Evening Star Newspaper, July 31, 1927, Page 41

EDITORIAL PAGE NATIONAL PROBLEMS SPECIAL FEATURES Part 2—18 Pages NAVAL BUILDING TO TAKE SPOTLIGHT IN CONGRESS America, After Delaying Program Pend- ing Geneva Parley, Becoming Disillu- sioned as Conference Nears Collapse. HILE the attitude of official| of the Omaha type. of 7,500 tons, have ‘Washington regarding the|been built since 1923. The remaining evident breakdown of the | cruisers now in the possession of the Geneva conference contin-|United States are 22 in number, built ues to be a policy of watch- | between 1834 and 1908 and considered ful waiting until the outcome is defl-| obsolete. Fifteen of them are out of nitely established, there is, no doubt. |commission and the remaining seven of the feeling on the part of those who |are doing duty as gunhoats. This have been advocating a naval butlding | gives the American Navy a total pa- program that the United is | per strength of 30 cruisers—two build- passing through the final stage of dis six appropriated for, ten built, illusionment which had its inception obsolete and ont of commission after the Washington conference. and seven obsolete, but still in com- Frow now on it is felt here that naval | mission. building will come in for and contintie | s cruiser strength may be com- to hold a prominent position in the | pared {o Britain's present strength apotlight of national affairs, beginning | of 67 cruisers built, building or appro with the next session of Congress. | briated for, the oldest of which was ates Regardless of whether the confer-| ence ends successfully or whether the | failure already forecast materializes | or whether an adjournment may be adopted as an expedient 10 resort to . mecret_diplomacy in an effort to ac-| complish what open conferences evi- dently have failed to accomplish, it | is emphasized by those interested in bringing the American Navy up to atandard that a naval building program can be delayed no longer. Realizing that the American Navy has fallen woefully behind the naval forces of other powers since the Washington arms conference, the administration's | policy has been to delay the adoption | of a building program until the out- come at Geneva. This did not mean that if the United States was success- ful in putting through its own pro- gram at Geneva there would be no more building. It meant, on the other hand, that the extent of this building program would be determined at Geneva. If there is a failure at Geneva, as all indications point to now, there will be no reason to longer delay, it is pointed out. The question then Wil be strength of the American Navy in auxiliary craft. and whether the "United Stafes will seek parity with other nations or choose the size of it Navy independent of other na- ons. British Propose Huge Program. The final British proposals, if ac- cepted by the United States, and if the United States chose to achieve the parity therein outlined, would re- quire an estimated expenditure of + $400,000,000 in cruisers alone by this country. Under the same proposals, instead of scrapping any of her exist- ing auxiliary armament in which she is far superior, even Great Britain would -build additional vessels. This policy is in marked contrast, it is pointed out, to the altruistic attitude of the United States in connection with the Washington arms confer- ance, when the United States, superior in battleships, scrapped some 800,000 tons of fine vessels built or building in order to cut down her armament to meet the parity agreed upon with Great Britain. The question to confront Congress in connection with the Navy's needs Is whether to catch up with the other mations which "have been busily at work in auxiliary naval vessel con- struction since the Washington con- ference, or to decide upon a naval strength in auxiliary craft regardless of the ships of other navies, and augurate a program designed to meet that strength. Since the Washington conference the United States Government, with the hope that a limitation in auxiliary craft would be extended comparable to the limitation in battleships agreed upon then, has done little building. Great Britain, France, Italy nd Japan, however, have been stea at work. Each has had its own pro- gram. Status of U. 8. in Cruisers. The status today of the American Navy in cruisers, the type of vessel that proved the stumbling block at Geneva, is as follows: Two cruisers of the 10.000-ton tvpe are now build- ing. and six more of this type have | been appropriated for. Ten ecruisers | appropriated for. completed in 1911 In tonnage, Great Britain has 413 410 tons of cruisers built, building or America has 155, 000 tons built, building or appropria ted for. This 155,000 tons, however, does not include those cruisers (22 in number) bu'lt prior to 1908 and now considered obsolete. Since the signing of the arms con- ference treaty February 6, 1922, the United States has laid down or appro. priated for 19 vessels, 6 of which are small river gunboats in use on the Yangtze river in China. Strength of Other Powers. ‘The other powers, in the same time, have built as follows: Great Britain has laid down or ap- propriated for 58 vessels of all classes, 17 of which are light cruisers of the first line, and 14 of which are cruisers of the large 10,000-ton class. Japan has laid down or appropri ated for 123 vessels, of which 16 are light cruisers of the first line and the majority of the remainder are of sub marine destroyer type. France has laid down or appropri ated for 100 vessels, seven of which are light cruisers of the first line and the greater proportion of the remain- der are destroyers. Italy has lald down or appropri ated for 57 ships, 2 