Evening Star Newspaper, April 22, 1923, Page 41

EDITORIAL SECTION EDITORIAL PAGE NATIONAL PROBLEMS SPECIAL ) Part 2—16 Pages CAPITAL AND ARTICLES LABOR NEAR ROW ONIMMIGRATION LAWS Latter Favors Restriction, While Former Would Drop Bars to Ease Indus- trial Situation. BY G. GOULD LINCOLN. ABOR and capital are about to | engage in another cnnteal—i this time over the restrictive| immigration laws of the United States. Labor, on the one hand, favors restriction and exclu-| n of immigrants, as it has in the past. Labor fears that to let down the bars will mean a flqod of cheap labor from foreign countries, with consequent lower wages for American lab. nd a lower standard of living. «Capitul, on the other hand, desires tmmigrants—meaning more laborers at a less wage. There is an element of selfishness on both sides of the question and in both camps. But outside of the de- sires and fears of labor as opposed to those of capital there rises the question as to what is better for the United Should the bars be kept up as under the present 3 per cent law, and perhaps raised even higher, or should they be lowered? States. Country Suffered. the world war the United States called the “melting pot.” the great caldron in which the sons and daughters of many nations eml- grating to these shores were assimi- lated and became Americans. But when the war broke and the draft law was put into effect it was found that there had been a great deal of friction about the so-called melting pot. The country was suffering from indigestion. The aliens had not been ssimilated. There were too many thousands of hyphenated Americans, 100 many thousands who had neither learned the language of America nor acquired the ideals of government for “which this country stands. And now capital is urging that the bars be lowered, that immigration of foreign laborers may be resumed much as before the war. The call to battle is already being sounded. Judge Elbert H. Gary of the steel corporation has denounced the pres- eRt restrictive immigration laws, say- ing that, in his judgment, they are the worst things that have ever hap- ‘pencd in this country, economically. Other industries have followed suit. The United States Chamber of Com- merce is urging less restriction. Before Battle Scene to Shift. matter how much agitation be for lowering the immi- gration bars. one thing is certain: "Rhey will #ot be lowered, if ever, until after the 1st of next December, when the new Congress assembles.| When the Jegislators return to Wash- | ington the battle will be shifted to the Capitol. Tt is not always safe to predict what Congress will do. But it is possible sometimes to judge the future by what has happened in the Tt is historically true that the laws dealing with immigration into this country have gradually become and more restrictive and that here has never been a backward step looking to a freer immigration. The laws against importation of contract labor, against the entra e of defec- tives and persons not capable of sup-1 porting themselves, against the im- migration of Asiati ainst the en- trance of illiterates, and finally the most recent law restricting fmmigra- | tion in any one year to 3 per cent of tBe aliens of any particuiar nation- ality who were in the United States under the census of 191 The administration may present an immigration measure for the consid- aration of Congress. If it does, Sec- retary Davis of the Department of Labor undoubtedly will have a hand n drafting the measure, and he is apposed to lowering the bars to admit a flood of cheap European labor. But in any event an immigration bill will have to be handled by the immigra- tion committees of the House and Senate and then by the two branches of Congress itself. While it may be sald that the sentiment of the -mem- bers of the Senate committee on fm- migration is more liberal than that of the members of the House committee. there will be found many members of 'L Senate committee, and of the Sen- ate itself. who will oppose vigorously propo: s to lower the bars. Senator Colt of Rhode Island. chalrman of the immigration committee, is inclined to be liberal in the matter of immigra- rion. On the other hand, Representa- tlve Johnson of Washington, chair- man of the House committee in the last Congress, and presumptive chair- man in the coming Congress, is an exclusionist of the extreme type. past more House Lowered Number. During the last session of Congress there were demands from many quar- ters that the bars be let down to permit the entrance of refugees from Armenia, Greece, Turkey, ete. IHar- rowing tales of the atrocities com- mitted by the Turks upon these peo- ple were circulated. Finally the Sen- ate put through a bill providing for the admission, in a very restricted de- gree, of Armenian refugees only. What did the House committee do when it received the Senate measure? 1t promptly clapped on an amendment which reduced the percentage from 3 to 2, although making it easier for blood relations of aliens in this coun- try to gain admission. Efforts made to amend the immi- gration laws will, it is belleved, be directed toward at least three ob- Jectives: 1. Selective immigration. °. Examination of immigrants in European countries by Amerlican agents. 