Evening Star Newspaper, June 16, 1929, Page 33

- Editorial Page Part 2—16 i’ugel OPPOSITION TO TARIFF REFLECTED IN U. S. PRESS Thumbs Down Attitude Found in West, Northwest and Southwest Held Typical of Nation. BY MAREK SULLIVAN, NOUGH {s now known about the country's reception of the new tarift to be able to say, fairly definitely, that the attitude on the whole is one of disapproval. Certainly there is enough of disappro- bation, and enough of it has be transmitted to Washington, to caust the Capitol to conclude that the net attitude of the country as a whole is “thumbs down.” With this attitude of disapprobation goes general _under- standing that the bill is still subject to change, that it is now in the Senate, and that the Senate can make unlim- ited changes. A thoroughly calm, well balanced newspaper which reflects the North- west, the Minneapolis Journal, ex- es this attitude of disapproval of | the tariff: and reflects also complete understanding of the strategy necessary to bring about desired changes. The Journal says: ““The building material sc! grossly unfair not only to the North- west, but to the whole country. * * * The logic of the attack on building ma- terial tariffs, which is nation-wide, is unassaflable * * * The passage of the House bill is only the first round in a battle that is not likely to be settled until next September. The next round is to be fought in the Senate, where the chances of restoring build- in'glmlfzflll to the free list and making other changes to help Northwestern agriculture are good. Then will come the final adjustment of the differences between the Houses in conference. * * ‘What is needed, above all, is good gen- eralship on the part of the Northwest, good strategy in keeping what has al- ready been won and in securing every possible further concession.” Reflects Western Sentiment. Tn the same spirit a newspaper which reflects dominant sentiment in a large section gf lheyi‘:e“' 'trl;la Wifh.\tl fi:fle. ins by saying: ““There is a .‘a’ifim in prospect for the farmers, ‘The Eagle then explains that the Sen- ate will now spend some two months making changes and that thereafter, in the Fall, these changes will come up for decision in conference between House and Senate. By the time that conference comes, the Eagle says, the House will have had time to find out how the country feels, and will be in a mood to accept downward changes made by the Senate. As the Eagle puts t: “There is every chance in he world that when the House returns to Wash- ington in September, after a recess, it will be in temper an entircly different House . . . The reception the farmers are preparing to give the Republican members of the House when tiiey re- tum b:ma Summer from w‘:hx(,':fin w warm, everywhere west, e =-§¢H will ‘Washingtan determined not rmined 1of sthe Senate of ton “with Congress over the now due to begin. publicans . . . have passed over to the Senate a tariff scheme that is calling forth a mess of conflicting criticism from the press and the business in- terests of the Country.” Volce of Three Leading Journals. The passages quoted above are from three outstanding papers in three sec- tions of the country, the Nortlhiwest, the West and the Southwest. It can be sald with safety that as respects these three sections, the paper: quoted are sufficiently typical. a sufficiently accurate generalization to say that the tariff, as it now stands, is opposed by nine-tenths of the West- ern and Northwestern press and by much more than half the Softhern press. As respects the Eastern press, the situation is different—but is not op- sed. The bulk of the Eastern press s either critical of the tariff or only tepidly accepts it. Some parts of the Eastern press are angrily critical. But the Eastern press differs from the West- ern and Northwestern press as to the parts of the tariff which it disapproves. All this foreshadows exciting events in the two months or more of discus- sion which the Senate and its finance committee will give to the tariff. To understand the outlines of what is to happen, clarification s de- . _In this clarification gary to keep in mind always one broad distinction—the distinction between ag- | ricultural products and non-agricultural products. Duty Placed on Congress: ‘This session of Congress was called solely for the purpose of helping agri- culture. Had it not been for that motive, the session would not have been called. The help to agriculture was to take two forms—Afirst, a farm relief bill, and, second, a revision of the tariff in the interest of agriculture. It is not quite accurate to say that the action on the tariff by this session of ¥Congress was intended solely for the purpose of helping the