Evening Star Newspaper, June 26, 1932, Page 25

JUNE 26. 1932—PART TWO. CHILE’S UPHEAVAL ASSUMES REVOLUTION PROPORTIONS Outbreak Is First of That Kind in Latin POLICE OF NEW YORK WAR AGAINST U. S. DRY AGENTS Title of Chicago as Leading Crime City Is When Statesmen Negotiate Disputed in Favor of Gotham—Latter’s Booze Fortune BY DENIS TILDEN LYNCH. | INCE the reventh year of national | prohibition it has been the cus- | tom of criminologists, editorial | N/ writers and other commentators | 10 place Chicago on an eminence | which belongs to others. | In murders in proportion to popula- | tion, Chicago is & poor second to many ‘ communities. | In the number of professional crimi- | nals and corrupt politicians who have become millionaires in supplying the demand for beer and booze, she is far behind New York. In protecting distillers and brewers, Chicago is outdistanced by the metrop- olis. In this regard the poiice of Chi- cago_are primitive, for they either aid the Federal authorities or play a neu- tral part. In New York police wage subtle and insidious warfare against agents of the Nation. | These and many similar facts have | been forgotten by the men chosen at the polls to rule New York, as is revealed in their countless speeches defending the fair name of the city from pigmy critics | who strive to picture the metropolis as | & pestilential Lilliput. Phenix Owners Named. Why do they not boast of the town's | largest brewery, the Phenix. ~ Federal | officials, speakeasy owners and the ulti- | mate consumer of Phenix beer will tell | all who will listen that two of its own- | ers are Willlam V. Dwyer, race track owner, convicted rum runner, backer of | professional sports, and his partner ln( many enterprises, the notorious Owen Madden. After nine years of beer-making the Phenix was raided on July 22, 1931. Be- cause the warrant was issued on evi- dence deemed insufficient, the books, beer and machinery seized were ordered returned and the prisoners—workers all ~—dischas rged. The raid was the result of the initia- tive of H..J. Simmons, special agent in charge of the undercover men of the ent of Justice. One evening, 11 months before the raid, a friend tel- ephoned him that beer trucks lined the streets surrounding the brewery. Half an hour later Simmons and 50 other Federal men, including prohibition agents, were on the scene. Fourteen ticks, each with a capacity of 120 half barrels, were parked in Twenty-fifth atreet, Tenth avenue and Twenty-sixth street. But the fortresslike doors of steel on these three thoroughfares were not raised to permit the entrance or | exit of a single truck after the Gov- emment’s agents arrived. Hindered by Police. Shortly thereafter, the Department of Justice undercover men began trying to establish ‘a case against the Phenix. This was seemingly anticipated by police, and from the moment the Fed- | eral men set out to obtain evidence of beer making they were hindered by policemen at every turn. 367 A squad of special agents in an auto- mobile was halted near the Phenix by a policeman, who demanded. “What do you fellows think you're doing? Youre Violating the traffic laws; don’t you| know that?” This happened more than | once. Lone special agents, dressed like | the average person in the neighborhood, were stopped by policemen who inquired what they were doing around there. The undercover men would try to avoid revealing their identity. But ir every instance they had to show their shields or submit to arrest. One_agent told an accosting police- fnan that he was a psaceful, law-abiding citizen and had a right to walk the streets without hindrance. The police- man replied that the undercover man was & suspicious-looking character, that gunmen frequented the neighbor- hood, and that if he did not give a better account of himself he would be arrested. By this time the special agents were fed up with police inter- ference, and this one insisted on stand- ing on his rights as an American citi- zen, only to learn that these rights did not exist in the beery atmosphere of the Phenix. At the station house the agent was freed after he showed and other credentials. But the only time a New York special agent working s Are Greatest. old houses, dilapidaled tenements and modern apartments near the Phenix ‘The Government men tried to rent rooms close to the brewery. But they, of all the people in New York, could not rent a room nearby. Other under- | cover men leased an apartment two ! blocks away. It was not long before the underworld’s intelligence service learned of their ruse, and one evening the superintendent of the building toid them to leave. They could have re- mained, as the lease was binding, but they would have been wasting thefr | time, their usefulness passing with the | disclosure of their identity. Odor Was Only Evidence. Because of police interference the | only evidence the Government obtained | was the odor of beer as its underco\er men walked by the brewery after sneaking past the furtive police guard. ‘When Simmons told of the obstacles thrown in the path of the Government agents by police he was repeating an old story to New Yorkers. Maurice Campbtll, prohibition director of New York during the Coolidge administra- | tion, had similar experiences. “There is no question that policemen were in league with the brewery,” com- mented Campbell when he heard the Simmons charge. “My agents could not rent & room in the neighborhood of the plant withou! being spied on by police and their movements reported to the men in charge of the brewery.” The police interference encountered by Campbell was dictated by the new Tammany, as the organization under Charles F. Murphy and George F. Olvany was called by hired, intimidated | © or hoodwinked publicists. But Camp- bell