Evening Star Newspaper, June 28, 1931, Page 27

ROOSEVELT MAY FIND | LEAD A DISADVANTAGE Democratic Situation Year Before Con-| vention Susceptible of Many Vari- ances—Tammany Jinx. BY MARK SULLIVAN. UST a year from next weck (as- suming precedent is followed) the Democratic party will assemble (at some city as yvet unchosen) to name a_presidentiai candidate and—as most Democrats today believe —to march through a triumphant cam- | paign into the promised land. This ex- pectation about success accounts for the fact that a year in advance of the event 80 much discussion seethes as to wko | The Democratic | shall be the nominee. nomination is recogn! ing very valuzble. Any attempt at an accurate summary of the situation would begin—and like- wise end—by saying that, as of a year in advance of the event, Gov. Franklin zed today as be- Roosevelt of New York ssems the likely | Pidelity to accur2cy would | nominee. hasten to add. however, that while Rooseve't leads the field re decidedly does not dominate it. If you were com- pelled to make a bet, the terms of the | wager being that the bettor must simply pick a single name from the field, one would pick Roosevelt—and then spend & year of pretty continuous anxiety. The perfectly complete conviction of Al politicians in all porties and of all experienced obrervers in both parties, the fraternity of oldtimers who watch politics with much the s2me kind of in- terest that race goers watch the form of horses -the conviction of such fis that the Democratic presidential nomi- nation on this oceasion will not be de- termined until after the convention meets. As of today, they would not bet on Roosevelt, nor would they bet against him. Two-Thirds Vote Rule. ‘This condition—the fact that Roose- | veit is so far out in front and yet may not win—is not unusual. It seems strik: ing on this occasion just because Roose- velt s so much more talked about than any one of the other possibilities. rarely does it happen with the Demo- crats that the nominee is known in ad- | vance (excepting. of course, in the case of a Democrat in the Presidencv and being nominated to succeed himself, such as Wilson in 1916). What makes practically every Democratic nomina: tion doubtful until the convention meets is the partv's unusual rule, which pro- vides that the nominee must have two- thirds of the delegates. Stated the other way round. one-third of the de'e- gates, or a little more, can_exercise a veto upon the nomination. It does not happen, of course, in a convention of, roughly, 1.000 that the leading candi- date may get exactly 733 delegates, but be deprived of the nomination by the opposition of exactly 367. When a lead- ing czndidat~ is d-feated it is usually much more than a third. But the psy- chological effect of the two-thirds rule introduces uncertinty into Democratic races to A degree greater than in the case of the Republicans, with wkhom a mere majority is enough Roosevelt’s present leadership in the race is proved by any test applied to it. Ronsevelt is the only candidats in be- half of whom org=nized activity is tak- ing place outside the borders of his own State. Roosevelt’s friends and admir- ers are taking steps which should give him considerab’e grouns of del>gates here and there in tre West and South. Most of the other candidates or aspir- ant= or possibilities are in the picture, for the present. merelv as the choices f their resrective State:. Or, in the of ex-Cov. Smith of New York, for mple. or Owen D. Young of the same te. as the potential beneficiaries of ti~ns that may erise in the con- vention or as the convention approach- ec. Only in behal!f of Roocevelt, is there formal activity in a large way in States other than their own Question of Several Answers. Tre reader.may assume. but would be misled if h» should assume, that under this condition all that is neces- sary to nominate Roosevelt is to throw enough energy into putting him over— to spend the time and money and re- sourcefulness necessary to roll up ap- proximatel wo-thirds of the delegates “cinch” the nomination before the convention meets. To that suggestion there are several answers. One is that Roosevelt has not acquired enough mo- | mentum with the public to make that possible, To get the nomination that way a candidate would need to have an immense, ardent and energetic per- sonal following throughout the coun- try. Roosevelt has not yet achieved that status. Another answer to the suggestion that Roosevelt's friends make a Natlon-wide drive for delegates is that friends of the other aspirants would promptly take notire and check it. Yet another reason is that most of the local State leaders would resent invasion of their territory by Roose- velt's organizers. Many of the State leaders propose to take their State delegations to that convention unin- structed and uncommitted. It is very difficult for a candidate to assemble two-thirds or even a majority of the delegates in advance. No Demo- crat in recent years has ever don= so, excepting the case of Wilson in 1916, when he was in office and merely asking for renomination. Whether Roosevelt is nominated will be determined by the net judgment of Envoys From (Continued From First Page.) Perez de Ayala has a prominent jaw. I really do not know what his Gothic- Celtic blood has had to do with it, but Perez de Ayala's jaw is unforgettably Gothic. The better typologists have Very | local | | partv leaders in the convention or on | the evs of it. To express it this way is misleading. It is not a case of the, {eaders passing judgment on Roosevelt, giving him the nomination or denying it to him. To put it more broadly and | more accurat-ly, the Democratic nomi- nation next year will be determined by the net judgment of party l°aders, tak- ing into account a wide variety of sets or conditions. Power in Smith's Voice. In arriving at decision by far the most powerful voice will be that of for- !mer Gov. Smith of New York. There! will be more delegates in that conven- | tion loyal to Smith for Smith's sake ! than to Roosevelt for Roosevelt's sake. | Roosevelt will have the delegates from his own Stat> of New York and have them in a loval sense. but even in the | DAY STAR, WASHINGTOM D. C, JUNE 28, 1931—PART TWO.’ Youth Is Not Yet Doomed! Exceptions Are Taken to Charge That Modern Forces Are Working Toward Subordination. BY JOHN ERSKINE. R. WYNDHAM LEWIS has his doubts about this age. In a recent essay in The Sunday Star he has told us that youth M is doomed bacause there is a | | determined drive upon it by certan | dark forces which see the opportunity of replacing experienced labor by young energy. ‘The machine, according to Mr. Lewis, has robbed years of their value. It is cheaper to employ youth than ex- perience. Th- consequence will be that premature middle age will be forced upon the young and old age will perish of neglect. Mr. Lewis has a way of boing dis- turbed about a good many things at once and of discussing them simulta- neously, and if T had been turned loose on these essays without the aid of the headlin‘s, perhaps I should have con- cluded that they were on one of several other subjects. His indignation is breathless, but in my opinion hardly | New York delegation there will be many | aiticilate. He leaves me with the dis- | a delegat= who will look to Smith for | leadership. As respects others of what |is called the “New York group of | States"—such_States as Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New Jersey and part of Pennsylvania—the delegates | from those States will pay their primary loyalty to Smith. If Smith should want the nomination for himself they would be for him joyously. If Smith should tell th-m the best thing is to nominate Roosevelt. they would vote for Rocsevelt. If Smith should tell them anv one els>—for exampl®, Newton D. Baker or Gov. Albert Ritchie of Mary- Jand or Owen D. Young—the delegates from the New York group of Stat's would follow Smith's judgment. will have command of a larger number of delegates than any other one leader. | The present state of mind of most | of these leaders is meither for Roose- velt nor against him. More or less un- consclously there is a holding back from the man who is in the lead. In private | conversation they tend to present argu- ments against Roosevelt. This is one of the penalties inherent in Roosevelt's position. Any one so far “out in front” becomes, 50 to speak, “on trial.” He is critically watched. As respects many actions he is damned if he does and damned if he doesn't. He becomes a white horse and a shining mark. Claim of New York St.llm guarantee the carrying of New York State leaders reply that “so can Smith, or “so can Owen Young.” Or they re- plv that if conditions in November, 1932, are as favorable to the Democrats as now, then any good candidate can carry New York State. To the ment that Roosevelt's record as Governor of New York should count in his favor | leaders reply: “If we're looking for the best governor, how about Albert Ritchie, | who has been continuously Governor of * Maryland for a longer period than any other Governor of any State in all Amer- ican history.” To any argument about Reosevelt being satisfactory to the wets they say, in effect: “If the party is going wet at all, it had best go 100 per | cent wet. and the wet candidates who have long and unequivocal records on this question are Smith and Ritchie.” When Roosevelt was recently indorsed by Col. House the Democratic leaders recalled the colonel's association with Woodrow Wilson, and argued that he has no franchice to deliver the Wilson strength to Roosevelt, that the real Reir to Wilson's strength should be Newton D. Baker. ~(Incidentally, it is hardly to be doubted that Baker {s the man Wil- son himself would favor were Wilson still living.) | It is one of the handicaps inherent in Gov. Roosavelt's being in the front of the race that the leaders tend to take the virtues for granted and seek out his limitations. Leaders argue that Tam- many is a handicap to Roosevelt un- necessary for the party to take on its shoulders. The leaders know there is | ahead a series of unescapable explo- sions of scandal about Tammany. They fear_that Roosevelt in his responsibility as Governor of the State may on some | occasion make a misstep. The missctep would consist of failing to be sufficiently | ruthless toward Tammany. “What the | country expects from a Roosevelt.” they say, “is not & judicial attitude toward Tommany, nor a strictly legalistic atti- | tude; what the country expects from a | Roosevelt is the scourging of Tammany | Tammany troubles the leaders much. | They apprehend that Roosevelt might | be nominated for President; that there- | after in the height of the campaign a major Tammany scandal might blaze | into the newspapers and that Roosevelt, | who would still be Governor of New York, might be obliged to make a deci- | sion ‘fatal in either outcome. If he | should be lenient with Tammany the | country would turn against him: if he should be really stern with Tammany, | Tammany might cause him to lose New York State. | The fact is, no Democratic leader having State-wide power is committed | 10 nominating Roosevelt, excepting, per- | haps, in New York State, and even in New York there are powerful leaders who would prefer to see another nomi- | nated. There is no “band wagon rush” | | for Roosevelt yet. There is not likely to | be. leaders as a group it is accurate to say | | of them that they are following & policy | |of keeping the situation open until the 'eve of the convention. Smith | | position not so much to argue with him ! as to ask from time to time what he is talking about. For exampl “In highly rationalized big business,” he says, “the machine today takes the place increasingly of the man. A bank clerk, a post office employe both perform work that re- quires no intelligence or particular training or skill.” Here I have to pans>. i T expected Mr. Lewis to illustrate the !way in which the machine takes the | place of th» man, but th> bank clerk or the post office employe hardly fills the | bill. Their service may be routine, but most of us would rather be a bank clerk with an adding machins than without one. Does Mr. Lewis think that the invention of adding machines has re- duced the number of bank clerks? Or does he think that the drudgery of all | that figuring b>fore adding machines | were invented was a benefit to youth? | But is is & waste of time to ask those | questions, for in Mr. Lewis’ next sen- | tence I discover that he is off on a very | In the argument that Roosevelt can | rgu- | different theme. Some of us would challenge the statement that the work of & bank clerk or a post office employe requires no intelligence. Mr. Lewis drives in his own opinion, “To receive and to check paying-in books, do in- voicing, to sell a shilling’s worth of 3-half-penny stamps d:mands as little | intelligence as that of which the least gifted Bushman or Austra'ian biack boy may boast.” Seeks Real Point. Well, this is a statzment for those to