farmer, It is accurate to say that but for the purpose of wanting to help the farmer, the session would not havé been called. It is accurate to say that but for the purpose of helping the farmer, nothu? | would have been done about the tariff. ‘The only qualification necessary to add is merely to say that is a kind of Ppostscript to helping the farmer the in- tention was to make a very small num- ber of changes in the tariff rates on an extremely limited number of non- agricultural commodities. | ‘When the idea of having a special session of Congress and of having a| tariff readjustment first crystallized, | the only industry other than farming | that was in mind was the textile in- | dustry. Other than this there was a tentative attitude that if any other dndustries could make out as good a case for revision as the textile industry, they might be added. But no industry other than agriculture and textlles was mentioned in the campaign last year of at any step in the series of events that led up to this session of Congress and this tariff revision. Farming Needs Stressed. As respects agriculture, the intention was that the tariff changes should be unlimited. The earnest and un- qualified wish was to do everything for the farmer that changes in the tariff could be made to do for him. ‘This program about agriculture has been practically lived up to, ugh not quite. Practically every farm prod- uct raised in the United States has been given a strongly protective tariff. In almost all cases every' farm crop raised in the United States has been iven whatever tariff rate was asked lor. The only exceptions are that but- ter and a few other minor farm prod- ucts were not given quite as high a rate as some farmers’ representatives ecmanded—though they were given sabstantial raises. In tae net it is a fair 3:;1:nllauon it is neces- that any farm representative asked for. | | ful respect, the tariff does not do what a few farm representatives asked. Some spokesmen for the farmers went beyond asking for complete protection for every crop now raised in the United States. Some invented a new and extreme theory of protection, going be: thing ever before demanded. extreme, almost fantastic, demand for mlcultun can be stated roughly as ollows: Excepted Class of Importations. There are some products imported into the United States which are not raised on any American farm and can- ot be raised here. Characteristic items of this kind are bananas, sago and tapioca. As to this class of prod- | ucts, some farm representative said that | vhile American farms cannot raise these crops, they can raise substilutes | for them. Hence the theory was put | hedule is | forth, and the demand was made. that | a tariff should be put on these products, in order to make them more expen- sive. Whereupon—according to the theory—corn (cornstarch) would be used in place of sago and tapioca, and American-raised fruits would be used in place of bananas. ‘This portion of the farm. demands was not acceded to in the present tariff. Other than this one detail the new tariff does substantially everything that was asked for on behalf of the farmers. It will be seen that, as respects agri- cultural ,products, the intention was, and the performance is, broad and very generous upward revision of the tariff. ‘Turn now to that part of the tariff which has to do with non-agricultural commodities. As respects these, the original intention was that only such industries as are clearly in distress from foreign competition should be treated in the present revision. The outstand- ing example was the textile industry, in which there is, and has been for several years, severe depression, includ- ing unemployment, Where Limitations Are Needed. ‘That the tariff revision, as respects non-agricultural industries, should be imi to cases of -obvious and ad- mitted need, was the clear intention at every step of the series of events that led up to the making of this tariff. The evidence of this is to be found in every important Republican campaign utterance last year. It is to be found in President Hoover’s repeated use of the word “limited,” including his use of that word In his message to Congress. It is to be found in'the phrase -of Speaker Longworth “as few in number as possible,” when he dealt with the address on the ) by the ways and means down - to the (as respects was_exceeded of politics, interpretation by the country, there is not much . Some Republican spokesmen still contend, .although. de- fensively, in a rather half-hearted way, that the revision conforms to the pro- gram. But the overwhelming tendency now, practically taken for granted, is that the revision goes beyond the pro- '.'::"Jfi.:?' bu‘:“ large e ur‘tfl