found more effectively powerful friends in the Phenix in Republican circles in Washington. He-was ordered to take his men out of the brewery by one of his superiors. At that time the brewery operated under a cereal bev- erage permit and the Government could enter the plant at any time to see that it was not barreling beer. He de- clined to obey unless he received a written order and left Washington won- | 7 dering what would happen next. Let us quote Campbell: “After I left Wash- ington John Doe called at my office and told me it would tbc worth $200,- 000 to get my men out.” Clmpgbell did not say John Doe, he named a prominent New York Repub- lean politiclan. There was neither hesitancy nor circumlocution in the Chl‘t;gde presently the written order came from Washington directing Campbell to take his men out of the Phenix and put them to work on Long Island. Permit Renewal Is Refused. Campbell subsequently scored in & slight ple against the Phenix. He Tefused to Tenew its cereal beverage making permit, and was sustained in the courts. The Phenix is but one of the many instances where police have hampered Government agents. In January, 1932, special agents of the Department of Justice leased a house at Rockaway Beach, where the rum syndicates land smuggled liquors. In general appear- ance undercover men differed in no Tespect from others who lived in the neighborhood, for they always dress and act the part. They were scarcely settled in their seaside home when a police car drove up, stopped a minute or so and then proceeded on its way. Some hours later the same police car returned for an inquisitorial visit. They asked the occupants of the house for their pedigrees—to use a police phrase. After sceing the credentials of the special agents one would assume the police would have been satisfied. But no. At the curb stood a high-powered automobile whose interior the under~ cover men wanted to conceal from the police. “That's our car,” said an agent as the police started to examine it. But the police insisted on searching the automobile. The search ended, a police- man observed: “Oh, you have a radio built into this car, en?” Said another: “Which of you is the wireless operator?” The special agents immediately left Rockaway Beach. As one of them later explained: “It would have been sheer waste of time and money to have remained another minute. The police knew not only we were there, but that we had a mobile radio station. So we pulled out. It was just another one of our plants that they ‘blew up.’” “Mail Lobbyists” Flooding Capitol Hill With Petitions on All Possible Issues ___ (Continued From First Page) and the Capitol were creaking beneath characterizing sentations. Individual came face to face with other phases, however; these held something of the “Yowll not get my vote next Fall if ‘the tax on pin feathers goes through” form. Members of the House Ways and Means Committee had to keep their | heads above the great flood of commu- nications resuli.ng from the activity of trade associations and other organized groups that suggested the filing of protests to their members. In some | cases printed and mimeographed forms | were distributed widely so the individ- | ual protestors might have as little trouble as possible. One member of Congress. holding a key position in connection with the tax legislation, received 5,000 communications which obviously sprang from one well-directed inspiration. Many Refer to Budget. Above all this, however, significance | BT rvested in the fact that individual citizens in great numbers were acting for the first time to familiarize them- selves with national problems and to show the results of their familiarity in personal correspondence with offi- clals at Washington. Msany men, the great volume of letters indicate, who | never before had addressed a com- | munication to their Representatives at | the Capitol, were writing at length to | explain the state of affairs back home and to suggest, with varying degrees of force, the need for specified action. | Momentum, gained by the move to effect governmental economies, Wwith | “balance the budget” as the watch- | word, may be credited as having| started more scratching of pens and rattling of typewriters throughout the land than any other single legislative effort ever before the Congress. A cursory study of some of the communi- cations received by members of the Senate in this connection reveals sug- gestions that all sorts of things be done. Fairly violent demands that whole departments of the Federal| Goyernment be abolished rest side by | side in senatorial files with compen- sating advice relating to conservative Since the “bonus army” began to as- semble in Washi n marked increase has been witnessed in petitions and in- formal letters on the subject of vet- erans’ adjusted compensation. These communications, together with letters and petitions on the topic of relief measures, have served to keep congres- sional mail bags well filled, even when late days in June presaged adjourn- ment. When Senator La Follette told the Senate on & mid-June day that he had received a petition “a mile and a quar- ter long,” he called attention to just one of the oversize pleas which have been bundled to the National Capital since the incipency of the “tell Con- gress about it” movement. 