Evening Star Newspaper, September 13, 1931, Page 27

Editorial Page » Part 2—8 P: iel EDITORIAL SECTION he Sunday Star. WASHINGTON, D. (., SUNDAY MORNING Special Articles SEPTEMBER 3, 1931. REICH’S REVISION HOPES FALL WITH CUSTOMS PACT Change From Policy of Resistance to Co-operation Speculated—Bruening Must Pay for BY FRANK H. SIMONDS, iE collapse of Austrian tariff union projec which is the outstanding cir- cumstance of the recent Geneva session, marks the end of the most striking diplomatic struggle cf the war period. In its general character this Anschluss affair, to give it the name most familiar in Europe, strongly resembles each of the several pre-war clashes between Berlin 2nd Paris, which began with the Tangier episode in 1905 and cuimi- nated in the crisis ushering in the World War. In many respects the Anschluss incident recalls the Tangier crisis. French policy in Morocco in 1905 was accepted as_a challenge. to German p-sition in Europe. It was met by the Kaiser's dramatic landing in the Moroccan port. The resulting acute tension in Europe ended only with the practical repudiation by the French government_of its foreign minister, Delcasse. France suffered in this & diplomatic disaster of unparalieled pro- portions The disaster to Germany and the perscnal humiliation of Curtius in the Anschluss incident are almost identical with the results to France from Tangier. ‘The Austro-German agreement called the whole French position in post-war Europe into question. Had the tariff union been consummated the French system of alliances comprcmised and the German cam- paign for revision of territorial clauses of the peace treaties wou!d have made far-reaching progress France Demonstrates Power. As it is. France has again demon- strated her power as in the Ruhr episode, but this time by reason of her financial and not her military strengih. In recent days both Austria and Hun- gary have been obliged to make appli- cation at Paris for financial aid. The Hurgarian course has been followed by the resignation of Count Bethlen, who directed the foreign policy of his country more than 10 vears. Bethlen had been a champicn of Magyar- Italian partnership and the scrapping of his policy forced him out. The financial collapse of Germany and the equally far-reaching. but less disastrous, crisis in Great Britain had their foundation in the general un- rest provoked by the Anschluss affair. German finance could not stand the strain, and three months after Curtius had launched his great project he and the German chancellor were in Paris asking financial terms. The net result of the whole episode, of course, is an enormous victory for France and her Polish and Czech allies, who support the status quo of the treaties. adjourned indefinitely, and Germany must now abandon any present hopz of bringing about any revision of her eastern frontiers and the abolition of the Polish corridor. In fact, her finan- cial plight precludes her undertaking any considerable adventure in foreign affairs for a long time to come. What remains to be disclosed is whether, as after the occupation of the Ruhr, the disclosure of German ‘weakness will be followed by an intelli- gent appreciation of the realities with- in the Reich and a change from a policy of resistance to one of co-opera- tion. It was Stresemann who was re- sponsible for the change in 1924 and it led to the Locarno pacts. to a truce between Berlin and Paris lasting near- 1y five vears, and to an equal period of tranquility and recuperation for all Europe. The death of Stresemann and the rise of the National Socialist move- ment in Germany ended the truce; the struggle over the Anschluss was the culmination of the new German policy. Must Pay for New Locarno. Bruening can now seek a new Lo- carno in Paris. But he will be com- pelled to pay for it by a recognition of the eastern frontiers of Germany and a renunciation of the Anschluss with Austria wholly parallel to the re- nunciation of all claims upon Alsace- Lorraine which was the basis of the the German- | would have been ' The Anschluss project is | New Locarno. | Locarno agreement. On such basis he can obtain French financial aid for his | domestic economic difficulties. | “The obstacle to such a policy is the | wholly uncompromising spirit” of the | Nationalist and National-Socialist op- | position and the deep-seated determin- | ation on the part of the whole German | people mot to accept the corridor as eternal. A compromise in the shape of a 5 or 10 year moratorium in politics, which would adjourn the thorny issues | for the present. is not impossible. It | was even suggesied in Paris a few weeks | ago. | Conditions have changed, however, since that time. The collapse of the Labor government and the financial crisis in Britain have materially re- Guced British influence, while any Tory government which may come certainly | will support co-operation with France, | s Labor did association with Germany, | France, therefore, may judge the mo- ment_propitious