e 2 ms in a range of non- agricultural industries. Included in this range are the three items that have caused the most commotion. Cement, brick and some forms of lumber, in- cluding shingles, are taken off the free the benefit of a protec- three items have be- come, in the farming sections of the country -especially, the symbol of the objectionable aspects of the new tariff. Held as Extreme Interpretation. ‘The tariff on one of these items, ce-, ment, illustrates a new and extreme in- terpretation of the protective tariff . _Of the cement consumed in the United States, only about 132 cent is imported. Here is a case wi do- mestic manufacturers had 98 per cent of the trade—yet they aske for a tariff which should exclude, or greatly reduce, the tiny remainder, 132 per cent. This is practically a demand for an exclvive tariff, and the House bill grants it. This step, in a sense, is a new landmark in the evolution of the protective tariff theory. It may turn out to be the straw that broke the camel’s back. As a landmark it may pos- stbly mark the beginning of a gradual evolution in the other direction, toward an older and mere moderate interpreta- tion of the protective theory. ‘We now come to the immediate future —and the future is rather more’ com- plex than is commonly assumed. The tariff bill, passed by the House, has gone to the Senate. Bearing in mind the distinction between the agri- cultural and non-agricultural ons of the bill, consider first the attitude 10'1 the Senate toward the agricultural ms, The Senate's attitude, up to date certainly, is ident'c~> with what has been so far the attitude of the coun- try as a whole. It is an attitude of tolerance toward generous protection— indeed toward extreme protection, for all agricultural products. It is quite’ certain that the Senate will go fully as far as the House has Already gone in giving generous protec- tion to agricultural commodities. Query Put Up to Senate. How, then, can the Senate do more for the farmer that the House has already done? What is meant by the Minneapolis Journal when it advocates keeping what has already been won and securing every possible further con- cession.” What some farm spokesmen want, in addition to high protection for farm crops, is a wish that turns and looks upon manufactures from the point of view of the consuming farmer. Some farm spokesmen demand that the tariff on non-agricultural goods shall at the least not increased, and ‘haps in some cases should be reduced. In this attitude on behalf of the | farmer there is more reason than the | Eastern manufacturer may at first glance concede. The phase that ran through all the preparations for this session of Congress and for this- tariff revision wes “to put agriculture on a basis of equality with other-industries.” Clearly, if you raise the tariff on both agricuiture and non-agriculture (and :l. m,g nh;n are anywhere mear '.l;e me) you do nothing to bring agricul- ture up to parity with non-agriculture. This point of view is certain to be taken by some Senator. One I Western Republican has already said that his course will be to vote upward on every agricultural item—and down- ward on every non-agricultural item. The agricultural group that feels this Wit ‘the farm: debeptire piah, o8 B0 wi arm nture L ge! ting all but four of the lgcmocnu to join them. If thsy should succeed again in making this ‘combina- substant everything Em‘fi Thited Siatee, this taril tion ‘with respect to the ‘we should In one respect, an extreme and doubt- | h EDITORIAL SECTION WASHINGTON, BY JOHN MARRINAN. FTER several months of the new administration a good many liticians are still vainly seek- ‘weaknesses, vanities, idio- syncrasies which would enable them to ' employ the customary tech- nique of political philandering with President Hoover in a manner to achieve their own ends. A conference of these gentlemen called now to compare notes would be distressingly funereal. They have not yet discovered the.key to the ‘Hoover political code. Aspiring “spokesmen” have praised the Pnsl'dmtp:fluslvely and chastised those who would differ with him. The opposition has been invited to dinner at the White House, and the “spokes- men” have found themselves awkwardly conspicuous players of the well known personal trombone—and with an unre- sponsive audience. Political oracles have spoken with elo- quence, and fellows whose participation in politics has been somewhat detached have been gemn: the jobs. It has been demonstrated that the President does not regard personal and political allegiance as necessarily in- separable from straight thinking on the farm question, and at least one distin- guished Senator has gone noisily into temporary exile. vh':lml