of which are light cruisers of the first line. While the other nations have been active in the construction of destroy- ers, the United States has laid down no destroyers since the war and the type now in use is considered to be fast approaching the age when they will be urable to compete with the newest and most modern destroyers, At the end of the war the United States had in commission some 309 destroyers. Of these, 112 are now in commission; 172 are laid up and 25 have been transferred from the Navy to the Coast Guard. Similar Condition in Submarine: Some such similar condition ap, in submarine construction, the United States being considered behind in the development of this modern instru- ment. A program of shipbuilding. therefore, if: the exponents of naval buildirig are heard, must include not only cruisers but destroyers and sub- It is to be doubted, how- ever, even if the Geneva conference fails, that the United States will enter on any competitive shipbuilding pro. gram. According to dispatches giving the views of President Coolidge on the naval conference, his chief objection to the British proposal, aside from technical considerations involved, has been the fact that if adopted it would necessitate a larger navy than this country needs, if parity with Great Britain was to be attained. The ques- tion of the extent of the American naval building program in view of the apparent failure at Geneva is leading to conjecture already as to whether, without an agreement with Great Britain, this country will attempt a building program which would not hs favored through agreement with Great Britain. Congress will be looked 1o for the answer this Kall, while those who have heen holding out against naval building may lose their frump card, which consisted in the possibilitien of agreement at Geneva. Personality Not Formed in First Two - Years Nor First Ten, Dr. Judd Declares “Personality is not formed in the frst two years of life, nor yet in the first ten,” according to Dr. Charles Judd of the University of Chicago. The vears before a child enters achool are now being stressed by many psychologists and educators as the most important in shaping an in- dividual's outlook on life. But parents | and teachers should understand that there are many angles of personality which are not firmly established until Inter childhood, and human nature in naver wholly fixed. Dr. Judd shows in & peper reported in School and Bocisty. Dr. Judd agrees with modern ex. perimenters that tears and other emo- tional reactions are often established in young children. The baby may be | frightened by one encounter with a big dog, by one thunderstorm, or by the aight of a strange woman swathed in black mourning clothes, and if the earlv experience is not contradicted by Jater more fortunats experiences, a fear of animals, thunder and black ob- Jects may becoms ingrained ‘The school years are extremely im- portant, however, in developing the more_complex attitud Dr. Jndd states. djustments, attitudes toward property, and taste | who is always prompt After a long train of highly complicat- ed experiences. “The individual who graciously steps aside in deference to his neighbor js expressing an _attitude which is an fmportant part of his per- sonality,” he declares. “The individual in meeting social engagements has a habit which the social group will certainly appre- ciate and commend. He has in his promptness a trait which is a highly important attitude. But good manners and promptness do not come in a day. They mature through the counter- balancing of multitudes of indiyidual contacts which under the wise guid- ance of experienced teachers have led mands of social life.” Even unfortunate attitudes estab. | lished in childhood should not be re- garded as calamities beyond repair, Dr. Judd says. “There is hope for tha worst of us,” he states. “The person who has a fear of thunder may, under proper discipline, overcome ‘even that deep- seated attitude. The training of a perverted habit is a double task. First thers must be a successful at. tack on the accumulated attitude, and, second, there must be a reconstruction of the individual's mode of response to the mituation. Such a double task, in the fine arts. sre amcquired only howaver, has heen successfully per- formed again and again Declares Age Not Serious Deterrent . in Man’s Acquisition of Knowledge A man or woman under 50 years of age hould seldom b discouraged from trving te learn anything which e or ahe really ne fear of baing too old, Dr. E. L. Thorn- dike, professor of sducational psychol- ogv at Columbia University, declared today at a meeting of the American Assoclation for Adult Education. To a leaser degree this is true after 50 years also, he added. Dr. Thorndike presented results of experiments in which persons 35 years and o averaging 42 years, were ared with persons 20 to 24 vears old, ‘averaging 27, In their ability to Jearn acts of skill and to acquire vari- ous kinds of knowledge. In learning Esperanto, an artificial Woguage constructed on logical prin- ciples, the older group learned about five-sixtha as fast as the younger.Both groupa learned more rapidly than calldren. m learning reading, spelling, asith s to learn by the | metic and other elementary school sub- |jects adults of 42 progressed ahout | five-sixths as fast as the adults of 22. Both groups probably learned faster |than they would have learned the | same | of 12, Dr.” Thorndike said, for they learned more per hour of study than children comparable to them in bright- ness are able to learn. “Extensive experiments with adults learning algebra, acience, foreign lan- guages and the like in evening classes and with adults learning