deal with who know how to: measure intelligence. Again it would be a_waste of time to d-bate the matter, for In the next sentence Mr. Lewis moves on to what seems to be the real point of his paragraph. “The skin of the person p-rforming these miracles of intelli- gence is white, and he is remunerated in consequencs more than a mere na- tive would be. If a civil servant, he gets on_top of that a jolly little pen- sion.” Now we have left youth far be- hind and are discussing the injustice of the color line. I find the same difficulties in Mr. Lewis' very sweeping assertions about the tradition of youth. “The European generally,” he says, “has had a certain | fixed conception with regard to the | leisurely growing up of the human be- !ing, and certaln hard and fast ideas of what youth should feel like, behave |lik: and do with itself—as a separate communion, of a different clay to the adult world. If affuent, youth would be different in this way for a period of anything up to 25 years, or a quarter of A century. Then adult’ life began. At 10 today the human being is a little {agult. Youth in the old sense will tend | more and more to disappear. This paragraph makes mel a little | 1 should have said. that Europe as & whole has never had a fixed con- | c>ption with regard to the leisurely growing up of the human being. The different countries at different times have held quite different notions of the part which leisure and work should play in the education of the young. The training of a boy in a French Lycee is worlds apart from the training of a boy of the same age in an English public school. The training employs quite dif- ferent methods and is directed to quite different purposes. | Turns to History. | | The ideal of a leisurely youth for a period as long as 25 years belongs | chiefly to one class in Great Britain, and there it has been fashionable for only the last century or so. The brave | young men of Queen Elizabeth's age | would not have understood Mr. Lewis. | Their business was to grow up as quckly | as possible. Many of them were out of | the university at 15 or 16, had married, begotten children and successfully shouldered immense public responsibili- ties before they were 21. In the sense in which Mr. Lewis employs the word, they never had any leisure, and no ma- chine age could possibly have made them more adult than they were. | | Then and for a long time afterward it was the ideal of education to make | children adult as quickly as possible. ~Drawn for The Bunday Star by Edward Trumbull This philosophy, as historians have often pointed out, is reflected in children’s clothes. In portraits of the late eight- eenth century, even of the early nine- teenth, smali boys are dressed exactly like their fathers; they even carry mini- ature swords. Little girls wear gowns which resemble their mother’s. Mr. Wyndham Lewis is too good a historian not to know that only in the nineteenth century were schools and colleges thought of as desirable nur- series for a cultured leisure class, shel- tered spots where infancy could be harmlessly prolonged. In that casual ‘it affluent” of his he alludes to the act that the children of the to-do never enjoyed the pri vouthful leisure of which he writes. overlook this fact for all the countries of the world, as well as for Great Brit- ain, is to misunderstand the impetus of the machine age. Disagrees on Argument. If T had been a wealthy land owner i the England of the early nineteenth century, I might possibly have felt that the spread of the railrcads was a vulgar interruption of my cultured life. My landscape would be spoiled, unwanted travelers would come into my district. my fox hunting would be interfered with. If I now belonged to the leisure class in Great Britain, I should prob- ably deplore the economic changes which suggest a simpler expenditure | vidual Initiation f HE following is the next of the speech delivered last night by Secretary of Commerce Lamont over a National Radio Forum ar- ranged by The Star and broad- cast over a coast-to-coast network by the Columbia Broadcasting System: For some days I have been wonder- ing what could be said about the De- partment of Commerce that would in- terest this radio audience. Many of you no doubt think of commerce as a more or less tiresome and uninteresting business involving faciories and freight trains, warehouses and stores, buyers and sellers, goods of many kinds, de- livery wagons and, of course, the in- | evitable bills. But commerce is more than that. Taking the national Democratic | For most of our people it is their means In our industrial civiliza- tion it is the source of all wealth. It is older than governments, older than civilization itself. Our Stone Age an- cestors traded in flint arrow heads. of livelihood. { spear points and axes. leopard skins {and amber beads before they had even | developed a language. the New Spain | were great in commerce before they be- {came famous for the things for which | they are now best known. The wealth which made possible the wonderful i ais bread has come solely from his pén— civilizations of Egypt, Greece. Rome, from the sharp pen of the active jour- nalist, the pen that accelerated the pro- | nunciamiento of last December and is- | sued the gloriously electrifying “call to rebellion.” . Perez de Ayala's words have weighed so much in the commerce. These ‘nations were great in trade before they could encourage and support a great art. This flowering of civilization in art and sclence and | Al the anclent nations of the world | Florence and Venice was derived from | shown ad nauseam the amount of will | molding of the new Spanish sensibility power emanating from well developed | because he has spoken only at rare but jaws. And if one were to follow closely | urgent and decisive instances. And their metric theorles cne would find in | when the censor tried to silence him | Perez de Aya'a another Cromwell. His | his opinions came via Argentina from | Jaw is so terribly Napoleonic! | the columns of La Nacion. But whatever the typologist's laws| One can readily see that neither Mad- | may be the melancholy fact remains ariaga nor Perez de Ayala are just “in- that Perez de Ayala is no Adonis. He | tellectuals.” Although they have written | is one of Spain’s homeliest bipeds. Once | books, many excellent books, still they a practical joker told his maid that a are biologically and wpolitically alive. visitor had arrived—an ugly visitor, hor- | Their alertness and audacity in part literature is