nmr:'mnuuu to gi m«&'fl; to the ballylioo corps. In- the ‘usually well founded of efficiency, ambitious oxygen - belief BY DR. LEO. F. STOCK, Department of Historical Research, Carnesie Institution of Washinton. NE of the many conjectures certain to arise from the re- cent settlement of the Roman question will concern the fu- ture relations between the United States and the Vatican Oity. | Whether a diplomatic representative will ever be sent from America to join those accredited to the Holy See from other nations will probably depend upon the benefit to be derived from such official contact. ‘The territory over which the Holy Father will exercise his prerogatives as sovereign ruler will be but little larger than the present Vatican grounds. Consequently future diplomatic rela- tions with the new government, should they be opened, will obviously be for reasons quite different from those which prompted Polk, in 1848, to send Jacob L. Martin as first charge to Rome. Consuls Represented America. Consuls had represented American interests in the papal states since 1797. Among these were George W. Greene, grandson of Nathanael Greene of revo- lutionary fame; William Dean Howells, who, although accepting the appoint- ment, never served, and Edw) C. Cushman, Charlotte Cushman’s nephew, who is remembered for an incident which brought charges against him that he had fought with the papal troops during an engagement with the forces of Garibaldi. 1t was “a just regard tq our com- mercial interests” which, in the opinion of Polk, rendered “highly expedient” the opening of more formal relations with the states of the church. Among the proposed reforms of Pius XI was the formation of a commercial league, with which it was hoped that comme: clal treaties would be concluded. U. S. Represented for 20 Years. In his earliest instruction to Martin, Secretary Buchanan emphasized the necessity of distinguishing between the spiritual and temporal powers of the Pope. “You will carefully avold even the appearance of interfering in eccle- siastical questions.” he wrote, “whether these relate to the United States or any portion of the world.” ‘The diplomatic relations thus estab- lished (but not without bitter debate in Cygress) covered a period of 20 get out of the Senate a revision upward on agriculture but downward—or at :he least not upward—on non-agricul- ure. Suggests Real Question at Issue. The question as respects the Senate, then, is whether there can be a combi- nation on the tariff between the West ern Republicans and the Democrats, and whether this combination would follow a program of upward on agri- culture and not upward on non-agri- culture, X But if the Western Republicans ini- tiate this course, what the East do? The East, has what it wants—what it wants, that is, as respects high rates on its own crops. Suppose, however, the West demands, in addition, low rates, or at least no in- creases, on manufactured goods, Would the Easterner, at that turn, begin to think of himself as a consumer of food? Would he oppose, for tremely high rate which the new bill, as it now stands, gives to sugar? of the nature of the German Zollverein, | B0 PRESIDENT HOOVER. that a convert breathes enthusiasm, the | ed to the White House and they have | tariff makers have been pfoceeding from | marched back again. Meantime, there | protection toward embargo, and during | has been a steady, if unspectacular, pro- the next few months will likely be oc- | cupied with the unhappy task of retrac- ing many of their steps. While the heroic efforts to debunk the debenture proceeded with its confu- sion of tongues and of purposes, a vol- untary reduction in freight rates on, voluntarily takes a “rap” for gun toting, rt was effected through with $30,000 in his pockets. fnln for ex he co-operation of the railroads and was given prompt approval by the pon- derously-moving Interstate Commerce Commission. ‘The wets have become students.of criminology and the drys have gone Quaker. ~But the Law Enforcement Commission is named and no appointee is found with in his tract 3 Delegations bearing gifts have march- BOUNDARIES OF THE NEW PAPAL STATE AND SURROUNDINGS. years. Throughout most of this period political agitation and the din of wi made it futile to enter into the pro- jected commereial arrangements, ‘With two exceptions the matters aris- ing between the two governmenis were unrelated episodes that called for nol sustained, uniform policy on the part of either country. These two excep- tions were the attitude of the United States toward the papal states during the political chln%cs in the latter coun- try and the position of the Holy See respecting the American Civil War, ‘Throughout the perfod