3. The registration of all aliens in this country. Secretary Davis in a recent report to the President touched upon these matters. Senator Sterling of South Dakota. republican, and a member of the immigration committee, is laying sreat stress upon d selective system. Rut Senator Sterling's proposal for selective immigration goes much fur- ther than does that of Secretary Da- vis. The latter merely proposesthat American officials shall be stationed abroad to examine and select immi- grants, while the quotas of the vari- ous nations remain as they are today. Senator Sterling in his proposal would set up an immigration commis- slon of five members, supreme in im- migration matters under certain limi- tations imposed by Congress. Selec- tion would be made as to race and natlonality, capabilities, the need of American industries and the possi- bility of assimilation. Maximum Is 357,503. Under the existing law the maxi- mum quotas of immigrants from all the countries combined per vear is 357,803—a considerable number of im- migrants, after all. It may be men- tloned that up to April 11 of the present fiscal vear 283,833 immigrants have entered the United States, leav- ing 56 to enter by July 1 next. Many aliens are now smuggled into the United States in violation of the laws. Secretary Davis has estimated that the number smuggled ranges from 100 to 1,000 per day. If the law is amended to provide for the regis- tration of all aliens in this country it might ald the authorities greatly in putting down this illegal entry. Furthermore, it would aid in Ameri- canization work among the aliens and probably would hasten the naturali- zatlon of aliens admitted to this country. That there will be loud pro- tests from people of alien blood now residing in this country against the registration plan is to be expected. The proposal to have American offi- cials in foreign countries examine and select immigrants from those countries might lead to protests and international complications, it is said in some quarters. But the proponents of the plan point out that it would be far better for the Immigrants themselves to be examined and turn- ed down before making the long journey to the United States rather than to be turned down after reach- ing these shores. Industries Make Demand. The demand by capital for more immigrant Jaborers comes from many industries. Wages have been going up generally. This means higher prices for the things that labor pro- duces. But It also means less un- employment, more satisfled workers with a greater purchasing capacity. The scarcity of labor is about to hit the agricultural industry, it is reported here. The farmers will re- gard the scarcity of labor from a somewhat different viewpoigt than that of labor, for all they purchase, produced by industrial labor, is ex- pected to increase in price at the same time that farm labor goes up in price. At present the general sentiment throughout the country, as judged by editorial comment and the expres- sions of men in public life, is on the side of labor in the controversy over immigration. But here and there is found criticism of the demands of labor. It is charged that workmen are not willing now to do a full day's or week's work. When they are get- ting higher pay for four days’ work than they did for six days' work in the past, some of the workers are inclined to work only four days a week. If such a condition became widespread labor might be in the po- sition of the man who killed the goose that laid the golden eggs, with the pendulum of public sentiment swinging against it. Bill for Public Printing Shows Enormous Increase in Year The conference on the limitation of armaments evidently overlooked a point in failing to fix a limit to the number of reports and documents that can be printed for the Army and Navy of each of the signatory pow- ars. Tt may be an assurance of peace, however, that the War and Navy De- | partments are decreasing their ex-| penditures for shot and battleships | and increasing their outlay for paper | ana printer's ink. The fact is, there \vere more copies printed for the War Department in the fiscal year 1922 than for any other department of the overnment, except Agriculture. The Lar Department easily leads all the sther departments and establishments ¢ the government In the growth of its publishing activities, jumping from a total of 4,717,910 coples of reports nd documents printed in 1921 to 9,026,5 1599 in 1922, an increase of ngarly 100 per cent in a single year of peace. These figures do not include the thou- sands of publications printed by the varlous Army plants scattered throughout the country. The Navy is somewhat more mod- est in its publications. It issued only 2,382,155 copies in 1922, an increase of 278,735 over 1921. Even this in- crease alone almost equals the entire number issued by the State Depart- ment during the year that it was so busy negotiating treatles for the limitation of naval armament, so that it cannot be sald that the scrapping of warships has up to date effected any economy in printing for the Navy. Comparative Figures. As a further comparison {t is inter- esting to note that the War and Navy The Sundiy S, WASHINGTON, D. C, SUNDAY MORNING, APRIL 22, 1923. How the World Court Idea Stands Today Between President Harding and His Party|caue men BY N. 0. MESSENGER. TTENTION is being increasingly di- rected to this squabble in the repub- lican party over President Harding's proposal that the United States sig- nify adhesion to the International Court of Justice, erected under the covenant