nation’s Capital. When, in 1803, Benjamin Henry Latrobe, also an Eng- lishman, took charge of the construc- tion of the Capitol, Mr. Lenthall was selected to be “Clerk of Works and Principal Surveyor.” He met an un- timely death in the falling of one of the vaulted arches in the Capitol basement. Became Residential Section. ‘With the growth of the Federal City the area which had once been in- cluded in the town of Hamburg, be- came an exclusive residential section of the Nation’s Capital. Probably in few cities in the world were so many families of similar culture and ideals congregated in happy homes as were to be found in this vicinity during the latter part of the last century. At the time of the division of Wi into districts known as “wards,” of which there were seven in all, this part of the city was in- cluded in the first ward, which com- prised the area bounded by Fifteenth street, Boundary street (aow Florids ¥ and Benjamin | | dents in their own shorthand, trans- {has a tremendous cultural influence by the British, which means that she | gets a very tiny portion of what she thinks she should have in its en- tirety. The disturbances due to the up- rooting of the Kurds, the violent changes in the Moslem scheme of life and the general restiessness accom- panying these events have resulted in the execution of considerable numbers of the people. The prison population, according to the last published fig- ures, totaled 120,569. Of these al- most half were awaiting trial. This is a ratio of almost one person in | prison to every hundred of the popu- | lation. In Istanbul (Constantinople) the effects of moving the capital to An- kara are being felt in many ways. Nevertheless, it is believed that in a short time the tremendous stimulus | being given to Turkish life by the new | regime in nearly every line will bene- | it Istanbul, the great outlet for the entire country. University Grows Rapidly. One very striking development is the growth of the University of Istan- bul, which now numbers some 5,000 students. About three-fourths of its students are devoting themselves to medicine, dentistry and science. Formerly the university, which is a very old one, was almost entirely theological in its teaching. Fully half of the professors are for- eigners. One of them told me that the Turks are the most eager students he has ever had, and he has taught in Switzerland, France and Germany. There is, however, a serious lack of text books, with the result that lec- tures are being taken down by stu- lated into Turkish (for many of the | lectures are in French and some in English) and then distributed in mimeographed form. All professors (oot a great many cases which he | when WHEN BEN BUTLER WAS A MEMBER OF CONGRESS Carpenter Describes Famous Hilltop- pers and the Clothes They Wore During the Eighties. This is the forty-eighth of a series of weekly articles on inter- esting persons and events in the National Capital during the 80s, by Frank G. Carpenter, world- Jamous author and traveler. The mnezt chapter in the series will be published next Sunday in The Star. CHAPTER XLVII BY FRANK G. CARPENTER. EN BUTLER is here again at ‘Washington looking about the same as he has looked for the past 20 years. His left eye has the same peculiar twist to it and there are no more crow's feet. around it than there were when Butler was in Congress. I under- stand that Gen. Butler is about to| start out on a new departure which | will bring him again prominently be- fore the country. He is one of th fellows who are nothing if not differ ent from the majority of humanity, and he has an appetite for notoriety which nothing will satisfy. His cam- paigns for various offices, in many | of which he knew at the start that he had no chance of success, have | cost him large fortunes. His guberna- | torial campaigns cost Butler, a friend of his told me, $100,000 apiece, and his outlay during the last presidential | race was such that he had to mort- | gage his big stone house on the hill | near the Capitol for $90,000 to get the ready money needed to cut him- | self forward as the “people’s caadi- | date.” No one knows whether Butler is rich or poor. Some of his acquaint- ances will tell you he is worth a| half dozen millions, and others will | say it is a question whether he is | worth as many hundred thousands. I happen to know that he has a large amount of mining and other lauds scattered here and there over the country, and I can assure any per- son who may hold paper against him that they may consider it gilt-edged, for Butler makes enough at his law | practice to satisfy the ordinary debts | common to humanity. He makes, I | am told, all the way from $50,000 a | year upwards at the law, and I doubt tries before the Supreme Court here, pay him as big a fee