of struggle for Italian independence and unity the personal sympathies of the American Tepresentatives at Rome were quite nat- urally -with the revolutionary elements. On the whole, however, the Americ: ministers well understood the perple: ing litical problem, the misunder- stan and the lack of reciprocal gener the Pope to carry out his program of reform. Pope Withdraws to Gaeta. “The alliance of freedom and religion were wiser than their conflict,” wrote Martin in his sole dispatch from the seat of his mission. “Sincere men not unfriendly lo freedom think that it would have been wiser to leave power longer in the hands of portant reforms and gradually prepar- the people for the practice of con- stitutional government.” Martin soon fell a victim to Roman fever and was succeeded by Lewis Cass, til 1858, and who, in 1854, was raised to the rank of minister | which was to resident, Before the arrival of Cass the ex- | the Mazzini republic had been set up in Rome and the ‘Holy Father had with- ty which made it difficult for | pint on. ghe hip.or a i | | ¢ Sundiy Star. cession of men with a capacity for work into public office. Speculators’ are becoming nervous; monopolists are taking inventories of legal talent and the most glamorous and successful racketeer in the country President Willing to Talk. | Newspaper men, mindful of the Presi- dent’s reticence during the campaign | and dolefully anticipating thin days, have found the “spokesman” transpar- ency gone and Mr., Hoover willing to talk when there is something to be said ration, yet mm satisfactory. candor ‘as to facts. And | | . Nichelas Brown, the consul in charge of the American legation when the proclamation of the change was re- ceived, lost no time in giving assurance that his Government would “take the earliest opportunity to recognize that of Rome in the most satisfactory man- ner” and would “at once hail with joy the independence of the Roman Repub- lic long before their diplomatic agents can have time in due official form to give expression to the generous senti- ments of their constituency.” But Buchai 's instructions to Cass showed less eagerness. The Secretary wrote that while it was the constant poliey of the United States to recognize existing governments without inqu g into their legitimacy, yet such govern- ments must first give evidence of their will and power to maintain themselves. He thought it extremely doubtful that this could be asserted respecting the new republic. Pontift Loses Temporary Power. Cass also was convinced that the provisional government because of the schemings of European powers could not live. “The real question,” he was persuaded, “was to prevent in Italy the development of democratic prin- flrpln and to maintain the suprem: of Austria™ Soon the republic fell, and on April 12, 1850, Pius returned to. Rome, accompanied by the diplo- matic corps which had remained in sttendance upon his court at Gaeta. Cass was succeeded by John P. Stock~ ton, who later represented New Jersey in the United States Senate. When he arrived at Rome final movement lead to the unification of Italy was well under way. Wlflurlla SUNDAY MORNING, JUNE 16, 1929. Hoover Puzzles Politicians How to Handle President Still Perplexing Question—Accepted Methods Are Not Now Working no one has yet spoken the ugly word “press agent.” Presidential hand shaking has been classified as manual exercise and must divide time with ths medicine ball. ‘White House cameramen miss the 10- gallon hat and have not succeeded yet in doing much with the fish hamper. Nevertheless, the White House is not without its air of simple, unaffected democracy for any one who has proper business there. The Mexicans cut about seven reels out of one of their standard super-10- reel revolutioanry productions: the Brit- ish Ambassador expresses a willingness to renounce his Johnnie Walker, and Europe is rapidly approaching the con- viction that we will neither pay for an old war nor finance a new one. ‘The “Miracle Man"—as the sardonic title conferred two months ago would have it—has declined thus far to be a sucker. He has neither usurped the legislative function nor assumed the judicial prerogative, and there has not been a single pious opportunity to whack his shins as a blooming dictator. Attempt New Technique. x How can ‘the hand-shaking, back< rubbing, vote-trading technique of the political fathers deal with a situation like this? It seems to require a dis~ tressingly radical, if not'revolutionary, adaptation of the system, and some of the ‘fathers have abandoned (Continued on Relations of U. S. and Vatican Will America Send Diplomatic Representative—Last Mission Recalled From Rome in 1867. B ) macy of Cavour and the