made possible only by the wealth and leisure created by commerce. | Mighty Civilising Force. Commerce itself has always been a mighty civilizing force, breaking down the barricrs of disirust between nations and establishing a basis of mutual un- derstanding growing out of the ex. LAMONT SAYS BUSINESS WILL CURE ITS OWN ILLS AIRCRAFT, EXPERT AVERS Secretary of Commerce Looks to Indi- Capt. Knox Admits Effectiveness of Avi- or Relief, He Says in Forum Talk. the Department of Commerce, although 1 am sure each one of you will find in them many points of contact or of | interest. Each of the bureaus and di- | visions is engaged in work of impor- | tance related either to the protection | of life and property, to the conserva- | tion of resources or to the promotion of industry, commerce and navigation —in every instance work of such a character that private enterprise could not well undertake it. | Functions of Bureaus. | If you have occasion to travel by | water, the Department of Commerce | is helping to make your voyage a safe | and- pleasant one. Every part of the | ship and its equipment is regularly | inspected by the Steamboat Inspection | Service to see that it is safe and sea- | | worthy. The officers and crews are | | examifgd to determine their fitness for | | their dties. During the trip the ship- | master is guided by navigator's charts, | tide and current tables, and other aids | to navigation provided by the Coast |and Geodetic Survey, ‘When your vessel moves along ine ternal waters or approaches the coast, safe navigation is made possible by the thousands of lighthouses, buoys, radio= ;be-eom and other aids to navigation | maintained by the Lighthouse Service. And the Bureau of Navigation, an- | other branch of the department, is generally responsible for enforcement lof laws and regulations applying to American merchant marine and Amer- fcan seamen. Through the Aeronautics Branch 1s{mlllr aid is extended to air naviga- | tion, while the passenger’s safety when traveling by air is enhanced by the rigid control exercised by the depart- ment over the licensing of aircraft and pilots and the enforcement of air fic_regulations. and some steady work. But for those who did not have much before, the ma- chine eg> has on the whole brought greater comfort and a more varied rather than a monotonous life. My Ecotch grandfather was a poor man. I suppose Mr. Lewis would sar that his ' youth was doomed. He went to his| grave under the impression that the machine ag> had given him his oppor- tunity. Perhaps Mr. Lewis would say that I was begging the question if I cited | Georg> Washingion, Benjamin Frank- lin, Abraham Lincoln, as examples of what he calls “doomed youth.” They certainly are not exactly what he is talking about, but I can't see why they | / BY GASTON NERVAL. T‘i‘a;_‘ celebration next Saturday of t centenary of the death of James Monroe, third President has brought to the limelight the | merits and problems of that historic Monroe Doctrine which, partly by tra- dition and partly by misrepresentation, has become the major issue of pan- American relations. ernment officfals of the United States and dinlomatic representatives of for- shouldn’t be. This ccuntry is full of instances, in this respect like them, of | men and women whose youth would | seem to be hard, but in the end it turned out to excellent preparation | for a great life. Other countries can furnish quite as many illustrations of | the seme kind. | The youth of the leisure class, I ad- mit, is going—that peculiar concept of youth which Mr. Lewis has in mind, but which he does not sufficiently define— that ideal of slow and decorous ripen- ing, of which Oxford is the symbol and Matthew Arnold was the prophet. This | | ideal presupposes a family fortune, or | | at least, as Mr. Lewis says, “affluence.” | It was bound to disappear as soon as | vr~"xave poor boys & chance at an edu- | cation. ! Opposes Lewis' View. If I were to give an account of youth | today, T would speak of it"in & mood , | strictly the opposite of Mr. Lewis' | Granting that we are entering upon an | | erormous soclal and eccnomic revolu- | | tion, T believe that human nature will continue essentially as it now is, and, |80 far as I can see, youth will play a | larger role, not because the powers of | the world are exploiting it. but because |in these uprooted times youth is per-| mitted to mature as fast as in each individual case it can. infancy of the leisure class worked in | some instances incalculable harm. There are, no doubt. a few men ‘and women | who can get their education for life by | | 8 sort of tenking-up process in the The prolonged | beginning. but the more encrgotic we! are the more eager we usually are to | touch actual experience. In th> lei- surely days of youth, to which Mr. Lewis locks back with such regret, the | unexercised energies of college students exploded in sheer rowdyism, even in Oxford and Cambridge, and many a brilliant int-lligence in'the process of ‘h"um its infancy prolonged went to sead. The legend that the machine age | sets no value on experience seems to me a gross lib2l. It sets the very highest value upon abllity, of whatever age, but it does not confound gray hairs with wisdom nor old age with skili. Many an old fool has driven a buggy witheut accident. His horse was not a fool. In an automobile, driver counts. Whether the driver 4s 21 or 61 will concern only those of us who prefer the driver of 21. I fancy that much of the complaint against a machine age is | the challenge which any machine makes to the prestige of those who have simply lasted on from year to year. Hand labor was sometimes master craftsman- ship. but more often it was botch woik. however, the eign countries will pay respect to the memory of President Monroe next Sat- urday ‘at the University of Virginia have been widely announced throughout the continent. ~Logically enough, this | anncuncement has brought about a re- | vival of discussion on that political document with which his name is asso- clated in history and which constituted the outstanding event of the Monroe administration. Stanch supporters of the Monroe Doc- trine in this country and bitter oppo- nents of it in Latin America and in Europe have exhumed their old argu- ments and are 2gain engaged in a con- troversy as futile as their ccntentions are biased and mistaken—i ken be- cause they both start from an erroneous interpretation of the doctrine, one which was not in the mind of James Monroe when on December 2. 