shorthand nd typewriting in secretarial schools support the general conclusion that ability to learn rises until about 20, he stated. “Then, perhaps after a sta- tionary perlod of some years, learning ability slowly declines. The decline is very slow, however, roughly, about 1 per cent per year." The chief reason why adults seldom learn a new Janguage or a new trade | is not tha Jack of ability, but the lack of opportunity oy desire, Di. Thorn- dike coneluded. , S ~J6, EDITORIAL SECTION he Sunday Star W/ SHINGTON, D. C., SUNDAY MORNING, JULY 31, 1927 World Battle for Oil Again Intense | HIE atmosphere is becoming rather oily again. Tomorrow will witness the transfer back to the Navy Department of the naval ofl reserves which, through the famous executive order of President Hard- ing. May 81, 1921, were transferred to the In- terior Department. The oil reserves include those which have been jnvolved in such exten- sive litigation since their leasing to the Sinclair’ and Doheny interests by former Secretary Fall. Those in California, the leasing of which was declared invalid, are now shut down. Those in Wyoming, around Teapot Dome, are operating in the hands of a receiver pending the outcome of the civil suit to recover them to the Govern- ment, a suit which probably will be decided by the United States Supreme Court during Iits next term. Of the criminal cases gowing out of the oil leasing, the Government has lost its case attempting to show conspiracy to defraud the Government in the Fall-Doheny transac. tions, and its cases against Fall and Doheny, alleging bribery, and against Sinclair and Fall, alleging conspiracy, are yet to come te trial. * ok ok ok The transfer of the reserves back to the Navy Department, accomplished by an execu- tive order of President Coolidge, March 17, re- voking the executive order of President Hard- ing, will be carried out without ceremony. So far as can be learned, there is to be no display, such as the firing of a national salute or the turning out of a detachment of sailors or Marin The Secretary of the Navy and the Secretary of the Interior entered into an agree. ment some time ago which provides, briefly, that the Navy Department will have control over the reserves through inspectors of the Navy Department, while the supervisors of the Geological Survey will continue to perform the same duties as heretofore, except that they will report to the Navy instead of to the director of the Geological Survey. The Navy will con- sult the s on technical matters pertain- ing to the reserves and will datermine the policy regarding the leasing of any part of the re- nerves. Prior to further congressional action, expected at the next session, the Navy Depart- ment has announced that this policy will be, generally speaking, to keep as much oil in the ground as possible for as long a time as pos- sible. So, except for the task to be completed by the courts, the oll reserves revert to the status occupied before they were transferred to Mr, Fall, which started the greatest of Government scandals. In the meantime, indications are pointing to an oily year on Capitol Hill. The great over- production of ofl in America, the activities of foreign-owned or controlled companies which are taking part in this overproduction, with the resulting exhaustion of American oil resources, are tending to bring matters affecting the Gov. ernment and the petroleum industry to a head. Legislation is expected which may ultimately mean Government control of oil production, and, if that step is not attained immediately, what it would accomplish may be brought about by some other means. * N During the past week there occurred an in- cident affecting the world drama of oil which is regarded as of the greatest significance. It involves the Standard Oil Co. of New York, tre Vacuum Oil Co. and the Soviet naphtha trust on the one hand, and the Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey and the Royal Dutch-Shell group on the other. It relates to a clever coup on the part of the former compgnies and a bitter threat of reprisal on the part of the lat. ter—all in the international game of getting the upper hand in procuring and selling oil, the life blood of the world. Some time ago the Soviet naphtha trust, con- trolling the oil production of Soviet Russia, seemed on the point of entering into an agree- ment with the Royal Dutch-Shell group (the powerful British and Dutch interests) and the Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey, whereby the latter two companies were to obtain conces- sions enabling them to get at some of Russia's vast oil resources. In the midst of the negotia- tions Sir Henri Deterding, managing director of the Royal Dutch-Shell group, broken off the conferences and left in considerable of a huff, announcing with some heat that as long as the government of Russia did not recognize private rights and as long as the holders of Russian concesslons conflscated during the war were not compensated for their losses, it was not to the best interest of humanity and trade honesty to deal with such a government. ¥ N The Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey contin- ued dickering with the Russian group, but finally ceased its efforts. The Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey was placed in the position of attacking the Mexican government, on the one hand, for not recognizing the rights of individ- uals, but, on the other hand, was trying to deal with the Russian Soviet, whose principles are directly opposed to such recognition and which has put into effect confiscations far more dras- tic than those complained of in Mexico. At the same time, it could not run the risk