of the league of nations. Two factions within the republican party are at loggerheads over the President’s suggestion. Without holding a brief for either side, it may be of interest to analyze the party situation, with its side lights. Violent opposition has been raised to the suggestion of President Harding. De- termined resolution on the part of the Presi- dent and his supporters in the cabinet not to recede from the recommendation is being maintained. It is a very pretty quarrel as it stands, and is regarded by many politicians as hold- ing the possibilities of developing into a controversy of sorts. * F ¥k x The opponents of the plan are comprised of the “practical politicians” in the party— the “hard-boiled” ones, they are sometimes called. They do not mince words in their opposition, but blurt it out openly, convinced that they have the Jogic of practical politics on their side and that the President and his followers are pursuing a course which may divide the republican party. Their argument is that the republican party and the administration came into power on a straightforward declaration against the league of nations, that policy being sustained by an overwhelming verdict at the polls in November, 1920. They point out that the democrats are hailing the Presi- dent’s International Court of Justice plan with acclaim as being the initial step into the league of nations; therefore, if the democratic contention is correct, the repub- lican party is taking a step backward from the position it assumed in the campaign of 1920 and has maintained without deviation up to this time. They contend that the President is mistaken in thinking that the rank and file of republicans are weakening from that position and assert that they know the world court plan to be unpopular in the country at large. They further say that if the republican party takes up this project, there will be no clear-cut issue be- tween the democrats and republicans in the presidential campaign of 1924. * k k *x President Harding, Secretary of State Hughes, Secretary of Commerce Hoover and others in the administration favorable to the plan think that the “hard-boiled” leaders— including men prominent in the national management of the party—have the wrong conception both of the plan and of the sen- timent of the cobuntry about the plan. In the first place, they refute the suggestion of its having any connection with the league of nations, in its effect and operation, even though the world court was the creature of the league. In the next place, they believe that once the country is assured that going into the world court does not mean into the league, the majority sentiment will be agree- able to the idea of the United States taking part in an international association to pro- mote justice among the nations members of it. ‘When it comes down to “hard-boiled” politics, some of them think that the sug- gestion for participation in the court will bring the party more votes thar it will lose it—always, it being understood, that this does not mean entering the league. * k k x Some politicians point out that the repub- lican party at one time was willing that the United States should enter the league of nations, with the reservations proposed by the Senate, and that only the dissenting vote of democrats in the Senate, led by former President Wilson, prevented the United States from being a member of the league right now. It was the original covenant of the league of nations, not the idea of a league, which was anathema to the repub- licans of the Senate and to a large majority of the American voters. Who can say, it is contended, what ver- dict of approval might not be passed upon an association of nations whose specific ob- ject was to prevent war, if that association did not involve trespass upon the sovereignty and freedom of national action of the United States? But altogether aside from that query, which has no bearing upon the proj- ect in hand, the essence of the dispute be- tween the factions in the republican party lies in the question whether the International Court of Justice is the portal of the league of nations or is not? * k kX That there is misapprehension in the country over this question is apparent from reports that are coming to republicans in Washington in the past few days. It is said, in citing the most recent of these reports, that ¥n Jowa a very hornets’ nest of dissen- sion among republicans has been raised by Secretary Hoover's recent speech in Des Moines, advocating the court. He spoke in Des Moines, April 11, before the annual con- vention of the National League of Woman Voters. That organization adopted a reso- lution denouncing the entry of the United States into the league of nations, but favor- ing President Harding’s plans for adhesion to the International Court of Justice. It is being said now that the convention was made up of delegates from many states and did not represent the republicans of Towa, and that since Secretary Hoover left the state the republicans are in a ferment of opposition. Another instance is cited of a meeting a few days ago of the Pennsyl- vania republican delegation in the national House of Representatives, at Atlantic City, where, it is claimed, strong opposition to the world court developed in the undercur- rent of comment, and it was claimed that this reflected a feeling among Pennsylvania republicans statewide. * %k