1823, he solemnly rcad his message to Congress. Much Misinterpreted. Few political acts have been less un- derstood and more capriciously judged by international authorities than the Monroe Doctrine. By a series of mis- interpretations, the blame for which | should rest with both American and Latin American statesmen, public opin- ion on both sides of the Rio Grande has been induced to regard the doctrine #s something quite different from what | it was intended to mean when first an- nounced. Far from being exclusively a declara- tion of policy on the part of the United States and a pronouncement against the interference of European powers in the Western Hemisphere, as it was sup- posed to be, the Monroe Doctrine is often confus today with United States imperialism, United States inter- vention in Latin American countries, regional accords. and even with pan- Americanism itself. Leaving aside psychological problems, economic_barriers and cultural differ- ences, which are gradually adjusting themselves with the passing of time and a slowly growing knowledge of each cther, the one big remaining source of fear, misunderstanding and suspicion preventing a greater pan-American friendship is the intervention by the United States in the domestic affairs of the Latin American countries. Intervention is today, as it has been for years, tte real “sore spot” of inter- American relations. Now. by a series of misinterpretations. the Monroe Doc- trine has been the principje under which such intervention has been practiced. Protection to Republics. Originally the Monroe Doctrine was not intended to justify United States in- Nowadays when we criticize the ma- | chine civilization, having known no | other. we create for ourselves a myth | that all shoemakers, carpenters, masons | were noble artists. The facts are other- | wise. Moreover. the mediocre shoe- | maker in a remote village had his neigh- | bors at his mer They stumped | through life on his ciumsy wares unless (Continued on Fourth Page.) NAVIES CAN ARM AGAINST ation as Auxili Menace ary But Not as to Ships, BY CAPT. DUDLEY W. KNOX, United States Navy, Retired. HE conclusion of the very im- pressive maneuvers of the gal- lant Army airmen, together with the similarly successful opera- tions of large naval aviation forces off Panama earlier in the year, have strikingly demonstrated the im- mense importance which aviation is bound to play in all future warfare, afloat and ashore. Naturally and in- evitably the question again arises in the public mind whether aviation is destined soon to supplant the older forms of armies and navies. So far as the latter are concerned there is no warrant for an affirmative answer. _The heavy freights of the world, coffstituting the basis of national and internajonal economics, must of necessity continue to be transported in ships very vulnerable to attack and re- quiring the protection of various kinds of naval vessels. doubtedly serious menace both to mer- chant ships and to men-of-war against which protection has to be devised in the future. in addition to the older dan- gers from gunfire, torpedo and mine. Cannot Supplant Navies. The premature contention so widely propagated that airplanes have scrapped | navies has been largely upon the as- sumption that there can be no adequate defense against aerial attack upon ships. The spectacular bombing and sinking of a number of antiquated vessels while lying stationary and unresisting, and with all other conditions highl Ve able to the planes, has been widely ac- | cepted among uninformed persons as conclusive proof that navies are out of ate. The tenacious opposition of the Navy to this assumption has had a firmer Aircraft is an un- | the airplanes. She has to be fast. and therefore cannot carry the weights | needed for heavy armor and other ex- | tensive forms of protection. She must | carry huge quantities of gasoline. which | unduly endanger her safety under gun | | fire or bombing. She cannot risk seri- | ous injury to her flying deck. for fear | | of having her whole mission completely | nullified thereby. She is generally ten- | der, and attack upon her is probably | | the best defense against her planes. | Strong aviation forces of our own place this important mode of defending our | ships against the aerial menace in our | hands. | _Then there is the defense given by | gunfire, which has been so persistently | scoffed at by aeronautical extremists, | based on performance in the late war. | the grueling necessities of those days | prevented any adequate solution of the | anti-air gun problem. Since then much | has been done not only in greatly im- | proved accuracy of fire but in the de- | velopment of new types of guns, such ' as the multiple barrel machine gun and | | the big-caliber weapon which is capa- ble of large elevation. It can be said with assurance that since the war anti-air artillery has been improved to the point where large-scale bombing must be done from high alti- | tudes and therefore with much less | probability of accuracy. This applies | especially to concentrated formations | of planes. such as were seen in the | recent. Army maneuvers, which neces- | sarily offer a larger target. | Stronger Ships Possible. | Finally, we should consider the form of defense against aircraft which con- sists in reducing the damage done to a ship by the explosion of a bomb. The ships which were sunk by the Army aviators some years ago suffered their tervention in Latin America. It was meant to keep the European powers out of the American continent and to af- ford prot-ction to the young unorgan- ized Latin American republics against the ambitions of those powers. Later on, however, as the doctrine berred European countries from med- dling with the domestic affairs of the still unsettled Latin American republics it was thought that it gave the United States certain obligations to protect the lives and property of European citi- zens living in one of them when endan- gered by internal disorders. If United States by means of the Monroe Doctrine forbade the interference of the European powers, she herself should af- ford protection fo Europeans living in Latin America. fast, and gradually the Monroe Doc- trine was converted from a merely pro- tective policy into something entirely different. under which the United States was understood to be justified in pro- tecting and almost obliged to protect the lives and property of foreigners in a Latin American republic. Then came the Interpretation—or. rather, misinterpretation—of