of em- bittering its friendly ally, the Royal Dutch. Shell group, by continuing toward an agree- ment with Russia. In the meantime, however, the Standard Oil Co. of New York and the Vacuum Oil Co. heard an opportunity knocking and opened the door. Both companies negotiated several sales agree- ments with the Soviet naphtha trust which in- volved no consideration of private rights, nor did they nec: ily involve any theories of government. They dealt with the purchase of Soveit oil alone, without regard to concessions on Russian oil land. In other words, the New York company and the Vacuum company agreed to market, through their far-flung facili- ties. a portion of Soviet Russia's oil produc- tion, and thereby they stepped in and did what the Royal Dutch-Shell group and the Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey set out to do in the first place, but demurred on the grounds of commer- cial ethics. As a result, the Standard Oil Co. of New York and the Vacuum Oil Co. “put one over” on the Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey and the Dutch-Shell group, and the latter com- panies are sore about it. Last week Sir Henri issued a bitter denunciation of the New York and Vacuum companies’ policy, and threatened to bring about reprisals. Unkind critics of the Dutch-Shell group and the Standard Co. of New Jersey maintain that this soreness results not so much from an allegad breach of commercial ethics as from the fact that the two companies had hoped to delay consummation of an agreement with Soviet Russia until Russia, hard put to realize on her resources, would come to their own terms. The coup on the part of the Standard Oil of New York and the Vacuum Co. has left them without an entering wedge in Russia, and rival companies take the plum. It is difficult at the outset to understand what bearing this move may have on the oil situation at home. But in his statement last week Sir Henri made the connection very clear. He pointed out that in selling Russian oil in foreign markets (which can be done cheaper than by shipping American oil to the same markets) the New York company and the Vacuum company are shutting off the mar- kets for American oil products. He uses the term ‘“red herring” in referring to the conten- tion of the Vacuum and New York compan that Russian oil sold in the Mediterranean and Black Sea areas will displace Rumanian, and not American, oil. He bases his complaint, from the trade point of view, on the fact that in sell- ing Russian oil the two companies are displac- ing American products at a time when there is a groat surplus production in this country and foreign markets are needed to get rid of it. But there is another point of view concerned here which s pointed out by thoss who are watching this International game of jockeying for oil and oil markets. 1s it economically feasible to drain American oil resources at such a rate that it must be sold in foreign markets, and at such a price that it will kill competi- tion in oil brought from much closer Sources of production? The question is whether it would not be more advisable to let some of this surplus oil stay underground, by controlling production, Instead of rushing forward at such a mad pace to dispose of it abroad. For this reason Sir Henri might himself be accused of resorting to the red-herring method of obfus- cating the real issues involved. He dwells on patriotism, but his critics are inclined to lay stress on the patriotic duty of keeping down American production and conserving Ameri. can resources, as opposed to nfaintaining for- elgn markets for getting rid of American over- production. * ok ok ok Sir Henrl, it is pointed out by students of the oil situation, knows that at the coming ses- on of Congress much light probably will be thrown on the world fight for oil. It would show that along with enormous overproduction, which is rapidly exhausting domestic resources, Ameri is supplying some 71 per cent of the world's supply of oil. Of this amount, from 6 to 8 per cent of the American production is owned or controlled by foreign interests. In the case of the company of which Sir Henrl is the managing director, the Royal Dutch group obtains 37 per cent of its total production of oil from America. On the other hand, only 1 per cent of the American companies’ produc- tion comes from outside of America, in British or Dutch territory. The vital interest of the Dutch-Shell group in a market for American- produced oil is not hard to understand, And as far as the patriotic angle of the question is concerned, an angle emphasized by Sir Henri in his attack on the Vacuum and New York companies, the situation today finds an American company, the Standard Ol of New Jersey, which is the most powerful oil company in America, allied with a forelgn company against two other American companies. There is an interesting point in patriotism concerned her, In the meantime, Walter C. Teagle, preal- dent of the Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey, has gone to Europe with the reported object in view of asking Sir Henri to abandon any plan that he may have for retaliation against (Continued on Third Page.) SCIENTISTS IN CABINET POSTS URGED FOR ARMY AND NAVY| Wars of Future Seen as Struggle Between Chemistry and Engineering Powers, Requiring Technical Skill—Executive Ability Declared Available. BY HARRY N. HOLMES, Member of the National Research Council. Institute of Technology and W. R. ‘Whitney of the General E C ctric President, BY WILLIAM C. DEMING, United States Civil Service TEMPORARY APPOINTEES ACT UNDER PROHIBITION SERVICE Failure of Deficiency Appropriation Bill to Pass Causes Provisional Arrangement to Exist, With