22,255 Petitions Sent by Wire. ‘The “bonus” and “beer” petitions, each of which occupied a broad stretch of the Capitol's east front when dis- played for the benefit of motion picture cameras and chance onlookers, will not fade soon from the memories of em- ployes who had to find a place for them to rest. ‘The night of June 3 occupies a prom- inent place in consideration of the di- rection of public opinion toward the first session of the Seventy-first Con- ess. Throughout an appreciable por- tion of that night telegraph wires he- tween Houston, Tex., and Washington were greatly occupied with transmis- sion of a message having a total of 22,- 255 words. When those words arrived at their destination in Senator Shep- pard’s office the next morning, they covered 142 sheets of the sort used for delivery of telegraph messages. ‘We, the undersigned, implore our Texas Senators and Representatives to join in securing drastic economies in gov- ernmental expenses,” the message stated in its opening sentence. Then fol- lowed the apparently interminable na- rade of names. Soon after the Texans' message had been delivered the door of Senator Bulkley’s office swung open to admit a man with a large packape which con- tained the voluminous protest of more | than 10.000 citizens of Ohio who had signed their names on sheets of type- writer paper which later had been together to produce a list of names approximately 500 feet in length. ‘The signers, the head of the petition declared, were opposed to reduction of the pay of Federal employes. Petitions to Be Stored. One petition protested against taxes plans for co-ordination and consolida- tion of governmental activities. Oppo- nents and proponents of plans dealing With the PFederal pay roll are repre- sented by the tens of thousands in the filing cases now stuffed with “economy” letters. ‘Write on Bonus Legislation. Veteran employes at the Capitol who hold secretarial positions point to the comparatively small amount of letter- writing done during recent weeks by whose interest rests in interna- affairs, |on motion picture theater admissions. One page of his petition bears the names of the following residents of California: Marie Dressler, Robert Montgomery, Wallace Beery, John Gil- bert. Buster Keaton, Lionel Barrymore, | Joan Crawford, Ramon Novarro, Nor- ‘mn Shearer, Tallulah Bankhead, Janet Gaynor, Tom Mix, Lew Ayers and John | Boes. | This petition and all others formally presented in the Senate and the House | Will Test in the possession of commit- Ltees to which they were assigned until o BY PAUL SCOTT MOWRER. i AUSANNE —The following imag- fully verified information, has been submitted to qualified per- sons here and is certified by | summary of the inside procesdings and t dilemma of the Lausanne B eparation; Terence. Great Britain Prance, in Ain Sachonald, for the former and Premier Edouard Herriot {for the latter, are the principal char- Great Britain—Come, now, let us be swift, brave and bold ana save the world from disaster here at Lausanne. mand a special sacrifice of you, but in your own interest, in everybody's interest. over, we have lots of ideas as to how to do it. Great Britain—The first thing, of get that d‘readi;llll n way once for all.' Prance—1f we do that, Germany will as soon as the world crisis is over, will capture all the world’s markets. All in Same Boat. same boat. I1f Germany prospers we all prosper. Anyway, if we can take the risk, who depend so much on our Prance—What about war debts? We had intimations from the Unitéd States that the sanctity of contracts and inary dialogue, based on care- them to give & relatively accurate Reparations Conference. Great, Britaln | acters. If we ask your help, it is not to de- France—We _entirely agree; more- course, is to cancclcur:“‘ st wod be less indebted than any of us and, Great Britain—We are all in the foreign trade, you can. treaties ought to be preserved at all osts. Great Britain—Between ourselves, you know as well as we that the United States is about to have a presi- dential election. This may explain many things. What we must do is to g0 boldly ahead anyway. France—Well, we have a good many misgivings about Germany, but we are willing to agree to cancel reparations to please you, provided you agree to help us organize the peace and eco- omics of Europe and provided the United States cancels the war debts. EDOUARD HERRIOT. Great Britain—We help you organize Europe to some ex- tent, but, regarding war debts, we are convinced that the only policy is sim- ply to cancel reparations and trust America to see that it is to America’s own interest to make a similar can- cellation of war debts. France—Will you join us in a joint declaration that we will cancel repara- tions if the United States cancels war debts? Great Britain—No, for we fear that it would merely anger the Americans. They told us to put our house in order and then they would see. We must take them at their word. ‘War Debt Reduction. France—You may feel like risking that, for they already are talking abouc they seem to be talking about not re- ducing ours on the theory that we are now so rich, * * * are willing to, reducting your debt; but we cannot, for | RAMSAY MACDONALD. (Here intervenes an unidentified | volce from across the Atlantic)—Before | you talk so much about war debts, what about disarmament? France and Great Britain are ment right now and getting on nicely. Voice—It is not enough. Something 1e this is what I mean. (Here the Hoover proposals are at Geneva.) France—We cannot possibly accept ary such reduction of our army in the present troubled state of Europe. Great Britain—Neither can we ac- cept any such reduction of our navy, but let us put on & good front and try to look pleased. France—You must see now that we cannot possibly risk_conceling repara- tions and trust the United States about the war debts.. No French government which attempted it would last 24 hours. Iwe naturally are ready to grant Ger- startled—We are busy 'with disarma- | Imaginary Conversation Between MacDonald and Herriot Shows Attitude of England and France. | | | payments sufficient to cover whatever war debts the United States persists in | the_world. | us greatly. We want to co-operate