as the salary of a cabinet minister. Ben Butler is a curious fellow in | his animosities, and enough peculiar | { humor shines out of his cocked eye | to have made him a Josh Billings | or a Sam Cox, if his talents had | not been turned otherwheres. Speak- | ing of Cox, you remember how the | whole country roared when Butler | silenced some of the latter's lmg‘ speeches in Congress by the words: “Shoo Fly!” I heard last night of | a funny little incident in regard to | his treatment of John A. Bingham, | our late Minister to Japan. Bingham and Butler were in Ccugress together, | and Bingham was making one of his most eloquent orations, in which he held his audience spellbound. Judge Pettis of Pennsylvania, told me the story. Said he: “I was sitting beside Ben Butler Bingham concluded. The | will be required to teach in Turkish in three years. Robert College, founded and sus- the Bosporus from the most magnifi- | cent setting that a college could have. In addition to the 50 years of | its service, Turkey has had the bene- fit of numerous other American in-| stitutions of advancement or relief, | involving immense monetary outhys.j Germany Gets Most Trade. ’ It is interesting, therefore, to see the extent to which these senti- mental and cultural contacts have in- | fluenced the advancement of Amer- ican business here. If latest figures | mean anything, they have influenced | it very little. Germany sells to Tur- | key six times as much as does the United States. Even France, which through the use of her language in | this area, trails far behind Germany | and so does England. Indeed, the| German barter system is working | splendidly in this instance. It is reported here on rather good authority that Ford is moving his as- sembling plant from Istanbul to Bucharest, and that he has entered into an arrangement with the Ru- manian government whereby he vir- tually will conduct in an individual capacity barter transactions with Rumania in exchange for the money received for his automobiles. In this way he will, by the eventual sale of goods bought in Rumania with his sales receipts, get his profits back into American money. His withdrawal from Turkey, if the report is correct as it seems to be, will be due not so much to competition with other man- | ufacturers as to the fact that Turkey | is not yet car-minded. | The general business indications in | Turkey are, however, increasingly favorable, so that the transfer of the“ Ford plant must be taken as due to | special causes. The Turks are the most optimistic people I have yet visited. avenue), Rock Creek and the Po- tomac. . Since very early in the city’s his- tory this section has been distin- guished by the presence of the White House, the Washington Monument, the State Department and the Treas- ury. Its beauty and interest have been enhanced, through the years, with the reclaiming of Potomac Park, the erection of the Lincoln Memorial, National Academy of Sciences and that fine group of edifices on Seven- teenth street, considered one of the most impressive in any city of the world, which includes the Corcoran Gallery of Art, Pan-American Union, Red Cross Building and D. A. R. headquarters. Founded in 1821, the George Wash- ington University, due to certain exigencies of the times and perhaps because of disposing fate itself, oc- cupied two previous sites before per- manently locating in this vicinity 22 years ago. Since that time the university has acquired nearly all of the old homes in the block bounded by G and H, Twentieth and Twenty-first streets, as well as others in adjacent squares; has built "two large buildings, Cor- coran Hall and Stockton Hall, both in the Colonial atmosphere, and is about to erect two others, consistent in design with the neighborhood’s distinguished past. Today these historic houses which once sheltered those who were domi- nating figures in our local and na- tional life, are the class rooms in which eager young men and women prepare themselves for their careers. Beautiful old doorways are no longer the entrances to homes of the long ago, but give you a gracious welcome to class rooms wherein the youth of our time seek and find doorways to (Continued on Page 9, Column 2 ¥ speech was such an able one that for | a moment the wrapt silence which had prevailed during it held; you tained by Americans, looks out onicould have heard a pin drop any! place in the room. We were all ready to burst into applause when Ben Butler, cocking up that queer eye of his at me, said in loud enough tones to be heard over half of the hall, ‘I always did like that speech.”” A $50 Monkey. i Yesterday I heard the first true | version of the “monkey and the hand organ” story which has been pri- vately told in Army circles here now and then, but not always correctly. It comes