campaign of Garibaldl, the holy father had lost all temporary ons but the ter- ritory of Rome. In 1861 Stockton asked for his re- call and Rufus King was appointed to succeed him. Political revolution was threatening the existence of both Italy and the United States. The American Minister was instructed to assure the glpll government that the United tates had no thought of intervention in the domestic affairs of the states of the church. In turn, it was ex- pected that the latter would assume a similar attitude with respect ig &e American situation. Randall Named to Post. At the sugges.:on of King. now come missioned a brigadier general, Alexander W. Randall, afterwatd Governor of Wis- consin and Postmaster General, was ap- pointed in his stead. Randall very soon concluded that he was not fitted He wrote that he was malities of court; that he understood neither Itallan, French nor German, for the lack of which he feared he would be at great disadvantage; nor was he versed in the necessary knowledge *|of European politics. In the following year he was relieved by Richard M. Blatehford of Connecti- cut, who remained until October, 1863, when King for the second time was given tihte appointment. When Venetia was added to the Ital- fan kingdom in 1866 it became evident that soon the occupation .of the re- maining territory of Rome would make unification complete. It was generally believed that when this should happen the holy father would leave Rome to take' up his residence elsewhere. Considercd Making Home in U. 8. Apparently negotiations were carried on with England concerning an asylum for the Flpll court in ‘Malta. Cardinal Antonelli, papal 'secretary of state, and other_officlals intimated to King that Pius might wish to live in America. The Pope himself more than ‘once referred to this possibility. When Gen. Kanzler, minister of war, asked King how such action would be regarded, the latter replied that his country “was the home of civil and religious liberty, as well as a refuge of all who fled from litical or other troubles in the Old World, and that his holiness, should he see fit to go to the United States, would no doubt meet with a kind welcome and be left to ursue, unquestioned and unmolested, i8 great work es head of the Catholic Church,” After consultation with Gustavus Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, who was then in Rome, Admiral Goldsbor- ough, commander of the Mediterranean fleet, was informed that important mat- ters called for the imme of one of his vessels at the ‘port of Rome. . Tae Swatira was sent. Seward approved the minister's course, but thought it would be indiscreet, in the absence of more definite information, to assume that it was in the Pope’s mind to come to America. There -was no Alx‘ne;lcun.n minister- at Rome when the city fell: The Pope and Confederacy. ‘The official relations of the United Etates with the Holy See during the American Civil War were subjected to much disturbing pressure, In 1863 Jef- ferson Davis sent to the Pope, through Dudley. Mann,.a. letter of thanks for his open eommunications concerning the restoration of peace. The holy fatker’s {leply ‘was accepted ive . | Tories, who dominated the Lioyd te presence | C] [M.iberals and Torles were equally re- Reviews of 1 Books 1 CLASSES OF YESTERDAY LOSE POWE Break-Up of Empire R IN BRITAIN Is Seen as Result of Labor Victory; MacDonald May Release Hold BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. ITH the return of Ramsay | MacDonald to Downing street | the British revolution visi- bly enters a second phase. To assume that, because the transformation in progress in Britain has nothing of the later characcer of either the French or Russian uphea is the transfer of political power within Great Britain from the privileged classés of yesterday to the mllusl , Who are today rising to con- trol. When Labor came to office in 1924, it was possible to take the whole epi- sode as a freak and an accident. The event. had far surpassed the expecta- tions of the most sanguine follower of Ramsay MacDonald. Moreover, the ing place signed to the experiment because they were satisfied that Labor ineptitude would promptly demonstrate the in- herent incapacity of the party to re- tain and administer power. On . the whole, this expectation ved fallacious, chiefly because Mac- ald, while proving 2 poor prime minister, disclosed the ability of a truly great forelgn minister, while Snowden as chancellor of the exchequer revealed real sability. Nevertheless the Mac- Donald cabinet went out to the flare of the red flames surrounding the Zinoviev letter incident, and the later general strike seemed to promise a long paraly- sis of Labor pilitical