with | you to restore Europe. | sorts of plans and doubtless you have, | many & long moratorium, but we must find a way to reserve future reparations demanding. Great Britain—But that spoils every- | thing. If uncertainty regarding the fu- ture ts, confidence cannot be re- stored and the tide of the depression cannot be turned. France—Sorry, but it is not our fault. Great Britain, impatiently—Just what do you propose? France—Let us get Germany to pay whatever minimum sum we can and offer it to the United States for war debts settlement. Skeptical of Germans. Great Britain—All right, go on and try, but we are afraid you will not get anywhere with the Germans. France—Of course, we will not if you always back them up. Great Britain—We are not backing them; we are simply defending the general interest. Here, we will show you. (Great Britain calls Germany.) Now, Germany, do your part. You also must contribute something to save (Exit Great Britain.) Prance, to Germany—In view of the American attitude, can you not agree at_some future time to pay us some- thing? Germany—sSorry, it is impossible. We are having elections at the end of July, but that makes no difference. We can- not ever pay any more under any cir- cumstances. What we can do is to offer you economic concessions, which are really much more valuable, Prance—Economic questions interest We have all too, but all that does not solve the war debt problem. Germany—Sorry, but the war debts| do not concern us. France—Then we are sorry, also, but we must insist on sufficient future pay- ments to cover our war debts. (Conversations will be resumed Mon- day.) (Copyright, 1932.) the present Congress is adjourned. Then they will be moved to storage rooms in the Capitol which already are well filled with generous accumula- tions of petitions p.escnted in other years. The innumerable communications of informal nature which form the bulk of “the great mail lobby” will come te no such distinguished climax as assignment to permanent resting places beneath the Capitol's dome. Many of them will not long survive waste paper baskets, this assuredly being true of those holding the more impersonal form of printed or mimeographed products. But, regardless of whether they aventually become archives or disappear as trash, these petitions all have had the chance to stand for a brief season as parts of one of the most extensive expression of individuals' desires and opinions ever developed in a nation. — Hungarian Government Faces Budget Deficit BUDAPEST.—Having received from Parliament prolongation of its dicta- torial powers for one year, the Hun- garian government is devoting all its attention to making the country live within its means. The problem is that even with the strictest economy expenditures con- stantly threaten to exceed receipts. Baron Koranyl, minister of finance, points out that, as in other countries burden is the interest to be paid on gut commitments. Pensions also weigh ieavily—213,000,000 pengoes of the pengo in United States currency is 17.40 cents) for the current financial year, of which sum 129,000,000 pengoes are earmarked for the benefit of former governmental officials in the districts detached from Hungary by the peace treaties and who elected to remain Hungarian_citizens. ‘The budget for 1932-1933 has been reduced to 890.000,000 pengoes, con- formably with the suggestions of the Financial Committee of the League of Nations. This represents a notable re- duction—some 150,000,000 pengoes—but judging by the revenue returns of the last few months it is probable that re- ceipts in 1932-1933 will not exceed 800,000,000 pengoes, leaving a deficit of 90,000,000 pengoes to be added to previous deficits. That for the first half year of 1931-1932 amounted to 37,500,000 pengoes. Seeing that the decline in revenue is mogt marked under the heads of customs duties and turnover tax, the probability is that the deficit will be greater rather than smaller. (Copyright, 1932 Senator Who Resigned May Enter Race Again OTTAWA, Ontario.—Reports are cur- rent in well informed political circles here that Dr. Wilfred Laurier McDoug- ald of Montreal, who recently resigned from the Senate of Canada after the investigation into the Beauharnois power deal, is planning to be Liberal candidate in his native constituency of Glengarry, Ontario, in the next Do- minion election in 1934. Meanwhile the Beauharnois power scandal no longer occupies the politi- cal spotlight since the announcement by Arthur Meighen, government Jeader in the Senate, that there is no inten- tion of having the Upper House of th Canadian Parliament take further a tion against either Senator Donat Ray- mond or Senator Andrew Haydon. There was no evidence during the |probe that Senator Raymond used either his position as a Senator or as a supporter of the Mackenzie King ad- ministration to secure concessions for a project in which he was financially interested. Senator Haydon's health is such that the decision to proceed no further against him seems reasonable and just. (Copyright, 1932.) s et ool o 18 {Horns, Locked in Fight 110,000 Years Ago, Found LONDON.