Treasury Department Co-operation. Service Commission from tho begin- ning. the individual to respond in the most | the Tisk is now too great to take. sensitive way to the needs and de- | thing as children at the age | The judgment of a banker, lawyer or mere politician in a critical deci- sion on a matter of science would not b considered sound: then why risk national safetv in intrusting impor- tant military and naval decisions to men who have had no scientific train- ing? We have had able cabinet officers in charge of the departments of War and Navy, but the methods of fighting have changed and a new type of Secre- tary is needed to direct our destiny in military fields. Future wars will be engineering and chemical contests, and leadership must be vested in men of sound technical training. War has already become a struggle between en- | gineering brains and resources, and it | is fast becoming a war between chem- | ists. Command should not be placed | in political hands. It is greatly to the | credit of Newton D. Baker that he adapted himself so quickly to an un- | precedented military situation in spite | of his classical and legal training. But | Now Super-Science. Soldiers of the grand old school do not take kindly to the newer methods ot oftense and defense, but neither did the gallant knights of the Middle Ages take kindly to the general use of gun- powder. Military engineering has grown into a super-science, and it is unfortunate when the decision as to a question of the addition of a new weapon about which there is bitter technical dispute must rest with a Secretary with but little, it any, under- standing of technical problems. Sudden changes in the methods of warfare may be forced upon us in the future, am in 1917. We need in command cab- inet officers whose minds are truly scientific, quick to find and classify the new facts without prejudice, to come to a logical conclusion and to test and henefit from these conclusions. Appreciation of the immediate ne- cessity of conserving our helium re- | sources, for example, is far more likely t6_come from an engineer or other | scientist than from a2 man who has merely ‘‘coms to the aid of the party.” ‘When Gen. Pershing and the Ameri- can Legion differ so sharply over gas warfare, who is to decide? Have Executive Abllity. During the last war this country had to face such vital sclentific prob- lems as the question of where to put the stress in making nitric acid (and thus explosives) from the air in order to release ships from the Chile salt- peter trade and to increase our re- sources in munitions. With three or four processes to select from, the best (the Haber synthetic ammonia proc- ess) was enormously difficult and ab- solutely untried in America. Out of this came the Muscle Shoals situ tion. The President needed a few engineers, physicists or chemists in his cabinet to advise (he had a good one), and Congress needed a score or ‘more of such scientists. The objection often raised that scientists hl\';y n:t lexecuu‘vlo ability be met ting such men as A. Millikan of the California whose careers prove the contrary. President thinks of appointing any one but a banker or expert in finance as Secretary of the Treasury for very obvious reasons. v, ellon is a tower of expert strength. Public opin- ion should consider the Army and Navy portfolios as being also in a special technical class. Eminent en- gineers, physicists or chemists of rec- ognized executive talent should be considered without undue regard for past party services. We may always be at peace, but if war comes again the public will not forgive the Presi- dent who disregards the obvious needs of the two departments mentioned. (Copyrirht, 1927.) Commission. Six yearm of experience in the ad- | ministration of the national prohibi- tion act demonstrated clearly that the | best results in prohibition enforcement | could not e expected so long as ap- | pointments wers made on any basis other than merit. Scandal had becoms & hotisehold word in connection with prohibition administration. In direct contrast was the enforcement of the Harrison anti-narcotio act, the employes of which organization had been appointed through open competitive .examina- tions held by the United States Civil BY BRUCE BARTON. N & certain city thers lived & young man whe was tired of working for other pesple. imaelf, lo, I grow weary of being told do this or do net do that! Hence- forth | will be my own master. And first | will go forth inte the world and call upon men who are it is done. So he called at the office of great corporation and sent in his card to the vice president, whose name is famous and whose sal- ary is large. “Sir, | envy you,” id the young man, “becauss you have arrived. You have no bos: 1 have come to ask you how it don “1 will tell you,” said the vice president, but at that moment a lovely young lady opened the. door and id: “The president hes to ses you.” The e president nodded sbediently and rose from h desk at once. The young man followed him into the office of the president. “Here | shall the real stuff,” reflacted the young man. “Surely the pre dent no boss.” But they had hardly arrived before another lovely young lady entered the room and said: “Pardon, sir, but the chairman of again the young man followed. “Who this chairman who sends for the pre the young man. surely he ‘must be it.” o he followed the president into the office of the chairman d eaw t - fit an .lyuk littl, n writing on a piece of yellow ith tubb: il PARRR, "Honry* ‘sald "the fittle gray-| man, addressing the . ’ president, “help me sut en th point, will you? | am making my annual report to the stock- holders and we must get it right.’ At which the young man fled out of the office, n which every one hath ors. | will look where.” So he went to Wa gton and called at the White House, de- ring to see the President of the United States. As he waited in an outer office, behold, a mailman entered and poured on a table great packages of mail which alert secretar did open, piling the letters neatly in pile The interested young man : “What are these letters To which the secretary replied “They are communications to the President from the voters of the United States, telling him what he should do.” The young man was discour- aged, and picking up an ancient book, -he happened upon this ve “And whosover of you be the chiefest, shall be rvant of all.” And a great light dawned on the mind of the young m And he said to himself: “TI is something | had net under- stood—that the meoré people a man serves, the greater he is. For the laborer ssrves only one boss, but the president of a cor- poration serves: his- stockholders, who are . thousands, and the President of the Uni serves a hundred mill; chisfest of all. . | “Therefore 1 will leave off Granting a difference betweesn the attitude of the public mind toward use of and traffic in narcotic drugs and the consumption and sale of alcoholic | beverages, there remained a strong argument in favor of the selection of prohibition enforcement employes on a merit basis in the quiet and eMcient enforcement of the anti-narcotic law. 2,500 Offices Involved. The President, the Civil Servi Commission, the National Civil Servic Reform League and other persons and bodies, official and unefficial, repeat- edly recommended in the interests of &ood government the classification un- der the civil service law of the entire prohibition personnel. By an act of Congress approved March 3, 1927, there was, therefore, created the Bureau of Prohibition of the Treasury Department, which brought all positions in that bureau nnder the provisions of the civil serv- ice law of 1883, excepting the single position of Commissioner of Prohibi- tion, and made 2,500 offices subject to competitive examinations by the Civil Service Commission. 1t is safe to say that no other body of men has been subject to the temp- tations that have beset the prohibi- tion enforcement organization. The new personnel, carefully selected through the competitive examination system, will meet the same tests of character. The results as shown by the records a few years hence will afford a basis for an interesting study by a student of criminology. Approximately 19,000 formal appli- cations from every part of the coun- try and every walk in life were filed in response to the Civil Service Com- mission’s examination announcements for recruiting the prohibition person- nel. But as to the failure of passage of the deficiency appropriation bill by the last Congress, the Civil Service Commission was not provided with funds for this unusual examination task. It is certain that there will be delay in the completion of the rating of applicants and the certification of eligibles. Taking Every Precaution. The incumbents of the 2,500 new- ly classified positions are serving un- der temporary appointments in ac- cordance with the Civil Service rules. It they are competitors for retention, they are receiving the same tests that are applied to all other applicants, They are in open competition with all who. have applied for the positions they are occupying. The temporary appointees will be permitted to retain their temporary status until the examinations for their positions are completed and eligibles are certified, unless they are removed by the department for administrative reasons. The work of the Bureau of Prohibition can, therefore, go on with- out interruption, notwithstanding the Society i News VIENNA IS FERTILE FIELD FOR REDS, SIMONDS SAYS {Observer Declares Spark of Revolution Might Easily Flare Up in Capital of Austria. BY FRANK H. SIMONDS, | T is typical of cotemporary rope, which must | bewilder and not a little anger | the American observer, that a riot In Vienna should carry alarm to | all the capitals of the older continent Yesterday the dispute befween Alba- nia and Jugoslavia over the treat ment of a Serblan attache at Tirana recalled all the evil memories of jevo. Today the Austrian affray has | started apprehensions which are hardly less colossal. The reason for the present anxiety is, of course, twofold. Socialists in | arms at Vienna serve maturally to rouse all the late fear of Bolshevism, | which has been fairly well started by the recent Anglo-Russian troubles. But while the shadow of the Soviets | is patent, there is not less obvious the eternal‘dread of Anschluss—that is, of | the union of the Germans of Austria with the mass of their race brethren | in the Relch. And it is at least interesting that this new Austrian trouble coincides with an outburst of discussion of the Austro-German union which has di turbed Paris and Rome and not less gravely excited the nerves of the states of the little entente. For sev- eral months Europe has been talking of the growing certainty of this resto- ration of the older German empire and not a few close watchers have at- firmed that this union was not only inevitable but immediate. Would Dislocate System. But the attempt to unite Austria and Germany now could not fail to dislocate the whole European system | as created after the war. To appre- ciate the significance it is essential to look for & moment at the map of Eu- rope. Were Austria joined to Ger- many, Czechoslovakia would be prac- tically isolated from western Europe and with its formidable German mi- norities become a practical enclave in the territory of Germany. Its eco- nomic independence