Evening Star Newspaper, November 22, 1931, Page 29

Part 2—8 Pages LEAGUE AND KELLOGG PACT FUTILITY SHOWN IN ASIA Suppoéed New Spi Were Based Is Revealed to Be Non- Existent in Crisis in Manchuria, clearly demonstrated th I that ynder the first clear and definite test the whole of the t-war machinery for avoiding con- flict has broken down. The failure of the Kellogg pact and of the Covenant of the League both have been disclosed in a fashion which must constitut> very grave dangers for the future. In reality every protection for peace which mankind with infinite effort has constructed since the close of the World War has proved woefully inadequate. While the issue has been raised in Asia and the whole world is too much en; in immediate problems to spend much time or effort in consid- ering the complicated and obscure cir- cumstances of this remote disturbance, the fact remains that at a moment when the European situation is becom- ing more difficult and threatening than fat any time since 1918 events have demonstrated that all the safeguards t international conflict are in- ective and even imaginary. Based on New Spirit. For, at bottom, both the machinery of the League and the method of the Kellogg pact rested upon the assump- tion that there was in the world a new spirit and a state of mind different from that which existed at the moment of the assassination of Serajevo. Woodrow Wilson's basic assumption, which has been adopted by all advo- cates of the League of Nations, was that a new world opinion had been created by the experience of the last | war, and that this opinion would prove more powerful than governments and more powmxmr peace than any other conceivable force. The Kellogg pact, on its part, was a nsion of this idea of the 1d opinion. Any nation constituted a menace to oned be- ‘weight of so-cal through economic tion. But the Sino-Japanese crisis has dis- elosed very clearly that the nations concerned in the dispute are able suc- cessfully to de(g outside pressure of a | a1 purely moral character, and that the Test of the world is totally unprepared to resort to combined economic and financial coercion. To the Japanese, action is based upon the defense of treaty rights, to the Chinese, de- fending their native soll, the moral of the wofld are equally un- Now w'l'it does this actually mean in terms? Take, for example, the case of the Polish corridor, which continues to attract 'mfia& Po‘l;ld ‘possession e Pomerelia lesires mous conviction of all Germans is that zflu must be founded upon justice and hat justice can only be achieved by fevision of present frontiers. On the other hand, unanimity believe that the status quo is ce. Hitlerites Would Use Force. All Germans are_therefore Tesolved recover the corridor, force to abalish the corridor. And, like the Japanese, the Poles, rely- ing upon their treaty rights, would resist. ‘The point is that meither the Poles nor the Germans are prepared to sub- mit their case to the decision of any cutside authority. Neither nation would recognize the #noral warrant of any external judgment. Each of the nations believes its rights are based upon a higher law than that of the League covenant or of the Kellogg pact. In a word, as the Sino-Japanese epi- sode discloses, there does not exist in the world today any legal or physical means of Imposing peace upon nations peal the Poles with equal| rit on "Which They | y unfounded. Thus the Sino-Japanese episode throws us straight back upon the conditions which existed in July, 1914, when an single crisis led to the World War. ‘This retrogression comes, too, at the precise moment when the world is talking about a disarmament confer- | ence. It is obvious that, since all dis- armament must be based upon confi- | dence, upon the conviction that there is no danger of war, the Sino-Japanese | | affair in the British phrase, “puts the | {lid on” all disarmament discussion. ‘The nations in Europe—France, Po- land, Czechoslovakia, Jugoslavia, Ru- mania—who feel their security or in- tegrity is menaced by German, Aus- trian and Hungarian programs of treaty revision, must necessarily see in the Asiatic incidents a flaming warn- ing for European attention. Advooate World Police. It has been the contention of France step in effective organization of peace must be the creation of an interna- tional police force. Ever since the Paris Peace Conference they have been trying to persuade the Anglo-Saxon peoples to agree to join them in action against any future aggressor. The ' Anglo-Saxon nations, on the | other hand. have been steadily insist- ing that it was morally wrong and physically impossible to preserve peace by agreements to make war against any nation resorting to violence. The American Senate refused to ratify the treaty of Versailles because of the com- mitments of the covenant. The British have looked with unconcealed - proval at the system of alliances which France has constructed to insure force to_maintain the Paris settlement. Evan a casual reading of the current French press discloses the “I told you so” spirit in all the comment. The failure of the League to rally world support to any movement of economic coercion, the failure of world opinion to act as moral coercion, these two circumstances have combined to give Prentch opinion an enormous reinforce- ment. Face Armed Aid Demand. And that means in simple terms that when the American delegation goes to the disarmament conference in Febru- ary, carrying with it the President's policy, which is arms reduction, it is going to be met by demands for a far m complete commitment than ever ore. to pr there is a E and help straighten it out. Not since its birth has the League suffered so great a blow s through this Manchurian episode. Its moral au- thority has been almost totally wreck:d —and it had nothing but moral au- | thority. As to the Kellogg pact, Eu- rope never took that very seriously | League powers and the Now this co-operation of an to maintain ‘Thus the disarma- ment conference is bound to constitute | not only a crisis in the political situa- | tion of Europe, but the supreme crisis | lin the affairs of the League itself, | | There is no disguising the degree of | | pessimism which is disclosed by Lh!] |friends of the Geneva institution. Without exception, these would wel- which promises to be even more dis- astrous than the many failures of the (Copyright, 1931.) French Secret of Prosperity Found In Thrift and Agricultural Solvency, PARIS, November 22 —France is sit- ting on top of the world. How did &he get there? In a deprission-ridden world this question merits attention. We may find it valuable to consider why France is_the only nation in Europe economically and financially strong. Why France still has a few hundred thousand unemployed while Germany, England and the United States have their millions. Why France is actually on a sounder economic basis than the United States. It is popular fallacy to dismiss FPranc ing, “Oh yes, France won the war. Her immense gains in territory have raised her today to the most predom- inant position in Europe since Na- poleon.” Territorial Gain Secondary, Factually this explanation does not hold ground. It is true that France regained Alsace-Lorraine, thereby dis- tinctly increasing her natural resources, but geographically, as historically, it must be admitted the recovered prov- inces are now where they belong. Co- Jonially France received Togoland, Cameroon and the Syrian mandate as direct war spoils. This actually repre- sents French territorial gain of 246,000 square miles out of total French colonial posessions of 5,870,000 square miles. Therefore, whereas the war treaties contemporary power by say- | reason for French solidity, owever. It lles in the dominant char- ‘nct.er of the French people. A friend | recently said to me: “The American people know how to spend, the British know how to lend and the French know how to save.” Another way of saying that the average Frenchman has never | been intrigued by big profits or projects. | | He prefers a modest job to taking a | chance on a fabulous one. | Nevertheless, Frenchmen pay heavy taxes. The basis of their federal budget is the average Frenchman, who pays | $56 & head. The average German pays $40, the average American $27. Curi- ously, although the Frenchman pays twice what the American does in taxes, the average French family today is in a much sounder economic situation, and it is impossible to escape the con: viction that French habits of hard v;gr‘k and steady saving largely explain this. It is not by chance that France now sits on top of the world, where her | voice mlust be listened to and she must | be looked to for co-operation or aid. A happy balance between agriculture and industry helped to do this. Instaliment | saving, not installment buying, also helped to do it. - (Copysight, 1931.) Hawaiian Japs Sever | nt, | And the thunderheads scatter! EDITORIAL SECTION The Sunday Star, SHINGTON, D. C, SUNDA ~PAINTED FOR THE S By Joseph Auslander We shall ride this storm out, we shall stand Once more on the rock no storm can shatter And the bleeding heart and the Lroken hand Shall be lifted up in a lovely land And that we double the And multiply in giving! The Lord be praised that we still can praise, And God be thanked for the thanks we render! For the courage that kindles our blackest days, For the dream no darkness dims or dismays— Thank God the Defender! How rich are we who have learned to bear, And how enriched who have learned by living Whoma cruel crossleaves straighter, stronger; | Who beyond the question of color or creed That faith is deeper than despair See human anguish and naked need, strength we share DAY STAR BY J. SCOTT WILLIAMS, We can