—Grim evidence of a bat- tle to the death in the misty past of 10,000 years ago has been brought to light during dredging operations in an upper reach of the River Thames. The dredge picked up the interlocked horns of an aurochs and a giant deer along with the bones of the two combatants. It is thought that they fell into water during the great struggle. In the same neighborhood other his- toric and prehistoric treasures have re- cently been retrieved, incl the skull of a woman, which Sir ur Keith, the eminent sclentist, assigns to & period 4,000 years ago and as belonging to the ancient British race regarded as the first inhabitants of these islands. In other words, 5,000 to 6,000 years had elapsed, it is believed, between the time of the locking of the horns of the two denizens of the island forests and the appearance of these ancient Britons on the shores of what is now the Thames. Among other relics brought to the surface were a bone spearhead made about 2000 B.C., Bronze swords and daggers, spearheads of Viking days and a spear of a Norman knight. There was also a hoard of Roman coins cov- ering the reigns of fifteen Roman em- (Copyrisht, 1083.) of Central Europe, Hungary’s heaviest | (the par|tary (Continued From First Page.) too, made a copy. She alone knew there were two customers. Early Monday morning she went to the embassy to return the code book. And there, looking as if he had been working all night, sat Garbecclo, trying to decode a pile of cables before him. ‘The code book had been missed. ‘The secretary was frantic, but Gar- beccio said nothing to the woman that day or at any other time. He had re- ported the theft to the Ambassador, but fearing punishment from Mussolini, they kept the whole matter quiet. Gar- bocelo’s secretary burned the code book and some time afterward resigned from the embassy. From May until the end of Septem- ber the French and the Jugoslavian governments read every Italian foreign office cable and telegram that fell into their hands, and the foreign office was none the wiser. But in the Autumn Rome learned for the first time that the Berlin book had been stolen. Developments came fast. Mussolini dismissed the entire embassy staff in Berlin, from Ambassador to footmen, cheerless island of exile. At the head of each country’s es. try. He may have a number of assist ants, each for a different type of es- pionage—diplomatic, ~economic, —mili- ceive the information, sort it (for an brought to them) and pass it on. Supply Bulk of Material Such agents are the key men in any | system, but the most important links are another group—citizens of the coun- try in which the system is working— government employes, army officers, disgruntled men and women from all classes, and, invariably, people badly in EAR has a very important affairs. It keeps us from respect for the conven F doing tions It makes us work. the people who were most timid 1 are inheriting the earth. ple in the past few months, it is I walked down Fifth avenue man who was all a-tremble. The boy. In a weak moment I had p! The bell rang. Through the %kqle boys, a Coupfe of hundred of the el}_:l. Then three youngsters marci the flag of the Ummg States, and the flag of the school. 1 go'l. up to speak I had a ca tional Go-to-School day. exchange and all businesses. All we old fellows have to take charge. them is no fear, ¥ and sent some of them to Lipari, | 1t is these chief agents who re- | immense amount of false information is | It is a curb on extravagance today. The meek with their life insurance and municip: But when fear becomes hysteria, They walked as if their muscles were steel springs. cheeks were rosy. In their eyes wa: They stood silent for a momen headmaster, closed their eyes and repeated: “Our Father which are in Heaven, hallowed bg Thy name. “Thy kingdom come; Thy will be done . . wish to make onstructive sug| reconvene in the Aultugnn I propose that we should have a Na- Let us close Congress stock Then let all the men visit the schools which their youngsters. attend, and take a good look at the future owners and oxeralur: of the United States. do is to keep the apple-cart steady on its wheels for a few more years. Spies Fill Europe’s Capitals need of money. They run the chief risks; they bring tips, documents, gos- sip, plans. They work either for a smal wage or are paid on the “piece work” system. And they supply the informa- tion service with 90 per cent of its ma- terial. Naturally the contacts of these “run- ners” with the agents to whom they sell their material are always closely guarded. One system for a time used a personal ad in the newspapers. In- formers were told to watch for an ad- vertisement with certain key words in it—“Single lady, 43; widow of a distin- guished army officer, with $14,000 caj ital, wishes to correspond with middle- aged man, doctor, or lawyer preferred, with view to matrimony. Address news- paper Box No. —” And the agent got the replies received by the unwitting newspaper. Such contacts are difficult; still more difficult is the task of making them for the first time. Discreet inquiries, pro- posals and finally money are the first steps. ‘Bometimes a system gets dam- aging information about an individual and blackmails him into doing the work. Since the war the problem has been | simplifisd. Salary cuts for government employes and increasing unemployment have made it easer to find workers. New Boundaries Are Factor. The Treaty of Versallles, too, has helped by drawing new boundaries in nationality were forced to become citi- zens of another land. Political revolu- tions also provide material. A group, somewhat apart, are the are many anti-Soviet organizations, throw of that government, but most of which in recent months have turned their attention to the various minority | problems in Russia, to the Ukrainians, the Georgians of the Caucasus. Moscow Where There Is No Fear BY BRUCE BARTON. function to perform in human a lot of silly things. It enforces which are nothing more nor less than the accumulated experience of the race. and greed. Generally speaking n 1928-29 are in the best tion bonds as it has among certain peo- not a pretty thing to see. one morning with a very wealthy idea that he might possibly have X‘ounzut. romised to make a speech. doors of the assembly room came them, ranging in age from'nu_‘ t.lf; el to go back to work made him almost unbalanced. 