for insisting upon a definitive surrcnder cn Germany's part. Germany has patently cnly one card | left: The desire of the British and American peoples to prevent an actual collapse involving the loss of the vast sums we and the British have ad- ventured in the Reich. In the British case, however, this danger may lead to urgings that Germany accept ihe in- evitable. In any case, no new money can be found for Berlin and ro real velief from the reparations burdens save with French consent. and France is not likely to overlook her interests. French Want Understanding. It is true, however, that the French are more eager than ever for an under- | standing with Germany, and within | the fixed limits that always restrain them will go far on the road to co- operation. There are only three things which they will not surrender—their | opposition to Anschluss, their opposition | to changing the Polish corridor and their determination to resist all at- tompts at disarmament without prior agreement in the matter of securicy. The statement made by Paul Bon- | cour, Socialist chairman of the Foreign | Relations Committee of the French Senate, clearly foreshadows the French | policy at Geneva, for, with Boncour's utterance, it becomes clear that all French parties intend to put security | before disarmament and insist upon in- ternational guarantees before there is any reduction of armies or navies. Since no such guarantees are obtain- able it is clear no disarmament agree- | ment is possible at Geneva. Under other circumstances British and Ameri- can pressure might be put upon Paris. | None is possible now that France has just won the greatest diplomatic victory in_post-war history. MacDonald will certainly endeavor, if | he is in power. to aid his American | | friends in_pushing for progress at | Geneva. But British policy is bound | | to _be handicapped by the fact that British finance has borrowed a quar- ter billion in Paris. In fact, nothing ls,r plainer than that while there is great | sympathy in London, Berlin and Rome with the attitude of the American | Government, there is no solid support | to be had anywhere, save perhaps from the Fascists, because of the financial and political circumstances of the pres- ent hour. If French opinion is now manifestly veering away from opposi- tion and in favor of the meeting, it is precisely because all of the odds have turned in French favor. | The European situation, then, drops back for the moment from an acute | state to one of calm. A great offensive against the peace treaties has been made and has falled. The conse- quences of the offensive have been politically, financially and economically | | disastrous to the powers who conducted | | it and only less costly to many others. In the period of enforced tranquillity now European statesmanship must de- cide whether to change its course and work for economic reorganization at the price of political sacrifices or con- tinue to subordinate economic consider- atiens to political. (Copyright. 1031.) Finland’s Name Is Changed to Suomi As Nation Prospe HELSINKL—A new changed the name of Finland to Suoml, which is Finnish and not Swedish, tossed Helsingfors and other cities into the discard and given Finnish the pref- erence as the national language of the country. The first Finns crossed the Gulf of Esthonia in the first century cf this cra, Swedes came in the Viking age and in 1154 started the crusades which gave them possession of the coun'ry. Russia got it in 1808, and in 1918 the | Finns wrested their from the Bolsheviks. Sweden declined to help, which, with that kingdom's claim to the Aaland Islands, did not increase Suomi's love for things Swed- ish. Only the most virile race could survive 750 years of alien rule, often bloody and oppressive, never thoroughly conquered. as the czars realized, and emerge with its nationalism intact. The race shows in the changz which has come over the country since it took its place in the comity of nations. It has prospered, and. except for 1928 and 1929, due to a poor harvest and low lumber prices, its trade balance has been favorable. Helsingfors, or Helsinki, is transformed with new buildings —an immense government palace. new hotels and the largest de- partment. store north of Berlin. As far as hotels are concerned, the city is overbuilt several years ahead of its needs, with consequent disaster for those with speculative backing. independnece Port on Arctic Ocean. The country now has a port on the Arctic Ocean, whore the gulf stream sweeps around the northern end of the Scandinavian peninsula, when ports hundveds of miles farther south arc closed. The new port was tha little fishing village of Petsamo, in the district of the same name. on a little bay off Varanger fjord. It is in Lap- land in the narrow strip of Finnish soil, in one place only 18 miles wide. which separates Norway from the Soviet union. ‘The cost of the highway irom the rail- yoad at Rovanieni through Sodankva | to the Arctic port was $1,250,000, and the construction required several years. Suomi’s north with its promise of nickel. silver, coal, diamonds and other min- erals may be what Alaska is to the Uinted States. Buffer Against Soviet. Suomi, like Poland, is locked upon by other countries of Europe as a buffer against possible Soviet advance west- ward. Finland always has been the boundary for the Slavic hordes and now that its own nationality must be preserved, opposition to Soviet influence or Communist ideas is particularly in- tense. “Treat 'em rough,” is a habit of the Finn with his ever ready “puukko”, or little knife, and the vigor- nationalism has | ice free | rs Under New Rule ous action of the Lappo movement. actuated by Lutheranism as well as politics, has driven Commun‘sm under cover. at least for the ume being. About 2,900,000, or 80 per cent of the population of the country, 1s engaged in agriculture and some 175,000 in in- dustrial occupations. Suomi is a pleas- | ant country with lakes and wooded re- sorts in Summer and a -octable, cheer- ful people, racially short in statu ;1"h bright china blue eyes and flaxen air. (Copyright. 1931, . Society to Promote France-U. S. Amity | PARIS.—For the purpose cf further- ing Franco-American relations, Mille. | Andree de Cuers has just founded in | Peris a soclety which will group the | descendants of the 40,000 French sol- | diers who fought in the American War of Independence under Gen. Lafayette. | Thisscciety is called “Les Compag- nons de Lafayette.” The founder is the | | great-granddaughter of one of Lafay- | | ctte’s officers, She was a war nurse at the ¢g> of 18. | Asked how she expected to find and group the descendsnts of Lafayett-'s soldicrs, she answered, “The war min- istry recently published a full list cf | | the 'm-mbers of tke expeditionary corps | which fought in_ the United States, numbering more than 40.000. This list will be used to trace the soldiers’ de- scendants, meny of whom we have al- ready located.” | She added that memb:rs of the esso- | | caticn plan to visit the United States | | soon. J TItalian Families Live ; In Congested Homes | ROME—Thirty-eight people, all be- | | longing to one family and living in one | house is the Italian record for congestion | of population, according to latest census | | statistics. The Poggi family, which lives | |in the high Alps, consists of eight sons | who have married. The entire family | |lives in a farmhouse of rather modest | | proportions and earns its living from the |soil. In Italian cities there are tene- | ment bulldings containing hundreds of | people, cremped together at the rate | of 10 or 12 people to the room, but in |no case does any one family 'contain |as many as 38 members. At the same | t'me families of 15 or 20 members are common, and families of the lower classes consider it the thing to do to |h.ve eight or ten children, no matter what their joint incomes may be. ¢ General Cris Europe’s Political Future in Civilization May Be Remedied by Adoption and Confidence in New Democracy. ~~Drawn for | | | with a candidate whom they consider, Bates as Gov. Roosevelt. Star S The Suncay by & it Williams. EUROPE WILL EMERGE WITH A NEW STRENGTH FROM THE PRESENT CONFUSION, BY THOMAS MA! Y opinion as to the political fu- ture of Europe—that ; to say, the d°minant political prin ple of Europe of tomorrow. may be expr-ssed by an avowal of faith in democratic government. Democracy is, of course, a wide and varfously intsrpreted ec-ncepticn, er all cpposition to the democratic prin- ciple would be comprehensible if it meant nothing more than a gen-ral Old Diplomacy Passeth! | leveling down, the supremacy of the' masses, end the tyranny of standards. But that can never apply to Europe, which has always appreciated indi- vidualism and individual values. In declaring my f:ith in demoeracy 1 have in mind a_democracy wkich cor- r-sponds most closely to the Eurcpean conception of the State end to the political conseiousness which has becn preveiling among the nations for a long time. Moreover, d-mocracy embodies those ideals without which Europe can- not be saved from dcstruction—the ideals of peace and international under- standing. Faith in Europe’s will to live is therefore implicit in my faith in the ultimate victory of democracy. The idea of pcliifeal demoeracy fs at prosent strongly oppostd and even de- rided in many quarters in Germany and particularly by the new generation, ceverely tried by the war and the subse- quent economic crisis. Youth's antago- nism toward the prescnt democratic system of government springs from | poverty and widespread econcmic hope- lessness. This poverty and horelessness is exploited by demagogues, m:n who are far more interested in a reversion to unsettled conditions than in Ger- many’s future, but who are capable of endowing their political prcpaganda 2mong the n-w generation with the false glamour of a revolutionary move- ment directed toward the future. ‘The general crisis in which our civil- ization has landed