still be thankful for the breed Hear only the groan of hunger, We shall ride this storm out, we shall stand Once more on the rock no storm can shatter; And the bleeding heart and the broken hand Shall be lifted up in a lovely land And the thunderheads scatter! Spending Millions, His Job come & postponement of a conference |, Greatest Governmental Building Program in All History in Hands of Ferry K. Heath. BY HAROLD B. ROGERS, N athletic, vigorous *young” bachelor, whose physique belies his 55 years, is driving forward on one of Uncle Sam's greatest Jjobs, the building of about $700,000,000 worth of public structures, the most gigantic program of its kind ever attempted by any government in the history of the world. If Maj. Ferry K. Heath’s hair were not already quite grey it would have | turned grey by this time in the welter of cross currents, and conflict of in- terests which swirl about the office of any man who handles so much public business of vital interest to millions of taxpayers. Maj. Heath is young in spirit, and in vigor—he plays in the famous medicine ball cabinet of President Hoover. He is mych sought after in social Wash- ington. He is often a guest at the White House. He has friends far and wide, especially in the Middle West, from which he hails. They frequently drzfiinwuehim. He is always busy with his work, but never too busy to be courteous. ~Perhaps it is some of these things which explain why he kept up a certain buoyancy, and a constant civility, even a gentility of manner to- ward all, who see him. But he can be firm, according to those who see him most in action. Here | is & man who knows how to say “no” | with a smile and mean it. His firm- | ress, once determined, is not easily swerved. . Spends Long Hours. To handle the tremendous Job resting | on his shoulders takes a lot of time. 1 Relations With Japan fonsolidated France's political hege- mony, pomic equipme degree than is generally supposed. MNation Still Agricultural, they really increased her eco- ent in far less important HONOLULU, Hawail.—Two thousand | whe world's erisls is most acute in ndustrial countries. conomic confusion in Bin and America. tural. Only 28 population are Of her 8,590,000 are farmers, per cent of her work industrially employ Likewise, of her industrial their own bosses. In other words, big industry repre- | citizens have little interest in the mat- | towns of so many American taxpayers. sents a very small proportion of France the “little business man™ here still has | ‘This means modest } his day and say. This explains the France, mn'm , on jominantly agricul- estimated 21,000,000 workers, »ikeie. tarms, | ath ter. While & 1 ber of 5.000,000 own their own little farms.|ation easier. e s large number of | sailing here in Waehiomon for Maj. population | young Americans born in Hawail of | Heath. He knows he s his_oppon- the astonishing total of 683,000 are Japanese parents have taken advantage | ents Any man would who started out expatriation met | of this plan, the majority of such young ; "ter, as they have little concern with Japan or Japanese citizeiship. Most of them merely do not take the trouble to usiness and small profits, but also|go through the forms of expatriation. It means & few hundred [ There are some 140,000 peo] dej blood living in the of Jap- No 9-t0-4:30 Government hours limit his labor. He works both early and late, but more often late than early. ‘Two or three, and sometimes more nights & week find him at his large 00 on the first floor of the Treasury up But it’s not all pleasant and happy to spend th , ome pend this much money, in the ROME |, 4, washington by the office of the | o any forth- | Supervisiag Architect. Every week cer- B TR0 Bu‘:‘flhe'-":":;‘:fl“;‘s 5 be |tain_little mimeographed - announce- prepared. His record is in black and | ments go out to the press and to the white. ‘The American _Institute of |Public saving that ‘John Brown, archis — e , e, has heen gran chitects recently has been shooting | ®0. B ote tnrenore plans for the new Dhas | federal bullding at Brownsville,” FERRY K. by | tha HEATH. “A government job simply eannot bel compared with the same sort of work a private corporation, any more n it is fair to place alongside a Gov- ernment bureau the efficiency of a private institution,” ne explained. It simply ¢an't beidone. Ject to criticisms from any part of the ‘American public. They say it is public business, and it is public business. That is one reason we have to be so careful, and at times so deliberate, to be sure we are right before we go ahead. We have to know that we are right before we take a step with which some per- son, or group of persons, may find fault. We are spending the taxpayers’ money and we must be careful about it. “We_ have attempted so to conduct the affairs of the office,” he explained, “s0 as to meet any fair criticism