1 left him to visit the school which is attended by my s no shadow of doubt. t and then, at a word from the .” and so on to hed down the center aisle, with the flag of the State of New York The bo; ised their right hands in salute: o pledg r:l}:eglanc: to tgny flag, and the republic for which it stands, one Nation indivisible with By this time I was rubbing the tears out of my eyes, and when liberty and justice for all.” in my throat. Here was faith! stion. When the schools and the These youngsters will then In them are boundless resources of health and courage. In | many countries so that people of one | believed bi a | Russian refugees. Among these emigres | | | some of which send observers into the | | Soviet Union to try to plot the over- |land are i‘s}oonmnxmbeummdmthq eel Others of the refugees, formerly men and women of background, wealth and education, now penniless in cold, in- hospitable cities, are the “mercenaries” of European espionage; they will join any system which shows signs of being able to pay. The doorman at the French embassy in Berlin was a cul- tured old Russian general. He disap- peared one day—and with him a package that was left for the military attache! It took the French system some time to find out for which espion- age service the charming old man was working. The Soviet system, with the help of the local Communist parties that have been formed in other countries, has been most successful in a type of es- plonage which has come to prominence since the war—economic espionage, se- curing industrial secrets. There have been such attempts by all countries since the beginning of industry, but with the rise of Soviet Russia, whose government controls all Russian in- dustry, trade and manufacturing secrets have become a matter of national im- portance. Russia Plays “for Keeps.” Russia has brought another change into European esplonage. The Soviet ?hyl the game “for keeps.” Before he war, captured sples were usually expelled from the country or impris- oned. Only in wartime did espionage mean death. But any spies caught in the Soviet Union today are summarily | shot. ~Their execution is rarely men- | tioned in the newspapers. To this day | the Soviet government has had nothing to say about the death of Capt. Reilly, the British intelligence service to have been shot in Moscow, except that “a smuggler was caught on the Soviet border, shot, and then found to be carrying the papers of a Capt. {in the last few months to cause con- er nations have more or less re- taliated. Soviet spies caught in ;l')- invariably executed, and seven were hung one day last Decem- ber. Other Soviet neighbors, Esthonia, Lithuania and Rumania, also execute Soviet sples. Latvia does not. ‘“We ought to,” one Latvian officer said to me, “but our government wants to im- press the League of Nations.” | When a nation catches some of its | own citizens giving information to for- | elgn agents, it frequently imposes the death sentence. If the culprit be an army , court-martial and exe- cution are inevitable. Such was the procedure last July when Maj. Dem- bowsky of the Polish Army was ar- rested as he opened the house gate of the Soviet embassy in Warsaw. He and the suit case he clutched so nervously were hustled into a car and hurried to the Polish war office. There the suit case was opened and from it poured a roll of documents—the entire mobili- zation plans of the Polish Army, show- ing exactly what that army would do in event of war between Poland and the Soviet Union. A few days later, after court-martial, Maj. Dembowsky was shot. Trapped by Carelessness. An Incident somewhat similar to this occurred in. Prague several years ago. An officer in the Czechoslovakian army hurried to the Prague air field one morning, rushing to catch the Berlin plane. He was noticeably excited. He caught the plane but in his haste and excitement left a small attache’s case behind. Attendants at the field opened the case to discover it owner—and when the officer returned by the next plane to get the case he walked into the arms of the police, and a little later, to a wall before a firing squad. In Septem ber last year, likewise, the Poles exe cuted a corporal in their army for sell- ing secrets to the Lithuanians. Stories of Soviet espionage figure large among the tales which go round Eu- rope, but very little is said of Euro- pean espionage in Soviet Russia. In some ways it is the most difficult of all countries (barring, perhaps, Japan) for foreign systems to operate in. Every European city has its group of foreign- ers, retired gentlemen of wealth, busi- ness representatives, students, workmen and even some unemployed. And a spy can settle down among them without exciting undue attention. The central figure of the German espionage system in England before the war was a little German tailor, living in the poorest part of London. But Soviet Russia has virtually no foreign colonies in its cities; it offers no place for private business, for agen- cies of foreign firms, for retired gen- tlemen, for any of the hundred subter- fuges that espionage agents adopt in other lands. Agents who would reside in Moscow must think of new excuses. ‘— Fooif i i : i America Since 1910, When Diaz Was Overthrown in Mexico. BY GASTON NERVAL l URING the last two years Mr. | Newspaper Reader has seen repeatedly on the front page | the news of Latin American | revolutions. One after an- | other the countries south of the Rio| Grande have succumbed to the wave| of unrest and political renovation which has accompanied the progress of the| present economic depression in that Chile. part of the world. Thus, when he learned a few davs ago of “a new revolution” in Chile he | was not surprised. Nor did he take seriously the reports of fundamental| changes in the political and