hes left the new " (Continued on Fcurth Fage.) Personal Contact Betwee Governmental Leaders Has Proven Its Worth in Recent Times. BY CONSTATINE BROWN, HE days of important interna- tional diplomatic negotiations by means of sending formal nc through duly accredited Am- bassadors are as much a thing of the past as the covered wagon or the horse-drawn street car. The present- day diplomatic negotiations are taking | | more and more the form of real talks from man to man, conversai.ons where the human element will play a prepon- derant role. ; ‘This new diplomatic method was ex- perimented first in 1929, when British | Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald came to Washington to talk to Presi- | dent Hoover personally about the in tricate naval situation, which had | caused so much bad feeling between Great Britain and the United States. ' What formal international conferences | and diplomatic notes had not been able | to do in almost two years, the President ; and the British prime miaister settied within less than a week. When the British and the American delegates met | in London formally in January, 1930, they had nothing cise to do but put into | legal shape the principles agreed upon by the two earlier. Based on the success of this experi- | ment, the President suggested last Jan- | uary to Secretary of State Henry L.| Stimson that he go to Europe and | talk personally with the prime ministers | of the leading European countries re garding the best means toward achiev- | ing an understanding which would make the coming general disarmament conference a probable success. Here the | difficulties will be much greater than | at the London Naval Ccnference. More | natons with greater political and racial | differences are going to meet next year at Geneva and the President felt that unless some sort of personal friendly contact were established between these men it would be difficult to iron out all their differences in the formal at- mosphere of an international con-| ference. Stimson Gets Results. Our own role at that conference from | the actual point of view of disarma- ment is not very great, Our Army is one of the smallest in the world and the position of the Navy has been toi porarily settled by the Londen navel pact. But our role as a link of good will| among the European nations is great, due to our prest'ge in the world. Consequently, Secretary Stimson set upon his errand to get the Europeans together early in July, and the result of his two months’ trip has fully justi- fied the wisdom of the policy that noth- ing but personal contacts can hope to wfve the complicated problems the world is confronted with at the present moment. leaders a few months ito play a leading role next year at | great showman, who likes to impress SECRETARY STIMSON. Mr. Stimson met in Europe most of the leading statesmen who are going Geneva and indirectly got them to meet each other in a friendly frame of mind. He met most of them officially and then had private heart-to-heart talks which showed him that even the men | most feared for their reactionary ideas | and nationalistic ambitions were just | ordinary human beings enjoying a good | joke and a good cigar and were as much concerned about the future 0(E the world es any ordinary citizen is worried about depression and financial | distress. Premier Benito Mussolini, whom the Secretary of State met for the first time this Summer, likes, of course, of- ficlal brilliancy and pomp. He is a » the public. But in the quiet atmos- phere of h's private study he is just as human es any other ordinary citi- zen., He is cordial, pleasint and com- municative, cnce the formalities of an official meeting are over. Pierre Laval, French premier, is a new man whom very few people in the international world know. He is the son of humble parents and consequent: ly somewhat shy. He met the Ameri- can Secretary of State with great cor- diality and the relations between the two men became so friendly within the space of a few days Mr. Stimson spent in Paris that he allowed the Secretary to convince him of the necessity of his going to the London financial confer- enigwnuer he had virtually decided not_to. Dino Grand!, Italian foreign secre- | tary; Picrre Laval, Julius _Curtius, Heinrich Bruening, Ramsay MacDon- | ald and Mr. Stimson met one another | daily during the trying days of the German crisis and their mutual good | will and friendly relations helped more |than the public imagines to settle sat- isfactorily the question of financial ! assistance to Germany. | " In international conferences it is portant to avoid troubles and Here again personal contact mportant. The London Finan- | cial Conference might have gone on | the rocks had it not been for the per- sonal interest of the individual dele- gates who ironed out most of the dif- ficulties in private conversations. Even in the ponderous official atmosphere | of a conference a little touch of humor | can save a difficult situation, provided the men know and understand each other. 