k % President Harding, in submitting the plan to the Senate, distinctly stated that it had no connection with the league. He has re- peated that with emphasis several times. Secretary of State Hughes has added his as- surance to the same effect, but to make as- srance doubly sure Secretary Hughes has proposed and the President has approved a reservation to be added by the Senate as follows : “That such adhesion shall not be taken to involve any legal relation on the part of the United States to the league of nations or the assumption of any obligations by the United States under the covenant of the league of nations constituting part 1 of the treaty of Versailles.” * % ¥ % President Harding in submitting proposition to the Senate said: “It is not 2 new problem in international relationship. It is wholly a question of ac- cepting an established institution of high character and making effective all the fine things which have been said by us in favor of such an agency of advanced civilization. Such action would add to our own con- sciousness of participation in the fortunate advancement of international relationship, and remind the world anew that we are ready for our proper part in furthering peace and adding to stability in world affairs.” * %k % X It is claimed in support of the contention that entering the court is not entering the league of nations, that former President Wilson's recent statement that he would the ' not favor our entering the court with the reservations récommended by the adminis- tration, but would faver our going in minus that distinct constituted disavowal of con- nection with the league of nations. * ok k% But one thing claimed by the political managers opposed to going in at all is that it seems evident the country has not fully grasped the scope of the world court. with the reservations proposed by the United States, and that unless some effective ex- plaining is done at once, and on a large scale, dissensions in the republican party are loom- ing formidably. Departments printed nearly as many publications during the vear 1922 as all the other executive departments combined, except Treasury and Agri- culture. In other words, there were more reports and documents issued in behalf of military and naval activities than in the interest of education, labor, commerce, justice, postal serv- ice and peaceful foreign relations. The greatest number of publica- tions was, as usual, printed for the Department of Agriculture, its total for the fiscal vear, 1922, reaching 32,368,694 coples, an increase of 2,928, 586 over 1921. This total for agricul- ture alone is 9,000,000 more copies | than were printed for all the nine | other executive departments combin- ed, and almost half the entire num- ber printed for all the forty-five ex- ecutive departments and Independent | establishments of the government. Increase in Balletins. Included in the publications print- ed for the Department of Agriculture | in 1922 were 13,894,100 coples of farmers’ bulletins, four-fifths of which were by law printed for dis- tribution by members of Congress, the remaining one-fifth being allotted to the department. This was 2,981,- 801 more copies of farmers’ bulletins than were printed in 1921. The Department of Commerce kept pace with its larger activities in the publican of 3,632,769 copies of reports and documents during the year 1922, an increase of 1,726,002 over 1921. Without doubt, the extensive free distribution of public documents has been a great benefit to the public, and has kept the American people better Informed as to the aotivities of their government than are the peo- ple of any other nation in the world. But this distribution has been at an enormous expense and accompanied by tremendous waste. Now that the public has been so well advised as to governmental affairs, it would seem fitting that it should join {n the necessary reduction of expenditures by placing the public printing upon a substantial business basis. Standards Experts Go to Better Jobs Recent changes at the bureau of standards embraces the following: Chief Ceramist R. T. Stull has been granted leave of absence to become assistant general industrial agent of the Central Raflroad of Georgia. The development of the mineral resources of the region traversed by this road is to be the chief work of Mr. Stull, with headquarters at Savannah. G. F. Maulton has recently resigned from the bureau to accept a place as research chemist at Albany, N. Y. Dr. Charles Moon of Cornell Uni- wversity is now at work at the bureau of standards, in the electrical divislon. HOLDING MIDDLE GROUND PERILOUS TO PRESIDENT Position May Be Best for Country’s Good, But Bad for Personal Political Fortunes. BY MARK STULLIVAN. NY one famillar with practical politics, and with the psc- chology of popular elections, must concede that President | Harding, as regards his stand on in- | ternational relations, | dangerous position. is in a most He is In the mid- | dle ground. Taking this fleld as a whole, the democrats are at one ex- treme, with their advocacy of the league of nations; Hiram Johnson is at the other extreme, in his advocacy of complets isolation, and Harding. in advocating the moderate step of joining the world court, is between the two extremes Now it is a fact that it is out of the middle ground of most contro- versies that the best sort of progress usually comes. From the point of view