to me from a high Treasury official, who had something to do with the settlements of Gen. Butler’s | Civil War accounts. These acctounts were very large and some of the items seemed out of all nature to the | expenses incurred. However, after | ‘Butler had explained them, it was seen that they were right and proper. | ‘There were so many of these strange items that Butler was called to the | Treasury to look over the accounts with the officials. One New Orleans item objected to was “Banquet, Post Office to St Charles Hotel, $400.” “Now,” said the treasurer, “it's all right, Gen. Butler, for you to give as many banquets as you please, but | I don’t see how, in justice, you could ‘ ask Uncle Sam to pay $400 for a supper which you choose to give to | the postmaster at New Orleans at the | St. Charles Hotel.” ‘ “Oh,” said Gen. Butler, with a | augh, “that item is easily explained. ‘Banquet’ is the New Orleans name | for a street, and that $400 was spent for fixing the street between the post office and the St. Charles Hotel.” After the laughter over this item had subsided, the Treasury official | said: “Well, Gen. Butler, I have no | doubt these accounts are all right, | and if you will explain satisfactorily one other item I will pass them. Here is a charge for $50 for a hand organ | and a monkey. Now what possible use a hand organ and a monkey could | be to the United States Government, or to you as its general, I cannot see.” Gen, Butler then told the following story: “I can also explain the hand organ and monkey item,” he said. “It was during the hottest time of my campaign about Baltimore. The Rebels were close-mouthed, and I could get no inside news as to their doings. One day I saw a great crowd gathering round a man with a hand organ who had a large dancing mon- key. As I drew nearer I noticed that the organ-grinder looked much like a smart Irishman whom I had among my soldiers. I said nothing, but went back to my headquarters, and calling up the Irishman, in whom I had perfect confidence, I gave him some money, told him to go and buy out the musician. He bought the hand organ, the monkey and the musician’s clothes, paying $50 for them, Dressed in these, I sent him out as a spy. He traveled all the surrounding country and brought me some invaluable information. This information was worth thousands of dollars to the United States Army, and,” concluded Gen. Butler, “you can thus see why it was good busi- ness for the United States to pay $50 for a hand organ and a monkey.” In Congress. During Ben Butler's congressional career he was considered one of the ablest men of the House. He was so ‘witty and severe in crushing his opponents that his fellow Congress- men were anxious to get him on the floor as often as possible. Dusing one session there was a young fellow in the House from Texas by the name of Conner, who fancied he had great oratorical powers. A regular air- tearer and shouter, he imagined that .went on wi he excelled in running debate, He » was not well liked by certain Rep- resentatives, and they plotted to get him to denounce Butler, expecting some fun out of Butler's retort. By previous arrangement Conner got the eye of the Speaker, and by another arrangement he stepped down to Butler’s desk to make his speech. As he began Butler was writing, bending over his papers. At first the speech was of e gen- eral nature, but in a moment it changed to a tirade against Butler, and as this occurred every eye in the House turned toward old Ben. He looked up at the Speaker once: then ing as quietly as though he was in own room. At last the man_finished and every one waited for Butler to retort. But he did not reply. He merely turned around with a jerk to his next neighbor and said in a loud, inquiring voice: “What is that fellow talking about?” He then went on with his writing and Conner was injured by this action more than if Butler had pulverized him in a speech. It was a second case of “shoo fi only much more pronounced. I give you here some notes I have made on the way public men dress in the Capital of our Nation. They are as careful of their clothes as are the noted society belles, and their idiosyncrasies are as many almost as there are men. Garland still shuns a dress coat and he wears his shirt | with buttons in its bosom. President | Cleveland is at home in nothing but black broadcloth and boots. Dan La- mont wears business clothes while at | work in the White House, and Secre- tary Lamar dresses like the Presi- dent. Villas is a natty fellow, clad generally in black, though I remem- ber seeing him cuce in a suit of olive brown. Bayard wears business clothes and always has them well made, while Dan Manning wears a black frock coat and breeches to match. Clevelend sports a big seal ring on the little finger of his