economic | order of that South American republic, the third in im) below the Panama Canal. Too many revolutions had already occurred in Latin America cern over this one. | But if readers of American newspa- | pers were told that the Chilean revolu- tion is thé first one to take place in Latin America in at least two decades they would rohlbly ‘watch more care- fully the development of events in Chile. And, strange as it may sound, this happens to be the truth. All the other sudden changes of gov- | ernment by force which Latin America | has experienced lately cannot be prop. erly called revolutions. They have been, rather, coups d'etat, revolts, “cuar- telazos.” | ‘They were usually directed against the personal rule of a dictator or a political clique which had lost popular support. They made use of violence, true enough, to regain individual lber- | ties and “make the world safe for| democracy.” And they resulted, true enough, the establishment of new | governments more in accordance with | the will of the people and more respect- ful of the nation’s institutions. But they did not affect the nature of these | institutions. They did not alter the| soclal or eccnomic structure of the country. They did not change the fundamental principles of government nor the political system in existence. They were, in a word, movements against persons, not against institu- tions. Real Revolution in Chile. But the Chilean socialistic uprising is an entirely different thing. Or| rather should be so if the ambitions of | military chieftains and petty politicians do not pervert it in the end. This is a| real revolution. At least, it started out to be a real revolution. This is a revolution against a certain system of government. A revolution | which aims at the substitution of new political and economic concepts. A rev. olution which intends to set up a dis- tinct economic order in the country and accomplish a re-distribution of wealth in favor of the working man. A revo- lution which seeks the eilmination of class distinctions and the surrender of mdividual-interests and rights to those of the society and the State. ‘This is a revolution in which age- old institutions are at stake. Democ- racy, capitalism, private enterprise, in- dividual profit, economic independence, eic, are loudly challenged by the Chilean revolutionists. This is a move- ment against institutions, not against individual men. It is difficult to know how far the leaders of the Chilean revolution will g0 in creating a new order of things. The situation is still too uncertain and In two weeks we have seen thre . And re. ports of unrest, counter-revolts and new disturbances have come daily from Santiago. But this, it seems to me, is the best evidence of the seriousness of the Chilean situation. A real revolution cannot be completed overnight. Long and bitter struggle is an essential factor in the success of any revolutionary movement. More Than a Disturbance. 1 criticized last week the attitude of editorjalists in this country who inter- preted the Chilean revolution as “just another periodical Latin American dis- turbance” and termed it “a tempest in a teapot.” I said that those who had been observing the progress of radical tendencies in Latin America, those who knew the effect of doctrines of reform and violent change in the chol of the Latin masses in a After shaving him the barber asked, “What will you have on your face?” “Campbhor ice,” the agent said, speak- ing perfect Russian, without accent. A man sitting nearby. waiting to be shaved, rose quickly and walked to the spy’'s chair. “Let me see your identification card,” he said. The card showed the spy to be ‘a resident of Leningrad.” u'y'now long have you lived in this city?” “Ten years,” said the agent. “Get your hat and coat and come with me,” the stranger said. His _identification card was found to be false, and four days later the spy was shot. And all because he had asked for campher ice, a common enough facial tonic in the Baltic states and in | Russia. too, before the revolution—but one which disappeared from Russia after 1918! Absorb Soviet Secrets. The Soviet counter-espionage system sometimes has found that seemingly loyal members of foreign Communist parties, who have come to Soviet Russia to inhale the atmosphere of the.‘“Proletarian Fatherland,” have really settled down to absorb as many Soviet secrets as possible, Likewise, it has found foreign engineers and work- men who are far more interested in getting plans from the secret Soviet safes than in drawing plans for future Soviet industry. ‘The system suspects, too, that the foreign embassies in Moscow Ehy a far greater role in espionage work than do embassies in other capitals. Therefore they are closely watched. But the watching is not always done as subtly as might be expected. There was 2 time when the Poles were suspected of | plotting something. Opposite the Polish | embasey stands a church with a little yard at one side. Here, day in and day out, waited a motorcycle and two men. Every time the embassy automoblle drove away the motor cycle followed— an in reverse. | Germans Declared Best. | With European nations guaranteeing | credits to the Soviet government and | fearing Soviet dumping, with the future of the Soviet Union intimately bound up with its economic , foreign nations feel that it is vital to know the real conditions in Soviet mines and factories. Consequently, foreign intel- ligence systems must extend their "v"llge!s! fsr beyond the war office, the period of economic distress, those who had heard of the long-standing feud between the widely separated classes of the Chilean society, knew that the Chilean situation amounted to some- thing else than a mere substitution of persons in the government. ‘The proof