of merit, that is the praise- worthy position. But practical politics and election psychology is a different matter. In 8 popular election, as soon as feel- ing 18 stirred up, nearly every voter goes to one extreme or the other. The number of voters who keep their heads and giye support to the man in the middle position is usually com- posed of those of the highest intelli- gence. But, in the nature of things, the highest Intelligence is also the least numerous. The masses swing to one extreme or the other, and the candidate or leader who becomes identified in the public mind with the middle ground is almost surely either chewed to pleces in the conflict or is ignored. * ok k% Nobody knows better than Harding the impossibility of maintaining the middle ground in a popular election. On this same issue of the leagus of nations, in 1920, Harding and the re- publican party started out in the mid- dle position. They wrote a platform which looked both ways on the league, and they named a candidate who had been in favor of the league with reservations. But by the time the campaign was less than three months old Harding realized the im- possibility of maintaining the middle position;- and in his October speech in Des Moines he came out flatly against the league. 1t was a tactical mistake of exactly Ahe same kind that lost the republis’ cans the election of 1816. In that year the great issue was America's relation to the war. Wilson, master of the fundamentals of crowd psy- chology as he was, chose one of the two extreme positions Essentlally, for the purposes of practical politics and of the election, it did not matter which of the extremes he took. But he had to take.one. He chose the extreme that went by the slogan “He kept us out of war,” with the im- plication that he would continue to keep us out of war. Hughes, on the other hand. tried to keep the middle position. Wilson having taken the lead in choosing one of the extremes, the only extreme left to Hughes was to conduct his campaign on the basis that we ought to enter the war. Whether because of a defect in his underatanding of essential election psychology, or for some other reason, Hughes was unwilling to accept this extreme. He attempted the middle ground, tried to avold talking about the war, made many of his speeches about the tariff and about other things the public was not thinking about—and was defeated. * % k% There can be no question about this axiom of practical politics. Almost any practicat politician familiar with it would predict that some time be- tween now and the election of next year Harding must either get out of the middle position or else must run the most serious risk of being elimi- nated, either for the nomination or in the election. (This is, of course, on the assumption that international relations will be a leading issue.) All that is said here has nothing to do with the virtue of the middle posi- tion. That position, let it again be emphasized, -is ‘usually the most rea- sonable one, the most wholesome one, and the one that s best for the good of the world. But there are truths about popular elections and about public psychology which do not go hand in hand with fundamental values. * k X ¥ In the line of mistakes of the sort which, from the point of view of practical politics, are almost inevit- ably fatal, Henry Ford is just now im considerable dapger. The pit—intq | which he runs some risk of falling |lies in the fact that the public does | not know just what party he belongs to. This is the same condition that was so fateful in Hoover's case in 1920. If, a year before that election, Hoover had been known to be clearly |and unequivocally a republican, or | clearly and unequivocally a democrat. he would almost surely in one case or the other have got the nomination, {and might today be President. Tt was not until the 31st of March, 1920, less than ten weeks before the first | of the nominating conventions, that Hoover announced that he was a re- publican. That was several months too late. Almost surely the same fate will overtake Ford unless he lets himself be known as clearly a repub- lican or clearly a democrat. It is commonly taken for granted that Ford is a democrat. But unless he makes his identification with that party more formal and unequivocal than it now is, he can hardly hope for the party to give him its nomina- tion. * Xk k * Being in the middle ground as to party is, from the point of view of practical politics, rather more fatal than being in the middle ground on issues. The American public insists on thinking of elections as having something of the nature of a prize- fight, or some other sort of sporting event. The individual voter wants to get into the game himself, wants to share the thrill and passion of it. He wants to identify himself with one side or the other. He wants to shout, and be active, not as a mere onlooker, nor even as a partisan, but actually as a participant himself. That is one i0f the reasons why, in America, third parties rarely do very well. The voter feels that third parties and middle ground candidates are on the side lines. And the voter himself wants the fun of being in the midst of the scrimmage. Candidates who take the lmlulo ground on i ues and candi- dates who do not seem quite to know just which party they belong to fail to give the voter enough action. All this may not be what ought to be, but it is what