left hand. It is heavy and shows plainly. Whitney wears a scarf pin, and Garland has his cuffs sewed on his shirt. The dress of statesmen grows more democratic from year to year. In Washingtons day, if his clothes in the museum are any index of the time, a gentleman's wardrobe must have cost a smalk fortune, and it was as gaudy as that of a girl. He must have silks and satins, gold shoe buckles, and ruffled shirts. His vest was embroidered, his stockings were of fine silk, and his head had to be covered by a wig. In Webster's time, very few of the Senators ap- peared on the floor in any other style of coat than a swallow-tail, and it is only since the war that great men have come down to every-day plain clothes. Capt. Bassett, the doorkepper of the Senate, says: “Daniel Webster wore blue or brown clothes, his coat always adorned with brass buttons. Henry Clay came to the Senate in black swallow-tail, and the collar of his shirt was so large that it made his head look like that of a turtle. John Randolph imported his clothes from England, and when he rode out on horseback to the Sen- ate, he wore leather breeches with white top boots.” Every one has heard how an early President refused to receive one of his relatives at a state reception because he had not a dress suit, and half the troubles of our foreign Ministers have been in regard to the dress in which they shall appear in the courts of Europe. The only man in the Senate today who wears a swallow-tail coat is Senator Conger, and he is perhaps the most democratic in manners of all in that body. How Senators Dressed. ‘The favorite dress of the Senator today is black broadcloth with double- breasted frock coat, high standing col- lar cpen at the neck, and high boots. Still, business suits are fast creeping in and fully one-third of the law- makers wear cut-away coats. Senators Morgan and Butler are both well- dressed Southern men; still their coats are black diagonal cut-aways, but- toned high at the front by a single button. and neither of them showing an atom of shirt. Stanford, the mil- lionaire from California, is dressed in a business suit, which could be dupli- cated for $40, and his eyes are covered by glasses with rubber rims. Senator Joe Brown is a cold-blooded human and he fights the weather in clothes made of beaver. Though he has a good tailor his form is so angular that it is almost impossible to cut this thick cloth to fit him, and it hangs in wrinkles. Brown wears long hair, which curls as though he had twisted it around a slate pencil. His long gray beard hides his shirt, but a look at his wristbands shows his red flannel underclothing peeping out. Walthall, Lamar's successor, is tall and thin. His blue and white necktie is not tied, but is fastened by a gold ring through which it is drawn. He wears boots which as a rule, you will find used only now by statesmen from the South and West. Senator Ingalls is one of the best dressed men in the Senate. He wears good clothes, made by a Broadway tailor. His cuffs are of the whitest and his hair is never awry. Hoar, who sits next to him, dresses in busi- ness clothes, a cutaway coat and he keeps his watch in the side pockct of his vest, fastened by a chain which commences at its top button and falls {down in a graceful curl upon his capacious abdomen. Senator Hoar always has his keys in his hands, swinging them about, or fingering them as he talks or thinks. Senator Teller dresses in black and combs his hair without a part, a la pompadour. Chace, the Quaker Sena- tor, wears fancy black clothes of & Quaker cut. There is little, if any, collar to the coat, but the lapel at the front is faced with velvet and has a standing collar and a black tie. Hahone is the queerest dressed man in the Senate. His clothes make him look like a fashion plate of 50 years ago, settled and materialized. His long black frock coat is cut in the shape of two inverted bells, with a big chest, a little waist and the skirts below full, like those of a woman. He wears the fine linen of old Ireland, and his little hands are bound at the wrists with ruffled sleeves which al- most turn back over the black of his coat. His vest is always open at the waist, and at times he leaves it en- tirely unbuttoned. He wears gold spectacles, has a long gold watch chain and his collar is bound by a white tie. The dress of Representatives is worth looking at also, and I jot down a few brief notes. Tom Read dresses in the roughest of business clothes, Harry Bingham at his side sports a light-colored necktie, dark clothes which always look as though they had Just come from the tailor. Tim Camp- bell, the Joe Miller of the House, is a New York rising politician, in the dress of a preacher. His clothes are black and he puts on a fresh white cambric tie every day, “