importance. Return Not Accidental. The return of Labor cannot be inter- preted as an accident. Five years of Tory rule have proved that a Conserva- tive ministry can be futile and even as dangerous to national prosperity and solidarity as a so-called Socilist gov- ernment. Moreover, if Labor does not yet return quite on its own, with com- plete control, the gain of a full 100 seats since the 1923 election leaves little question as to an eventual capture of the 20 or 30 seats which, added to the present total, would make control com= lete. 1 Nor can one fail to perceive how momentous are to be the consequences of this British revolutién. The labor- ing class, which is now just reaching out, to control the machinery of British government, has for its dominating and basic purpose the resolution to trans- form the conditions within the British Isles of the millions who constitute the working class. The purpose of the George Coalition ministry, and ruled Britain in the Bonar Law' l':dr! Bfl"fi lovz:x:; nts, was to res! old pre- greltlln. to re-establish Britain in her place in the world; to re-establish. the of the rich and the ruling classes upreme upon the seas and financially, economically Y Europe. litically 'dominant in WSug"" yam actually win her war with Germany, she just as indubitably lost to America. much of her old power and prestige. At Starvation Point. The Tories refused to admit - this fact. They {nsllw‘;! m’:t tm";:?ym:, conditions were transient. - serted that shortly business would be :u‘uu PO would return to the enthusiastic. - Davis left no statement of his.opinion on the subject. Sidell did not think it “worth while publish- ing.”’. Benjamin believed that the Pope's address of Davis as “President of the Confederate States,” which was held by Mann to imply recognition, was merely a formula of courtesy to his correspondent and not a political ac- it of the fact. bflm offset the services abroad of Archbishon Hughes in behalf of the Unien, the an!xm‘lle States in 1864 on Colonies. hands best trained to hold it. Their program was to “muddle through” with- out change, their single method for meeting foreign competition was to re- duce wages. But this method was use- less in itself, since low wages were no counterbalance to improved machinery and rationalized methods, and in addi- tion roused Labor to revolt and to the fatal general strike. British Labor was reduced to the starvation point, but British trade was not revived, unem- ployment continued, depression in the coal and iron industries attained new As ‘a consequence of the lication of Tory policy—with very inter- lon—for more than 10 years, tain is today the single nation of all the great powers that in and survived the World War that re- mains crushed by its consequences. France, Germany, Italy, in varying de- grees have regained normalcy; the United States has gone forward with incredible speed; but Britain is unable to find work for its unemployed, it still loses ground in world markets. Wall Street, and not The City, rules the money world. France Is Dominant Force. Politically, too, the effort to retain paval supremacy has broken down and has led to very disturbing Anglo-Ameri- can tension. ‘The United States has de- manded that Britain pre- tension to the waves, has demon- strated her purpose to cl any such pretension and visibly z,:e dmoummrce‘: as well as 4 will en supremacy. On con- tinent, too, playing the old, familiar great power game, Britain has more and more Vlsi.bfi? become dependent upon French policy; France, and not Britain, has replaced Germany as the dominant force on the continent. Economically and politically, then, the traditional Tory policy bas broken down. The efort to restore British mo?mtywerthehmottho mllomlg‘aledwnmfulmom- abroad has przciplnmwm&lm dim- culties and brought about the diminu- tion of British influence in Europe. Misery Comes First. ‘Newly come to er again, it is’ plain that Labor will turn its attention not to the restoration of British power in the world, but to the foundation of guuihle conditions for the masses in ritain. World power and imperial as- sociation are secondary matters for a party that has for its first task to abolish the awful burden of poverty, misery nl;mmmmoymt in ~ cotem. P Manifestly Labor could not, 4f - would, resort to revolutionary I " P accomplish its ends. = But the tion to s g | i’ SR e , to Pt rake upon any real development of solidarity and interna- tionalism. To abolish the Anglo- American naval dispute, Labor must abandon the last semblance of British claim to sea supremacy and accept a real of Nations method. It must just as.pa- tiently drop the French entente, aban- don the “extra dances” with Italy and come to a