with equanimity. With all of the threats we have received from disappointed citi- zens wishing to do something for the Government, for a consideration, I feel confident that the repercussior: will be heard in Congress. As a result, every cne in this work here in the Treasury realizes that every decision made may be subject to some sort of attack. This hasn’t been conducive, naturally, to speedy action.” “We are confident,” declared the major, “that we will be able to defend our record as it becomes necessary.” The building program which Maj. Heath heads here in Washington is making a tremendous ' change in the National Capital itself, but is providing corely needed facilities for Government functions throughout the whole United States, in every State and Territory. The program was started back in the time of President Calvin Coolidge, in 1926. It has been gaining headway ever since, with new authorizations and hew appropriations, until Congress, up to now, has raised it to the gigantic total of about $700,000,000. This includes about $70,000,000, which, it is hoped, will be realized by the sale of old prop- erty. Spurred by Depression. ‘The depression spurred this Federal building programn to sharper accelera- tion. It was President Hoover who gave it this im with the idea that accumulated ds and accumulated building needs of Uncle Sam could be thrown into action at the time of the need. Consequently 15 still g machine speeding up. Contracts are being let at the rate of about $10,000,000 worth & month. The record-breaking month so far was last August, when contractural obligations of the building program reached the grand total of $25,000,000, the biggest month of contract letting in the his- tory of the Federal Government. It is likely that about $50,000,000 more wil be contracted the rest of this year. With this snowball rolling along picking both momentum and material the Government program, Maj. Heath Predicb&, will probably reach its all- ime peak next Spring. When the buds to break, it construction than 350 in all parts of the coun- ‘buildings try_giving_employment to _thousands — &mtinueg oo R BAKS) - is expected there| Smith ‘more SMITH’S ATTITUDE HELD DECISIVE ON ROOSEVELT omination Depend s on Stand Taken by Former Governor and Own Prohibition Views. BY MARK SULLIVAN. | race for the Democratic pres- idential nomination has been materially modified during the present month. Gov. Franklin Roosevelt of New York is still far in the lead. Whether he will go on to success depends more upon one man, ex-Gov. Alfred E. Smith, than upon any other man or group of men. Smith’s decisive position weighs more in this situation than any other politi- | | cal force whatever. | moment favors the nomination of Roose- If Smith at this velt, then Roosevelt at this moment is as good as nominated. If Smith at some future time comes to favor Roose- velt, then at that future time Roose- | velt is as good as nominated. It will not matter whether Smith’s support of Roosevelt arises spontaneously within his own mind or whether Smith, for various reasons, comes to the conclu- sion that the Democrats had best take ‘Roosevelt—in both events Roosevelt will be_the nominee. In all events, Smith's favor, for what- ever reason, will secure Roosevelt’s nom- ination, and Smith’s open opposition, for whatever reasoh, will prevent the nomi- nation of Roosevelt. Smith, together with the other Democratic leaders who believe with Smith and have faith in Smith’s judgment about party matters, will command very much more than the third ot the delegates, who in a Democratic national convention are able to veto a nomination. ‘What Does Smith Think? In power to veto or to O. K. the Demo- cratic nomination, it is obviously im-| portant to know what is in Smith’s mind about the nomination and about the course of the party in all respects. To make guesses about what is in another man's mind is repugnant to any one who cherishes intellectual ac- curacy, or who seeks concreteness in writing, or exactness in the thinking that ought to precede writing. Yet to make assumptions about a public man’s intentions and motives is a practice substantially universal in political and historical writing, and similarly com- mon in political debates in Congress or on the stump. “Jones thinks,” or “Jones believes,” or “Jones intends,” or “Jones wishes,” is a type of phrase used with complete freedom by writers and arguers who would be surprised to the point of in- dignation if asked to state whether they had actually made inquiry within the mind whose contents they so care- lessly assert. What are any man's motives is a matter about which the facts reside wholly within the skull of the man. Often they are not known clearly to the man himself; always they are in the nature of the case impossi- ble to be known accurately to outsiders. With this preface, it will be