of this is, precisely, in the uncertainties and unexpected changes which have accompanied the establish- ment of the first socialistic state in . The dissensions among the leaders of the movement and the cor- respondng struggle among their groups of followers, are only showing the tensity of the situation. And testifying to the fact that the Chilean revolution has only started. If this had been just another of the periodical disturbances of the type which Latin Americans have experi- enced recently, it would have ended with the mere overthrow of the men against whom it was directed. But the socialistic upset in Chile did more than simply oust from power the conservative regime of President Mon- tero. It set in motion a new force— the force of the masses, who had been imbibing from the spring of socialistic and communistic principles. Truly, & revolutionary force. And now that the force is in motion the very leaders of the movement are at odds to control it. While I write these lines the situation is so uncertain | and full of complexities that it renders futile any prediction as to the outcome. This is the danger of political move- ments in which social forces have been aroused and set in motion. These forces sometimes become overwhelming and carry down the stream the leaders who iutenced to direct them. A sort of political re-enactment of the FPrank- enstein drama. Two Tendencies in Conflict. Right now the two tendencies which follow the outbreak of any jar revo- lution are in conflict in Chile, The moderate elements, advocates of a mild state socialism—with a compromising attitude toward foreign up!tlfi.s‘.fi—lnd the extremists, of red leanings, have been alternatively in control of the sit- uation. When the socialistic government was first proclaimed three weeks ago and diplomatic assurances of respect to for- eign interests were cabled to Washing- ton while violent outbursts of anti- foreign and esnti-capitalistic sentiments were taking place in Santiago, I zaid that such a status-quo, ambiguous and contradictory in itself, could not last locg. One of the two tendencies had to prevail definitely over the other. Either the moderates would succeed in | energetically checking the advances of the extremists and then, turning their backs to their socialistic dreams, estab- lish & strong government on the classic pattern, with only a difference in name and persons; or else, the radicals would carry out the real principles of the revolution. And in the carrying out :Iheed mcderates would have to be sacri- iced. ‘This is still the case. A half social- istic regime as has been promised re- peatedly by optimistic correspondents in Santiago cannot subsist any consider- able length of time. There are only two ways out. A sharp swing to the ht, with prohiblh:hc establ ent a new military dictatorship, in which case the real revolution would have been only postponed for a certain time. Or an open acceptance of radical meas- ures and political and economic ideas of & revolutionary nature, in which case a clash with foreign capitalistic in- terests appears unavoidable. Wistory Is Repeated. repeats itself. The o ofm"m and bolsheviks is g restaged in Chile. It remains now to be seen how long the Chilean Keren- skys will last in power. But only when this question has been answered will we be able to know the true scope of the Chilean revolution— the first real Latin American revolu- tion since the Mexicans put an end to the feudal dictatorial rule of Diaz in 1910. And the Mexican revolution did not end with the overthrow of Diaz. It lasted several years. It is still on, in a way. Whatever the temporary outcome of the present Chilean imbroglio, the real significance of this first socialistic out- burst in South America will only be appreciated when it begins to reflect in other Latin Americen countries. And this, I am afraid, will not take long. Political and economic conditions in most of the Latin American republics lend themselves to facilitate the propa gation of the Chilean crisis. tionally, political trends have been more or less uniform in that part of the world. A common political origin, sim- ilar systems of government, similar cus- toms, a common language and a com- mon psychological denominator explain such a phenomenon. Nothing indicates that the traditions will be broken this time. On the con- trary, critical economic conditions and a world-wide wave of discontent and re-examination of all valuey will only pave the way for contagien. (Copyright, 1932.) University of Rome Rebuilding Approved ROME.—Founded in 1303 by Pope Bonifacius VIII, the University of Rome hals never been modernized as regards the buildings in which it is housed. Plans for such modernization were ap- proved in 1874, but were not carried out. They were considered again in 1888 and 1908, but finally the scheme was abandoned in 1914 because of the war. Now Premier Mussolini has decided that the work is to be taken in hand, one consideration being that much labor will thus be occupled. Ground will be broken in October next, and the buildings are to be finished by April 21, 1935. They include a residence for the rector, schools of law, letters and philosophy, with libraries and museums; a mathematical school and mineralog- ical. physical and chemical institutes. ‘The ccst will be covered in ten years. It is estimated at 70,000,020 lire, 56, 000,000 of which will be paid by the state and the remainder by the Prov- ince of Rome and divers public insti- tutions. (Copyrisht, 1932.) Bill to Put Hawaii Under Military Hit HONOLULU, _Hawali.—Proposal _by Representative’ Fred A. Britten of Illi- nois that Hawaii be put under complete military control of the Federal Govern- ment will certainly arouse determined opposition in Hawalli if the