5 During the difficult negotiations at the London Financial Conference Sec- retary Stimson had to answer a ques- tion he had rather left unanswered. When the question was put to him he was puffing heavily at one of those small cigars Secretary of the Treasury Andrew W, Mellon has made specially for himself. Mr. Stimson thought for a minute, then replied: “Gentlemen, T have been promoted to be a financial expert only during the last three or four days and, although I am smoking one of Mr. Mellon’s own cigars, I am afraid that I cannot consider myself sufficiently qualified to discuss this complicated financial matter yet.” Roar of Laughter Follows. As is customary at international con- ferences, the Secretary’s statement was | Italian by important looking interpre- ters, who put in the most official and literary French, German and Italian the Secretary’s joke. A roar of laugh- ter followed and nobody insisted on having a definite answer from the American official delegate. The great importance of the London financial conference is not only that Germany has regained confidence in herse!f and is now seriously striving to scek her salvation in her own cavacity to produce and work, but that it has also started a series of bilateral con- ferences between groups of powers, to come to an understanding about the disarmament question. Prance and Italy, Germany and France, Germany and Italy and some of the minor groups today are having a series of important private conversa- tions, which, it is hoped here, will lead to a general understanding among the rival nations of Europe. In spite of w] is said publicly in Europe, all the European nations are seriously wor- ried abou} what may happen in their -¥ | put upon other men. Little groups and | strong. translated into French, German and | DEMOCRATIC ROOSEVELT | | CHIEFS VIEW WITH DOUBT |Prefer Others and Are Convinced That Foreclosure of Nomination Now Would Be Bad Poli BY MARK SULLIVAN. HE writer of this article has made himself familiar with the | attitude of the Democratic leaders about thzir party's nomination for the presidency. “Democratic leaders” is, of course, & broad parase. It is used here to de- | | scriba the largest number of national leaders. | To what is put down here as the| beliefs and intentions of the “Demo- cratic leaders” there are, of course, ex- ceptions. But tha phrase as used here applies, speaking roughly, to tae major | | leaders of the party, to men who could, if they should choose, command fully | two-thirds of the delegatss to the next Democrat.c convention. | “They can command this prepotent degree of power if they choose to exer- cise command of it—and if thcy are agreed amcng themselves. As respects what is said here they are in agree- ment. But the real question and the very interesting question is whether they will exercise the power they have. Three Others Stand Out. The “Democratic leaders,” using the phrase in this qualified sense, do not favor the nomination of Gov. Franklin | Roosevelt of New York. t is per- haps too strong a way of expressing it. Their attitude is one which may let Gov. Roosevelt g) ahead and take the | nomination, #s he seems now to be Certainly the attitude of the is not one of determined and sggressive opposition to him. They | doubt, rather mildly, whether he is the best possib'e nomines. This is rather too weak a phiasing for their state of mind. Thacy think he is not the best | possible nominee. There are at least three men. each of whom they think would mak= either a better candidate or a better President. The three—three at least—wiom thev would prefer in- clude Newton D. Baker, ex-Gov. James M. Cox of Ohio and Owen D. Young. To these three preferred by the Dem- ocratic leaders over Gov. Roosevelt should be added a fourth. The Demo- cratic loaders with practical unanimity believe that ex-Gov. Alfred E. Smith of New York would make a better Presi- dent, though they do not believe he would mak> a b-tter candidate. The attitude of the Democratic lead- ers toward the apparently likely nom- jnation of Governor Roosevelt is not one of cpposition: it is one of doubt. It is not one of doubt whether Roose- velt would make a fair candidate or a fair President. In both respects they think he would do well enough. The going seems to be good for the Demo- crats next year and the party leaders are satisfied enough that they can win i | | | | relative to others, only fair In one respect, however, the doubt of the Democratic leaders about Roose- velt i= a much more concrete thing. They doubt —indesd they do not doubt— they the convinced that it is a mis- take for the party to let the nomina- | tion be foreclosed at this time, roughly 10 menths before the convention and roughly 14 months before the election. | On thie point they are really gravely troub'ed If Roosevelt gets, getting, to a position where the nomi nation is assuredly his. then he—and | the Democretic party—will pass through a period of a year