real adjustment with Ger- many on the basis of evacuation of tGei-m n soil and resignation of all con- rol appointed Bishop Lynch of Charleston Is commissioner to the Holy See. Com- bining the advantages of ecclesiastical and political position, his presence at Rome was believed to offer unusual op- portunities, not only for winning recog- nition for his government but also for molding foreign opinion through con- tact with the representatives of the Catholic powers of Europe. But Lynch was received at the Vatican, as Anto- nelli assured King, only in his espis- copal character, and never as an ac- credited agent of Davis or the Con- federacy. U. S. Mission Withdrawn in 1867. After Lincoln’s assassination John H. Surratt, who had b&n accused of com- plicity in the crime, made his escape by way of Canada and England to Rome, where he enlisted in the Papal Zouaves under the name of Watson. His iden- tity was in time discovered "and re- &I’ud to the American Minister. Al- ough there was no extradition treaty between the two governments, the papal 1 authorities acceded to the wishes of Fra Kin~ and confined Surratt until defi- nite instructions , should be received from Washington. The prisoner later made his eu‘:lpe. nl;rlnv;;ly mulseld den't; by leaj rom a high precipice, w: fl{xfllypt:n;‘ptured at Alexandria, Egypt, and returned to the United States for trial, In 1867 the mission at Rome came to an ofcial end. Congress refused to continue the appropriation for it, pre- sumably under the erroneous belief that the American Church had been ordered outside the walls of Rome, but prabably, as King intimated in his denials of the above charge, because the way was be-l ing cleared for early recognition of the kingdom of Italy. | Taft Made Commissioner. ‘With the loss of the temporal power of the Holy See, the usual reasons for diplomatic representation betveen gov- ernments no longer existed. Thence-| forth the matters which, directly or in- directly, called for communication with | the Vatican were solely ecclesiastical in : character and affected the holy father merely as_the head of the Catholic hurch. In such cases the negotia- tions were conducted by special agents or_commissioners. i The outstanding example of these re- lations is the settlement of the Philip-| pine land question. After the treaty: with Spain, which brought these islands | under the ownership of the United; States, one of tHe most difficult prob- | lems in their reor; tion concerned | the title of the 410,000 acres of land claimed by the friars. ‘The unpopular- ity of the latter and the polif and ecenomic conditions underlying the uation led the Philippine Comm! to the purchase of these lands. | | I ! sit- ission | & colonial raw materials preference in the British markets—abandons eco- nomic tie of imperial unity. Empire Must Go. In sum, from whatever angle one may view it, Labor seems inevitably bound, not immediately and impulsive- 1y, but by the gradual application of its principles, to set aside the old nine- teenth-century imperial Britain, to neg- lect the empire on which the sun never sets and to concentrate its ef- forts on seeking to provide—for some forty-five millions _of in British Isles—conditions that will make an end to the terrible slums and the appalling misery of cotemporary Brit- ish municipal existence. I suppose it must sound absurd to say that the rise of Labor, the steady, sustained and now tri hant rise u?: the gradual 1 bond, the evolution of the British Isles into a self-contained nation France or Ge;nuny. with a mates b’fi taxse‘:uu% and stationary population, o no see how'one can- escape the conclusion that this is to happen. (Copyrisht, 1929, Railway Builds Station ‘Where Public Demanded Ferruzzano is a station on the rail- way line betwéen Reggio Calabria and Taranto which owes its existence to “direct action” on the part of the townspeople. Like ‘many Calabrian communities, Ferruzzano is situated on & hill some miles from the railway line which foilows closely the Ionian seacoast. For many years the people of Ferruzzano pleaded for a railway stop near their town. No attention was paid to their request. One day the local druggist, who was a bit of a raaical, rallled the men of the town and marched to the railway line with e red at the head of the procession. calmly seated itself on the rail- way tracks and awaited the The engineer was compelled rather than kill so many erected a ne::nlft le station at the very Negotiations with the friars unsatisfactory, direct appeal was m: to the Vatican. In 1903 Gov. Gen. Taft visif agreement was spot where the it planted . the red flag. All this happened before Pascism came intd power. The in fact, was sent to the * o