is. * ok k% It is this sort of wisdom that prac- tical politicians possess, either in- stinctively or through experience. Tt 18 these things and the application of them that justify speaking of practi- cal politics as an art. As in all arts, the professional usually beats the amateur—beats him less by superior strength on the part of the profes- sional than by the mistakes made by the amateur. In the present sit ation many of the politicians look upon Henry Ford as having immense strength. But they count with com- plete confidence on his making, at some stage or other of the game, one « ARGENTINA UP IN ARMS . AGAINST U. S. PACKERS Hit by Slump in Prices, Besiege Government for Restrictive Legislation, Soon to Come. BY BEN McKELWAY, i HE down-trodden, hard work- ing packers, who get blamed in this country for everything from the high price of beef- steak to the low quality of sodawater, are having their difficulties in Argen- tina, where the health, happiness and well-being of a large proportion of the rural population depends upon the number of dollars and cents brought in trade by a steer, a pig or a sheep. The trouble just now seems to be that the dollars and cents exchanged for these animals are remarkably few and far between, and as the packers own the dollars and the Argentinos the live stock, the packers are rap- idly losing their popularity. ‘The packers, by the way, who are respon- sible for the howls of anguish heard from the broad prairies of the Ar- gentine, give their home address as Chicago. The story of the fall of the cattle | industry in Argentina since the war to its present black depth of despair, an old one, for the factors leading up to it were the same which brought near- ly everything else tumbling. During the war, wen Europe was buying beef wherever she could get it, Ar- gentina’s live-stock exports increased to more than 30 per cent of her total exports. Farmers stopped raising grain and took to raising cows, con- centrated on raising cows until there were enough cattle to satisfy Eu- rope’s demand for beef for years to come. Prices were high, the packers were packing merrily and loading tons of beef on ships for the soldiers. Then the war ended and the demand let up, the price fell and the Argen- tine cattle growers found themselves with thousands of cows on their hands and nobody wanting cows any longer. Chicago Packers Control. With the exception of one British and one native-owned packing house, the Argentine packing industry fs owned and controlled by Wilson, Swift, Armour and other American companies. Naturally, as the packer buys direct from the stockman, the packer was blamed when the price went down. Whether the blame was justified is another matter. What concerns the packers now is the fact that bills for the regulation of the packing industry, bills for the estab- lishment of government-owned pack- ing houses and bills proposing the expropriation of the packing proper- ties are being introduced in the Ar- gentine congress, with the result that it won't be long now before the packers in Argentina face even more drastic restrictions than they have experienced in the United States Every piece of legislation designed | to curb the power and activities of the Chicago packers in the United States {s being studied in Argentina. The Argentine congress is deluged with appeals for help and charges against the tactics of the packers, ranging from combinations t6 keep the price of beef down to conspiracies restraint of trade. The practice in Argentina which enables the packer to buy direct from the stockmen instead of going into the open market—as he is required to do n this country—comes in for the strongest attack, By this method the packer sends far out into the country and buys a herd of. say, 10,000 steers at the lowest prices he can get, He has his cattle dellvered as he needs them, a few hundred or a few thousand at a | time, thus controlling his supply and | his prices at the same time. } in Newspapers Ald Propaganda. Argentine newspapers are printing an interesting propaganda designed to | force relief of some sort from con- gress. It oconsists of displaying the | Chicago prices for cattle alongside the ! Waste, Efficiency All is not duplication of work that| appears to be so at first glance when | one considers the government service. When the present administration. as] a campaign pledge, promised to reor- ganize the administrative branch of the federal government in the inter- ests of economy and efficiency it was | stated that- much duplication and overlapping both of activities and ap- | propriations would thereby be elimi- nated, However, while a number of different departments, bureaus, divi- slons and commissions are making in- vestigations and prosecuting research or actively carrying on work on the same subject, a careful study shows in 99 cases out of 100 that each dif- ferent agency of the government is working on a different phase of this identical subject. This has been shown in a report by the United States bureau of efficiency, after an extensive survey of the entire gov- ernment establishment. To glve an example of apparent duplication that is not duplication in fact let us consider aeronautical | studfes. The experimental flying is | conducted by the engineering divi- slon of the Army air service at Mc- Cook Field, Dayton, Ohio; the naval air statlon at Anacostia, D. C., and the national