or so dur- ing which the country will be accepting Roosevelt as the Democratic nominee. This the Democratic leaders acutely deplore. and with good reason. | A full year is a terrifyingly long time | as he is rapidly e for any man to stand before the coun- | iry as a candidate for the presidency. | He runs the risk of countless accidents, innumerable missteps. The public will | watch him with a scrutiny they do not factions, fanatics or persons hclding prejudices about one public question or another watch the candi- date with minute suspicion. to find his attitude about the one point that is their particular obsession. If Roosevelt, by some chance action, shows himself to be, for example, in favor of strong military preparedness, he becomes the one man whom pacifists will determine to keep out of the White House. If he shows himself to be for some degree of armament reduction, then he becomes the one man whom preparedness ad- vocates are determined to keep out of the White House. Easy to Excite Animosity. Tt is the same as to countless issues | and controversial aspects of public af- | fairs. If he favors organized labor, he | excites animosity in one group: if he takes, intentionally or troughtlessly, a | step offensive to organized labor, then | | he excites animosity in that group. And so as to the World Court, interna- | tional debts—practically every ques- tion or issue on which men take sides. | Thus, long before the presidential nom- | ination is made. the nominee who is | | too early assured of the role accumu- | | lates a multitude of d=termined oppo- | | sitions for his later campaign for the | | presidency. | | " To take account of this canstitutes | | the most practical —end legitimate — sort of politics. To forestall such a | condition is the wise strategy of every | party leader. They all know that the | length of a normal presidential cam- | paign between #he two parties is great | enough. | In any presidential year, the roughly four months between the presidential nominations in June or July, and the general election in November is always a period of intense strain to candi- | dates, to party managers, to leaders big and little. Each dawn they pick up the | newspapers to see if any misadventure | occurred the day before. Each morn- | ing they breath» a prayer that they may get through the next 24 hours without mischance—mischance of the sort typified by the phrase “Rum, Ro- manism and Rebellion,” which, uttered by an incautious zealot during the last | week of a campaign, defeated Blaine and elected Cleveland. | In short, the four months of a nor- | mal presidential campaign is long enough a trial of the nerves of any candidate or any group of party lead- | |ers. In Roosevelt's case this period is apparently to be psolonged for fully a year. If the public comes to accept Roosevelt as the certain Democratic nominee, as the public pretty nearly is Justified in doing, then for a full year or so he runs the sort of risk here described. Of all this, the Democratic leaders are aware. They are aware of it as a danger, and they say they are going to prevent it. But they are not, so far, in fact taking the steps that would pre- vent the present or early assurance of the nomination of Gov. Roosevelt. To the writer of this article the Democratic party leaders say, not that they will prevent the nominat | | ion_ of countries if the disarmament question is not solved. eyes. The principal European statesmen are now meeting each other regularly and are making earnest endeavors to re- solve their principal difficulties, (Copyright. 1931.) | question, The German crisis has opened their | Roosevelt, but that tney will prevent his “nailing down"” the nomination long in advance of the convention; that they will hold the situation in suspense until the convention actually meets (in June of next vear), and that then—in the light of ‘things as they then stand— they will decide whether to let Roose- velt have it, or give it to anoher. The Democratic leaders say they are going to do this. But they do not take the steps that alone would make this imtention come to frult. They say they are going to hold the Roosevelt move- ment in check by the aggregate strength of the “favorite son” candi- dates. But it is doubtful whether, un- der the conditions of the present situa- ton. the combination of “favorite sons” alone can head Roosevelt off from getting the nomination “in the bag” long before the convention meets. The favorite son aspect of preside tial nominations is one in which sev- eral candidates come to the convention each with the delegates from his own State. In the approaching convention, for example, Gov. Ritchie will come with the delegates from Maryland, Sen- ator Joseph T. Robinson with those of Arkansas. Gov. White or Newton D. Baker (or both) with those of Ohio, Senator J. Hamilton Lewis or some one else with those of Illinois, presumably Gov. Murzay with those of Oklahoma, presumably ~ former Gov. Byrd with those of Virginia and so