would be abolished and its political freedom at least men- aced seriously. In the same fashion, the arrival of Germany at the summits of the east- ern Alps would give a new trend to the controversy over the German minorities of the southern Tyrol an- nexed by Italy after the war. Nor is it without meaning for Italians that while the discussion of Anschluss was proceeding before the Viennese riots German patriots began to repeat the mystic phrase, “Hamburg to Trieste, the Baltic to the Adriatic.” For once Germany had come south to Vienna and the Brenner, the impulse to press on to the southern sea would be patent. Mareover, with the German frontier carried south to join the Hungarian, all the old possibilities of a German- Magyar alliance would be renewed. The Hungarians, never reconciled to the destruction of their countr: the Treaty of the Trianen, have stead- ily looked east, west and south for an ally to help them restore the unity of the kingdom of St. Stephen. But this oarries immediate peril to all the na- tions of the little enten{e—Czecho- slovakia threatened with envelopment, Rumanian unity menaced by Hunga- rian aspirations, southern Slav in- tegrity threatened by a similar danger. Anxiety in Paris. Finall, looking to Paris, one sees every evidence of anxiety. Were Ger- many to absorb the Republic of Aus- tria, nearly 7,000,000 people and more than 30,000 square miles would be | added to the possessions of the heredi- tary enemy, the losses of the war would be made up, and the old night- mare of a German Mitteleuropa would appear in a new and still more dan- gerous form. Yet in the face of all these obvious dangers, what is Europe to do? All the efforts of the allies and the League of Nations to make a viable state out | of the Austrian fragment have failed, for two reasons. First, there is no econonfic existence discoverable for a state one-third of whose people live in a city which owed its size and prosperity to its position as a capital | of an empire of 50,000,000 inhabitants. To have restricted Austria to the scant area of a slightly expanded Switzerland has been to deal a fatal blow to the ancient prosperity of the country. This consequence of war might still have been in part amended had it not been for the peculiar character of the Austrians themselves. Here and here alone in Europe is a people without anythirg which might compare with the patriotism, the particularism of every other race and fragment from Finland to Catalonia. The Austrian has no pride as such, politically spea ing, now that his country has been cut to nothing. He is not interested il independence, he is not nationali minded. He has been the master of half of a great empire with a tradi- tion of European greatness. But for the existence cut out for him in Paris, he has no enthusiasm. “Since you have thus disposed of my property and my existence,” so the ustrian addresses his conquerors, t is for you to find a way for me to live. You have forced this condition upon me. find me the means of liv- ing.” This is briefly the Austrian thesis. It would be a mistake to assume, as many do, that there is an intense de- sire for union with Germany, the sort of racial craving for union which has been disclosed in so many peoples in the past century. The Austrian is not eager and emotionally excited about Anschluss. He does not like the Prus sians and he is even a little jealous of the Bavarians. He regards the North German as uncivilized, while, unlike the Bavarians, who are ove whelmingly monarchist in svmpathy there is no royalist sentiment in Aus- tria. Dislike German Rule. | Again, union with Germany means the subordination of Vienna to Berli and of all Austrian business to man. There is a profound conscio ness in Vienna that German ruie | would mean the destruction of the old, charming, quite southern spirit and the substitution of a new commercial and industrial conception. Vienna is | an ancient capital with very great| traditions, proud memories and many beauties. Berlin is a pushing, modern town without beauty, tradition or much save the tremendous energy and drive which make it a European Chi- cago. And the old rich of Vienna look down upon the new rich of Berlin. delay in the completion of the exami- gx“h” and the certification of eligi- os. . The Civil Service Commission real- izes its heavy, obligation in the reor- ganization of prohibition enforcement work, and is taking every precaution to eliminate from consideration, so far as is humanly possible, those who are unworthy of appointment. It is [ving .the full m‘omufiu of the Yet if there is no enthusiasm and little sentiment for union with Ger- | son is simple. | activity dence which recal situation would it be quite accurate to assume that fhere is unanimity in ermany over Anschluss. While the union of the separated fractions of the German race is forbidden by for- n will, tkero is common protest in all German quarters, and the right of self-determination {s frequently in. voked. But in reality, while all the Republican and Liberal elements are Is the sent Aus | vigarous champions of the union tionalists cret fa and Monarchists are in v from enthuslastic. The rea- Today in Germany the Nationalist and Republican parties are airly evenly divided. A state of bal- ance exists which at least enables the | Monarchists to cling to the hope of & later restoration of the empire. Vienna Not Monarchist. But there is no Monarchist sympa- thy or party in Vienna. In the event of the union with Germany, both the Socialists and the Christian Socialist the two considerable political parties, would reinforce the Republicans of the Reich. The Socialists would foin the Social Democrats, the