the doc- trine by President Ronsevelt, the famous “Roosevelt corollary,” which specifically stated that the Monroe Doctrine im- posed upon the United States the duty to exercise an “international police power” in the Caribbean region. Since then the terms “Monro= Doctrine” and “policy of the big stick” have been as- sociated in the minds of most Latin Americans. The Monroe Doctrine has been described by the Latins as a means devised by the United States to extend its political influence over the rest of the continent. Instead of a protection they have looked upon it as a menace. Regarded as Menace. ‘The Roosevelt corollary and the -apricious interpretations of the doctrine by other high officials added to the misunderstanding of the original Mon- roe principle by both Americans and Latin Americans. A a consequence the Monroe Doctrine has often been used by the form“;u a justification for all inter- ventions In the Caribbean zone, and has of the United States. once more | The elaborate exercises in which Gov- | the | This theory developed | MONROE CENTENARY FINDS DOCTRINE NEEDING CHANGE Joint Responsibility of All American Republics Seen Cure of Bad Feeling and Productive of Confidence. If the United States would invite the | co-operation of ali the Latin American |states when an emergency arises, jand discuss’ with them the action to be taken by common ._the | wnole problem would be different. Even if she offered her military forces as the agent of this co-operative action and | these were accepted, the physical re- sults would be about the same, but the psychological atmosphere would be en- tirely different. ‘The out-of-date and distorted Monroe Doctrine should be converted into a | pan-American doctrine of joint respon- sibility. Any judging or policing to be done in the Caribbean is the proper task a a pan-American organization. United States troops may be used, but only with the consent of the other na- tions of the Western Hemisphere. Pref- erably, a combined group of army and y units of three or four different | American countries should be employed. It would not be a difficult task to convert the unpopular Monroe Doctrine |into a continental doctrine of mutual | obligations, indorsed by all the govern- | ments on this side of the Atlantic. |Latin Americans in general are very much opposed to the Monroe Doctrine | as it is understood today. The United | States. on the other hand, has come to consider the protection of her nationals abroad one of the traditional “corner stones™ of her foreign policy. The only solution. then, is the adoption of an all-American doctrine which would sat- isfv at the same time the pride of the Latin Americans and the interests of the Saxon Americans. and also serve t> protect international obligations and the progress of civilization that only peace, mutual confidence and co-opera- tion can afford. Time for Declaration. The first step in the evclution of the Monroe Doctrine would be a formal declaration by the United States Gov- ernment as to the original meaning ané present status of the doctrine, so capri- clously misinterpreted and so little un- derstood. The celebration of James Monroe’s centenary next Saturday seems an especially appropriate occasion fe< that move. ‘What greater homage could be gived to the memory of James Monroe on the day of the centenary of his death them a formal declaration by the President of the United States restating the sig- nificance and scope of the Monroe Dot~ trine in its original intent. and thus re moving forever misunderstandings, sus- picions and resentments = whi have grown up under it? A complete abandonment of the Mon- roe Doctrine, as the Latin Americans advocate, would be almost impossible. The doctrine has become by custom and tradition an integral part of the foreign policy of the United States. Even more, it has become a “catch word” in Ameri- can politics. which very few statesmen in this country would dare to ignore. But such an abandonment is mot necessary. All that is required is a for- mal declaraticn from President Hoover, stating that the Monroe Doctrine im 1931 means exactly the same that it did in 1823, when President Monroe an- nounced it: that is, that it embodies two simple principles—a pronouncement against continuation of European dom- ination in the American continent. and a pronouncement against any attempt on the part of a European power to interfere with the government or tne domestic affairs of any American re- public. This is the sum total of the Monroe Doctrine as it was originally proclaimed, and therefore the corol- laries and varied interpretations which later statesmen have given It. sccoraing to their own judgment, are alien to it. { They do not come under the scope of the Monroe Doctrine. If the President of the United States should so proclainj it. the real meaning of the doctrina would be vindicated and the prestige of Uncle Sam in the rest of the continent very much enhanced. Conference Call. ‘The next step wouid be the calling of a pan-American conference, in which representatives of all the American nations would indorse the Monrne Doc- trine in its real sense, making it & cons tinental doctrine. This same confer- ence would then set up some scrt of an agreement by means of which the “in- ternational police power” heretofore ex- ercised exclusively by the United States would be placed in the hands of a joint all-American organization. This may be & pan-American court of justice, an inter-American league of nations, & continental tribunal of arbitration or other institution of the kind. In this way each republic would be acting upon a focting of equality with the United States and with each other, and what was once the privilege of one would be the right of all. This international organization, sup ported by a new and continental Monroe Doctrine. could go even further than the Ipmleclicn of foreign lives and rights and of international obligations in the Latin American countries. It could be | later intrusted with the task of adjust- | ing the boundary controversies still ‘pemflng among many of the Southern | republics and with the arbitration of any international difference arising in | the Western Hemisphere. As for Central America itself. this all- American organization might discuss the become to be regarded by the latter as | Dlans of the long-dreamed-of union of a menace of forelgn Interference, and | the five small Central American repub- even political control. In other words, lics into a single federal state