on On paper the separate strengths of the favorite sons can be added up. and the sum of them is enough to provide the one-third of the delegates which can, under the Democratic rule, check the nomination of any one candidate and hold the situation in suspense un- til the party leaders determine what i best to be done Meantime, however. Gov. Roosevelt’s friends go ahead geting delegates for him. He is the sole one of the candi- dates who is a candidate in States other than his own. Roosevelt is a can- didate all over the country. The mo- mentum he acquires from that wide- spread activity may carry him so far that. as a matter of popular psychology if not of numbers of delegates, it will be impracticable for the party icaders to deny him the nomination. Condition May Chinge. The net of which is that as of torav Gov. Roosevelt seems clearly healid toward having enough delegates to nominate him on the first ballot. 1his condition may change. It may change through greater energy on the part.of some of the other candidates—it. would be easv for Newton D. Baker to accu- mulate approximately as manv de! Or the con- dition now favoring Gov. Roosevelt, and now seeming to pro his nomi- nation on the first ballot—that condi- tion may change, may be utterly torn to pleces, on the very eve of the con- vention. or during the convention. It may change, to mention one cbvious possibility, the result of a flerce ight about the platform plank on pro- hibition. But as of today Roosevelt is moving steadily and without effective opposi- tion toward getting the nomination on the first ballot. 1t is interesting to observe that what is here recorded as the attitude of the Democratic leaders is borne out by the attitude of Democratic editors. One- hundred forty-two ‘“key” Democratic ! editors, including at least two from each State, Outlook were carefully polled by the and Independent. ‘To one ‘Who do you think will get the nomination?” a majority, reflecting geographically nearly seven-eighths of the Democrats in the country, answered ‘Roosevelt.” But to the question in which each editor was asked, in effect, who in his judgment would make the best candi- date and the best President—t> that question the largest group of editors answered Newton D. Baker. “Compar tively little real enthusiasm for Go Roosevel ald the Outlook and In- dependent, as shown by the Demo- cratic editors. His nomination scemed assured, they wrote, and they indicated no desire to oppose the inevitable.” But, “if the editors who favor Baker were ready to wage a campaign in his behalf he might, within the next few months, become a leading candidate. China Would Revive Virtues of Ancestors SHANGHAL—Virtues such as loyalty, filial piety. fidelity and benevolence, time-honored in China. are to be re- vived if the Nanking government has anything to say on the matter. The government, however, is convinced that these characteristics have steadily been losing their hold on the people because of and since the influx of Western civilization. The legislative branch of the govern- ment, whose duty it is to codify the new laws, has produced one of its own pro- viding that the public henceforth should recognize virtue when it sees it. The 16 articles of the new iaw pro- vide that tablets or medals of honor shall be conferred upcn persons under either of the two following categories: Those who are distinguished for moral eminence through the practice of the virtues of loyalty, filial piety, benevo- lence, love, faithfulness, fidelity and peace. Those who either promote and spon- sor or make substantial financial con- tributions to such institutions as public schools, philanthropic societies and other enterprises devoted to the promo- tion of public welfare. District, municipal and provincial au- thorities are to investigate any such instances calling for public commenda- tion. The new law was sponsored by Pres- ident Chiang Kai-Shek, who has often called upon the people to return to the honorable virtues of their ancestois Hawaii Is Maintaining Large Tourist Business HONOLULU. — Hawaii's success 1in maintaining a large tourist business when many other tourist resorts abroad have shown tremendous declines in pat- ronage has determined the Hawaii Tour- ist Bureau to continue and somewhat enlarge its national advertising cam- n. pall:“u" was one of the first places in the United States to adopt ‘“‘community advertising,” and perhaps the only tour- ist resort which has been advertising without interruption (except during the World War) for more than 20 years. Its average expenditure for advertising f | in naticnal media exceeds $100,000, and to this must be added the very large advertising appropriations of steamship companies, hotels and other corpora- tions interested in attracting visitors to Hawaii. One result of this advertising has been to make Hawaii a Summer as well as a Winter resort, and the month of July has proved one of the “peak” months of the last 10 years in point of tourist arrivals. » ) L)