Christian Socialists would probably fuse with the Catholic Centrum. Then the dead- lock_in Germany would be broken, the Republicans would be declsively {n the majority. Again, not only are the Austrians republicans, but they have no sort of loyalty, present or past, to the Hohenzollerns. “Thus for the Prus- | stans, already blocked by Bavarian loyalty to their own dyn: the ap- pearance of Austria would constitute a new obstacle. Thus the union of Austria with Ger- many might easily insure the perma- nence of the German Republic. But would this necessarily insure Euro- pean stability or peace? Would not the strengthened Germany turn ineve itably to the restoration of its eastern frontier at the expense of Poland, to the aid of its Getman minorities in Czechoslovakia? Would not the new Germany, in fact, economically at first, politically later, undertake the domination of all of central Europe, {of Europe itself, in due course of time? | . Here is the supreme problem which is troubling all Europe today. Austria is the keystone of the Europe created at Paris. Were Austria to diasappear as a separate state, the whole situa- tion on the continent would be revolu- tionized. Germany, with 70,000,000 of people, larger ~ than any country | save Russia, would be launched once more on a career of greatness for which there is today no apparent limit. France, Poland, Rumania, Czechoslovakia, Jugoslavia would be menaced and would feel themselves menaced. Italy would be threatened at home and see the end of all the ef- fort to build up a Balkan influence which is the keystone of the Fascisti n policy. must live, must be inde- hus most of Europe de- clares, not because of sympathy with Austria; but for precisely the same rea- sons which for so long dictated a pol- icy of the preservation of the status Quo in the Balkans before 1912. But how can Austria be made to live? The country consists of a vast mountain area, thinly populated, mainly given over to rather difficult agriculture, and one vast city with all the ma- chinery to supply a country of 50, 000,000, the banking center, the dis- tributing center of an empire confined to the limits of a country smaller and poorer than many of our States. Socialists in Majority. This city of Vienna, too, is wholly | controlled by the Socialists. The mass | of the people have paid no rent since the war. All the revenues of the city are directed to satisfy the demands of the masses. To live the city and the country must buy abroad more than | they can sell. Poverty is general, | even political control and legislative have not given the masses prosperity or even decent living con- ditions. As a consequence Vienna remains a source of danger always. Nothing is easier than for Russian agents to preach the red doctrine. It is trus that the vast mass of the Socialist party, here_as in most of Europe, has no real affiliation with Moscow, 1.> sympathy. But here, as in every coun- try where there is a Communist party which takes all its orders from the Russians, it is always a danger, it seeks always to promote that revolu- tion which 1s the end and aim of Rus- sia_and all Soviet allies Thus, while Europe has potent rea- sons for not wishing to see Vienna hecome subordinate to Berlin, it has quite as strong reasons for seeking to prevent the domination of Moscow in the ancient realm of the Hapsburgs. And there is the dilemma. An inde- pendent Austria, lacking the means to live, may easily sink to anarchy. But short of union with Germany, how is it possible to find any solution for the Austrian economic and financial difficulties? All efforts to create some sort of economic solidarity between Austria and the succession states breaks down alike because of the ho: tility of these states and the interfer- ence of Italy, which sees in such & program the rough sketch of a ra- stored Austrian state. So far, then, the Austrian problem has proved insoluble and periodically returns to plague European states- men. Moreover, unfon with Germany becomes increasingly inevitable, Everys thing which tends to confirm the no- tion, both abroad and at home, that Austria cannot live alone makes for Anschluss. The present riots un- doubtedly have had this effect. Loe cally the danger is over. The Aus- trian Government has conquered, and in the end shown firmness and cours age. Order and peace have been re- stored. But this is only a temporary accommodation. Europe has one more chance to seek a solution for its great. est problem—a solution outside the German union. But does such a solus tion exist? Vienna, Berlin—in faot, most European ecapitals—do not ba- lieve it. For Austria, union with Germany 1is politically impossible, byt Austrian independence is economically out of the questi European Lottery Shops Are Plentiful ¢ In Europe nearly all the States nof only permit lotteries, but almost every' government runs some of them. Lot- tery shops in Italy are as plentiful a8 many, nevertheless the Austrians face | tobacco shops, and In Austria each fe- the fact that it is inevitable, To their | bacco shop, all part of the minds there is no way out of their ! monopoly, is also a lottery shop, Be- . present hopeless conditfon save as|[sides there are special places whery thelr fortunes are merged with a lnttarile:nl:oml::.a;:taa. and thelr a4« larger country, They do not believe | vertisin tnefr‘un live i’none~ they have nothing| Government loans nearly alwaya of the spirit of Switzerland or Hol-| have a drawing attached, partly land, nothing of the patriotism which | an advertising measure, mainly & Pelgium has developed in a century of | peal to that desire to Invest one P freedom after an enforced Indepen- ling and draw out a million. ‘l