under s it may not be venturesome to say that Well organized government. The sta- most of the mistakes of the United | bility of such government and the eco- States in Latin America have been |Domic structure of a united Central committed in the name of the Monroe | American republic would be guaranteed Doctrine, and that likewise nearly all | by the concerted action of the countries the attacks coming from Latin America |of North and ,South America, among on the policies of the United States Which the United States would be but have been centered on the Monroe Doc- ' One. trine. These further developments deserve. Entirely misconstrued, the Monroe |to be discussed at length in separate Doctrine has thus been and still is the |articles. The urgent thing now. the greatest obstacle in the way of a better inter-American understanding. Logi- cally, if the pan-American ideal is to be converted into reality in our days, immediate problem, is the substitution ‘of a continental doctrine of joint re- sponsibility for the misused Monroe | Doctrine. This is the only road to a the first step is the removal of that | practical pan-Americanism of the right obstacle. The abolition or the modi- | kind—of equal obligations. equal privi-, fication of the Monroe Doctrine, under | leges and mutual confidence. which, though erroneously, intervention | 1 insist that the greatest tribute is practiced, appears to be necessary. | Which could be paid to the. memory of change of gcods and ides Trade has y So, too, this newest form of com- | basis than its alleged love of riding| ;i 4q)" gamage either from bombs truly been described as * a pathfindes in the wilderness. a herald of peace, & ridly ugly, even uglier than her master, and the poor woman, full of misgivings, crossed herself and exclaimed, norro: stricken, “Oh, Lord, can this’ be pos- sible!” Mistaken for Bullfighter. And yet Perez de Ayala has been fre- quently taken for a bullfighter. In spite of the cinema’s dictum, masculine beauty and toreadors do not necessarily g0 always hand in hand. Perez ce Ayala has been cheered 'and bravoed 2s a legitimate, full-fladged toreador. Even his own children used to look with filial admiration and love at the picture Belmonte, one of Spain’s star “toreros, thinking all the time that it was their daddy in holiday attire. Although Perez de Ayala knows how to enjoy a good “corrida,” he is no bull- fighter. And no lawyer, either, despite his law degree. He is just Spain’s greatest contemporary novelist. 19 volumes comprising his “Opera Om- nia” 12 are works of fiction, excellent novels, which won him the Premio Nacional de Literatura, a chair in the Royal Spanish Academy and vast in- ternational devotees. The English-read- ing public knows him only slightly through a volume of short stories, “Pro- metheus” and a novel, “The Fox's Paw,” magnificently rendered into English (to Great Britain's satisfaction) by Ameri- can translators. As mentioned before, Perez de Ayala never practiced law, albeit his pithy re- marks on jurisprudential history have Tapen widely quoted by scholars and phi- lesophers. Incredible as it may seem, | produced the recent revolution. and | their alertness and audacity will cer- | tainy help to awake Spain from her !long, distressing lethargy. And, to be | sure, their ripe cuiture, their cosmo- politan outlook and their profound un- derstanding of the Anglo-Saxon insti- | tutions and _traditions qualify | spiendidly for the successful discharge | | of their duties and the furtherance of | | world peace and sympathy. . | Venice Now Italy’s Most Law-Abiding City ROME.—Venice, fabled city .of la- | goons and gondolas, has earned a repu- tation as Italy's most law-abiding city, with an average of only one murder a year per 100,000 people. In 1913 it also boasted the least imber of murders per capita in untry, with an av- erage of two per 100,000. Palermo, one-time capital of the ‘Mafla, has lost its murderous laurels. While it had 40 murders per 100,00 inhabitants in 1913, it now has only 13, and the town of Catanzaro, in Calabria, has reached the head of the list with 18 homicides per 100,000 pecple per year. If rapings and crimes of extortion alone are consid- | ered, Perugia is the most law-abiding town, with only one per 100,000, while Cagliair, another old stronghold of the Mafia, still has 18 per 100,000. Crimes of this sort have greatly diminished in number throughout mg . | torchbearer of culture”—although it has also been charged with having been the cause of wars. Commerce was largely responsible for the discovery of this contineni. It is true that religious zeal! was strong in the fifteenth century, and the mis- sionary followed close after—if he did not in some cases, precede—the trader. But it was the dicam of finding a wa- terway route to the Indies that drove carly navigators westward over the Atlantic. Three centuries later commercial considerations were eagain important factors at the birth of this Republic— indeed, they were responsible in no small part for the struggle for inde- pendence. After the Revotution it was almost entirely commercial considera- tions that eventualiy brought several reluctant colonies into the “Union, while one of the most important pow- ers assigned to the new Federal Gov- ernment” was the regulation of inter- state and foreign commerce. So it may seem difficult to under- stand that more than another century should have passed after the founding of our Government before the creation of a separate executive ~department charged, according to the organic act, with the duty-of “fostering, promoting and developing the foreign and domes- tic commerce, the mining, manufactur- ing, shipping and m‘mfil industries and the transportation facilities of the United States. Time will not permit me to discuss | ¥ at length the varied and interest activities of the different bureaus (municmon which enables you to hear my voice is subject to a measure of |control by the Department of Cum- merce. Through the Radio Division the 650 commercial broadcasting sta- tions and more than 20,000 radio | transmitting stations are being con- | tinually inspected to the end that in- terference is prevented and clear broad- casting made possible. ‘The mining industries are assisted in | the elimination of waste, development of new processes and in safeguarding the lives of their employes, through the research and regulatory activities of the Bureau of Mines. The Bureau of Standards, a sclentific research or- ganization, is charged with