under- stood that what is here said about ex- Gov. Smith’s relation the next Democratic presidential nomination is not based upon any knowledge of what is in Smith’s mind, and is sald with recognition that Smith or any other man has a ht to be indignant at statements which purport to express his attitude of mind. The fact is, Smith is scrupulous to give no justifi- cation to persons who attribute inten- tions or judgments to him. Party Men Baffled. Some Democratic politiclans who have tried to find out what is in Smith’s mind abqut the party's presi- dential nomination have been baffied. ‘They report that when they adroitly steer the course of conversation toward Gov. Roosevelt and the presidential nomination Smith’s manner becomes noncommittal, a poker face veil drops in front of his features, his words be- come cryptic. It is safe to say there is no Democratic leader, and certainly no newspaper writer, who has ever heard Smith say any words detrimental to the political fortunes of Franklin Roose- [ velt. If there are any exceptions, they must be confined to not more than three or four national Democratic lead- | ers of the highest rank. There may be no exception at all. Smith's lips and Smith’s writing hand have preserved an open record on the subject of Gov. Roosevelt. Smith, in short, has done nothing which would make it impossi- ble for him to come out in favor of Roosevelt—nothing that would preven! lm];t ‘whole-he: ly supporting velt. Nevertheless, as Smith must know, and every experienced politiclan must know, Smith’s actions, the very shades of his voice, the actions and words of his intimates are intently watched by every Democratic politician for a sign of Smith's present feeling about Gov. Rocsevelt or a clue to Smith's future actions. For such signs or clues Smith |and all his associations are watched with tre acute intelligence of success- ful politiclans—and that intelligence in the field in which it functions is as the keenness and sharpness with which the hawk watches the ways of the bird. Platform Held Prime Concern. ‘To be able to guess correctly the present and future attitude of Alfred E. Smith toward Roosevelt is a matter almost of political life and death for nearly every Democratic politician. If Smith is or is going to be for Roosevelt, then Roosevelt will be nominated. In that event it is indispensable to every Democratic politiclan to get on the Roosevelt band wagon. Oa the other hand, if Smith is opposed to Roosevelt, then nearly every Derocratic politician wants to avoid or postpone commit- ment to Rooseveit’s fortunes, A summary of what Democratic poli- ticians believe to be Smith’s attitude toward Roosevelt, the inferences which they accept so fully as to chart tneir own courses by them, begin with the conviction that Smith dges not want the nomination himself. Smith as a rival to Roosevelt or as an alternative to Roosevelt is ap idea that does not exfst in the mirfus of any important Democratic leader, national or local. As to Smith’s judgment about Roose- velt, the Democratic leaders guess con- fidently that Smith does mnot regard Roosevelt, as the best possible npminee, but they guess with equal confidence that Smith regards Roosevelt as an le;ghwblo nominee. e Democratic politiclans think that Smith is less concerned at this :u!: with the candidate than with the plat- form, especially the part of the plat- form that deals with proHibition: On this point the Democratic poli- ticians think Smith has strong convic- tions. They think Smith loathes the idea of the party “straddling” on pro- hibition. They credit him with hold- ing that the party should take the completely wet position; that the plat- form in 1932 should be as wet as Smith himself was in his role of candidate in 1928 For a wet piank in the platform | they think Smith will fight, and fight hard. Expect Smith to Be Delegate. As they survey the future moves to the end of the chapter, they think that will go to the convention him- delegate; that seek a condition in which ex-Gov. | Smith has for practical purposes the ( for a wet plank: that if he fails in the Resolutions Committee he will then carry his fight on to the floor of the convention. That is a prospect to please the beholder, though to dismay the politicians. Smith, with his vigor of personality. his power of moving the crowd: Smith in fighting form; Smith making a fight for a minority wet | plank before galleries that will number | tens of thousands—that is something | to look forward to. At some point in this fight, before the convention or during it. Smith, so | the politicians think, will want to know, | will cemand to know, whether Roose- | velt is for the wet plank or against it; | Smith, they think, will take toward | Pranklin Roosevelt the position that { Theodore Roosevelt took toward Mark Hanna—"He that is not for us is against us. What