advisory committee for aeronautics at Langley Field, Va. The experimental stations of the Army and Navy are primarily for the purpose of determining the types of aircraft needed by the respective services, and the degree to which the alrplanes secured meet the require- ments for service use. For example, when the manufgcturer delivers a new type of airplane to the Army, it is tested and examined at McCook Field as to its military character- jing industry, | however, Argentine prices, and the result s enough to make any self respecting Argentine cattle man tear his hair and roar with rage. “Fat cows” are quoted in Argentine at $18 and do! lurs, while those in the United States bring $35 and $40. “Medium” stock in Argentina is worth $13 and $16, while the same class of stock is quoted on the Chicago market at $26 and 30 Two-year-old heifers, which can be bought in Chicago for $20, only bring $9 and $11 in Argentina, while onc-an a-half-year-old steers cost only $§ and sometimes $8, half the price demanded for them in Chicago. Prices for meat in Argentina retail butcher shops are enough to start a colonization move ment from Washington. Here are : Leg of lamb, 7c a pound; boilinx 6c a pound; porterhousc stea Doubts Government Ownership. The proposition entertained by Argentine congress for the cstablis ment of a government-operated pac may be one of the re sults of the present agitation aga the packers. But those who studied the proposition see small ho for its success, as the present bination of packers in Argentina i~ ready for competition which has here tofore been lacking. and are prepare: to fight it. There has been some a: tempt to build a trade with Durope shipping cattle on foot, But the phys cal difficuities of this practice, shouii it ever be seriously attempted, said to be too great to compete w: the cheaper methods of the packii: industries. Dillman S. Bullock of the Depar ment of Agriculture, has just return from a tour of South America which he made an investigation of ti cattle industry in Argentina and : ported on agricultural conditions g erally in several other South A ican countries. be ns ave co Brazil's Cattle Industry. Mr. Bullock believes the cattlc dustry in Argentina will graduul return to normal with the increa agricultural development of the c try brought about by the disconcc ing discovery of the farmers s the war that they can't expect to on raising cows for ever. Incressc plantings of grain on lands heretofor devoted to stock raising alone is : direct result of the cattle boom fallen so flat. While stock will continue to be one of Argentinx principal industries, Mr. Bullock b lieves that Brazil, within ten « twelve vears, will take first rank South America as an exporter of live stock. With modern methods, Brazi is fighting the cattle tick, which ha= proved a handicap in the past, wh her great areas of excellent pasturag provide ideal conditions for raisin: live stock. Some Argentine beef finds its wa to the United States, but the amoun is negligible. Argentina has alway- found her market in Europe, and her efforts are confined to developing i besides a high tariff and transporta tion difficulties combine to make the United States an impractical ficld a this time. With the increasing va of land in the western United States and the higher profits which result from dairying and other argricultu development, Mr. Bullock believes thic cattle i{ndustry in the United Statc raisir ,must be necessarily short lived. Witli- in a few years this country will be buying Argentine beef in large quan titics, he belioves. Argentine beef in the United Stat will never mean porterhouse steak at 11 cents a pound. As far ax prices are concernod, the tax pay beef stew might as well originatr in Texas, or, for that matter, in Vir ginla. rs Duplication of Work Is Not Always Experts Determine istics, such as visibility of the pilot for protecting himself from enem aircraft or for observation: the mounting of machine guns to get the most effective range; the protection of the pilot and the vulnerable paris of the airplane, such as the fuel tank and the engine, from enemy attack the facilities for packing and assem bling, and a careful study of the de- sign is made with a view to the ac ceptance only of those types that adapted to quantity production. Simi larly the Navy determines the quirements for seaplanes and wheth er those secured from manufacturer meet the service requirements. On the other hand, .the free fligh: Investigations of the national ad visory committee for aeronautics arc for, the purpose of determining the fundamental, as distinct from the military or naval, characteristics of airplanes, with a view to improving the aerodynamic properties of air- planes for civil as well as militar purposes. By the use of recordin instruments, the controllability, ma neuverability, stability and general efficiency of an airplane are studied and a true record of the performance characteristic of a given airplane is made known. Such scientific investi- gations of the fundamental problems of flight are not undertaken by the Army or the Navy, and there is no duplication, although all experi- mental flying may look alike to the casual observer. —_— The wedding boquet of Lady Eliz- abeth Bowes-Lyon when she becomes the bride of the Duke of York will consist largely of white heather, which 18 regarded by the Scotish 1oople as a symbol i Juck, re