responsi- bility for maintaining national stand- ards, not only of weights and measures, but also of quality and ce of equipment and materials. Through its many investigations industry and the consumer are being benefited by im- provement of betterment of ! the quality of materials, and elimina- | tion of waste—which reduces the cost | of production. Fifteenth United States Census. ‘The vation of fishery resources —which yield annually some 3,000,000,- 000 pounds of food and other products, and which furnish employment directiy or indirectly to. 500,000 people, and | healthful recreation to millions of others—is the important function of the Bureau of Fisheries. The Patent Office of the department renders aid to indus- . promotes invention, and thus aids industrial progress through granting to (Continued on Fourth Page.) around in big and comfortable battle- ships. The Navy soon realized that one of the best mcdes of defense against attack from the air is defemse in the air. At once it undertook to make a | flying navy of itself. At a stroke of the pen all young officers were required to qualify in the air before they could ob- tain commissions. Some are debarred from becoming pilots by the severe physical qualifications of this specialty. But there are many other military duties to be done in a plane besides sitting at the controls. That the American Navy is now a fly- ing navy has been amply testified to by extensive maneuvers within the last few years, when several hundred planes have been constantly engaged in fying mil- lions of miles over thousands of square miles of open sea during a period of several weeks at a time. In the late maneuvers of this sort neither a single man nor a single plane was lost. Evi- dently the Navy is well prepared to get full value out of the method of defend- ing itself in the air against the attacks of other planes. - Plane Carriers Vulnerable. Strong naval aviation forces insure another method of defense also—that of attacking the Hostile aviation at its source of operations. This is the most certain method of defense, both on land and at sea. If the enemy aircraft can be bombed out of their bases, especially if this can be done before they are fully in the air, then obviously their activities will be severely hampered, if not pre- vented. The weakest member of seagoing avia- tion is the ship which must “mother” which penetrated their decks and ex- ploded inside or from those boml which fell in the water cioss alongside and ruptured the underwater plating. It is a comparatively simple matter in naval architecture to so armor a ship's | decks that bombs cannot penetrate them and must explode outside. in Which case the safety of the ship itsell will not be seriously endangered and damage will be localized even if severe. Similarly, underwater protection can be devised which will insure that even when exploding in the water nearby. A small ship would necessarily be in greater danger of sinking, and. inci- dentally, it may be noted that this is one of the reasons against the recent British proposals to severely reduce the individual size of battleships. The big- ger they are the better they can be protected against aircraft. Reviewing all of these several meth- ods of naval defense against the air- plane attack, and remembering tha Teliance is not placed in one of them alone, but upon all in combination, it can be safely said that have not scraj the navies upon which merchant ships have to depend for their defense in carrying the freights of the world. > A Stepping Stone. From the Columbus Ohio State Journal. We suppose the principal object of s0 many young men taking up law is that they expect it to be a great aid to their golt. a large bomb will not sink a large ship Not long ago, commenting upon the new Latin American policy of the State Department and the efforts of the Hoover administration in gaining the good wiil of the Scuthern neighbors, I had an opportunity to outline how this vindication of the Monroe Doctrine might be effected. On the eve of James Monroe’s centenary it seems timely to repeat thess tonsiderations. If the United States is to give up its self-appointed role of policing the Carib- bean, who is to take over that role> It is undeniable that some sort of protec- tion should be given to foreigners and even neutral natives in a Central Amer- ican nation when civil war and anarchy are reigni in the country; that is, when the legal government has lost control of the situation and its inter- national obligations are endangered. Mind, this is distinct from outside in- terference with domestic political af- fairs, but rather a guaranty for the pro- tection of international rights and duties which the law of nations imposes upon all civilized states. Who is going to provide this protection in a region where occur as often as in Cen- tral America? International Power. The answer, already advanced by some Latin American statesmen, is that all of the American republics, acting in concert, should perform the protective function which the United States hith- James Monroe would be the initiation on the centenary of his death of this movement to eliminate so much misin~ terpretation and misunderstanding com- mitted in his name. (Copyright, 1931.) }‘Depre;siio; Hfield 7;id : To Museum Crowds BERLIN.—That the present world- wide business depression proves an aid and incentive to the number of museum’ visitors in Germany is supported by figures recentlv compiled by Dr. Wil- helm Waetzolat, director general of the' state museums. He points out that vis- itors to the various Berlin museums this' year have increased tenfold over the 1930 figures. A novel innovation this Summer has been the removal of all museum exhibits from the baroque rocr< where Frederick the Great was born in the former royal palace. This is to en- able the public to view both the rcom and the exhibits in their original ap- pearance. - ‘The “pillar hall” in the Egyptian mu- seum alto contains a new feature—i. e.; a magnificent granite sprinx, about 9 erto has seized for it<elf. The police | feet high, with the features of Queen power on behalf of fos ers which | Hatschepsut (1470 B. C.). The head (the United States has until now exer- long. been the property of Berlin, cised alone should be internationalized and practiced on behalf of humanitarian principles rather than on those of pri- vate interests. - » but the torso was only recently ac- quired from America by exchange, as it was found by Americans near The- ben in 1927-2& 4