Smith would do if Roosevelt should refuse to accept or indorse the wet plank, and what Smith would do if the convention as a whole should decline to adopt the wet plank—that last move—the surmisers are not clear about. They don't like to think about it. And let it be repeated that all that - is here attributed to Gov. Smith is the surmise of politicians and nothing more. Many Put Victory First. With the Democratic situation cen- tering about Roosevelt and Smith, tan- gible changes have occurred in the last month. The essential picture is: Roose- velt running far in the lead for the nomination, with Smith—to put it as politicians see it—"standing off” from the Roosevelt candidacy. In this picture Roosevelt tends to advance somewhat. In proportion as Roosevelt advances, so do Democratic politicians think he ought to be per- mitted to go ahead and get the nomi- nation and have done with it. They don't like the idea of a fight within the party. They recall the 1924 fight between Smith and McAdoo, which was fatal to the pln{ in the elections, and they don’t want anything like that next year. ‘They are dominated by the hope ot success for the Democratic party at the polls and by the wish for success. For the sake of success many of the Democratic politicians are willing to waive prohibition. Local Democratic leaders in the States, who as individ- uals hold wet convictigns just as strong as Gov. Smith’s, are nevertheless will- ing to forego a fight on prohibition and ready to have the platform either silent or a “straddle.” Smith’s earnest conviction that the party ought to be unmistakably wet in the platform meets resistance, of course, from those who think the plat- form ought to be dry. But it meets resistance from others also—from lead- ers as eminent as Senator Cordell Hull of Tennessee, for example, who takes the position that prohibition is not s political issue, and that, therefore, the Democratic ?ln(om should make no allusion to it and should devote itself to economic issues, Drys Resist Smith, Smith’s program is resisted by drys like Senator Robinson of Arkansas, om the ground that “the pirate flag of an outlawed traffic shall not be raised over | the Democratic party,” and also by others who want to be neutral on pro- hibition, such as “Alfalfa Bill” Murray | of Oklahoma. who says he can't take, any interest in a man getting a drink until the man has first the money with which to buy the drink. ‘The notion exists among some Demo- crats that they should ignore prohibi- tion, put all their emphasis on economic conditions, and make the fight arlnn the Republicans on the bread and but- tet issue. Democrats who feel that suc- cess lies in that direction do not like the idea that prohibition be brought up by Smith or anybody else. They see Roosevelt going ahead toward | the “nomination without saying much about prohibition; they think that Rooscvelt, if not the best possible can=- didate. is at least a perfectly acceptable one, and they feel that a fight against | nature of throwing a monkey wrench into what seems to them Democratic victdry. As a result of this feeling Roosevelt may acquire so much momentum that by the time the convention comes any act of questioning his stand on pro- hibition would seem like that cardinal political sin—“wrecking the party’s prospect of success.” Certainly, as of today, Roosevelt gains a little week by week. For the moment gains are chiefly in the South and West. It is true all his gains in that territory are useless if the North and East should turn against him. But Roosevelt, one way or another, may gain so much strength that the leaders in the North and East—meaning mainly Smith—will feel under a compulsion not to prevent his taking the nomination. — Burns’ English Bad, Says South African JOHANNESBURG, South Africa.— Col. Denys Reitz, former Boer leader and author of “Commando,” now one of the leaders of the South African gn’t in the Union House of Assembly, as a good story to tell of his father, the late President Reitz of the Orange Free State and Robbie Burns. ‘When President Reitz was studying in Scotland he translated Burns’ works into Afrikaans (South African Dutch), and yourg Reitz was practically brought up on this Boer version of the Scots bard. “When I was a young man,” said Col. Reitz to me recently, “I actually thought my father had written the g?lerms. h:lad th:t some fellow named TS made a copy ver ST Py in very bad . Exhibit Lowers Artists’ Portrait Paint Price BERLIN, Germany.—Even persons not abundantly po:essed of this world’s goods can now have their rtraits pl.lnwd“by artists of standing. o well_known painters. The exhibition, . whi¢h lasted until November 15, is now being shown in & number' of other cities in Southwestern Germany. Soviet Red .Ruhber Factory Ready for Use MOSCOW, U. S. S. R.—Another huge added Roosevelt for the nomination is of the