Evening Star Newspaper, April 3, 1921, Page 43

\ EDITORIAL PAGE NATIONAL PROBLEMS SPECIAL ‘ARTICLES 1 Part 212 Pages BY WILL KENNEDY. ¢ RESIDENT HARDINC detgrmination to draw Vi President Coglidge more inti- _mately than anyeother. Vice Tresident into the administration's coun- (ils. coupled with the plans of the ad- Ministration and of Congress for reor- sanization of the federal establishment. has led to considerable speculation re- rarding the breadened field of ‘activity for the Vice President. The proposition has been advanced tin the reorganization the Vice Pres- ent might well be made a general avowed manager for Unele Sam, in much the|dent to study the papers and then same way that a vice president in any | thrash the matter out with him, as! great corporation frequently is the gen- | partners would. eral manager. At first glance this would Also it is thought that President scem to merit serious consideration, but ; Harding plans to use Vice President dent Harding and those advisers of Pre of Congress who have given the subject | has already called upon his personal the closest study point out that there are very'serious objections to attempt- ing such a thing that would have to be sovercome. Objections (o Manager Proposition. The objections as they have been pre- sented to those who are formulating re- organization programs are as follows: First. tutional” officer and it is very doubtful whether these duties could be thrust upon him, unless he would be willing to &ccept them. One Vice President might be willing and an8ther might not be willing. One might consent and the en- tire government system be built up on his assent, ‘only to have his successor | refuse and the entire system fall to pieces. S’('onfi. ¢ TPhe ‘r"ic(-‘ President is not kf— lected with any Teference to his” special ability as a general m’naner for the biggest busimess i thé worli—Unele Sam’'s workshop. It would, therefore, be a matter of accident whether he <could fill the positipn of general man- ager acceptabl: Even if he had the ability. it # still a_question of Personal reaction whether he was intefésted in the subject oF not to make it a success. Third. The Vice President already has duties as presiding officer of the Sen- ate which mortgage the biggest part of his time. Fourth. The Vice President, is not ap- pointed, and therefore dot Subject to control by the President. In fact, he might represent a distinct wing of the party; $som the President, having been sclected in an effort to keep Peace in the party. . Fifth. ‘Makiug the Vice President a general manager would tend to divide Tesponsibijity; between the President and the $4cé President. The budget system worked out and approved by Congress charges the President with responsibility as a general man- ager. Lars Wigure in Goverament. Of coursg. If thé Viee President were an appoidlive offieer of the govern- ment. and so subject to the President, he couldbe assigned to.duties as a ehief of staff. and the situation would be enlirdf¥ gifferent. The" Prestdent would then Be responsible for every= thing the Vice President did. But un- €er the, existing conditions the Presi- dent would not be responsible in any way for what the Vice President might do. However, those very students of|the government and advisers of the ad-|about $36,000,000 in war relief work, ministration and of Congress who have presented these arguments Wzainst the proposed assignment to the Vice President of duties as gen- eral manager for Uncle Sam empha- ®ize as an alternative proposition that the largest possible use should be made of the Vice President in an ad- visory and consultative capacity by the executive, rather than in an ad- | Russia had amounted to over, $3,000,- ministrative capacity. So that the essential distinction is that the Vice President is likely to be- come a larger figure Ty the President. It is for such larger and more important’ service at TPresident Harding has already proved his intenion to use Vice Pres- ident Coolidge—to become a real con- ing partner in the business of government. The Harding administration, cording to those in the closest confi- dences and igns of the White House, is planning to enlarge the work and dignity of the Vice Presi- nt in these three ways: rst, as a general consulter, ting in with the cabinet on tions of administration policy Second, as an informal counselor, ting President in political appointments. and to represent him on certain occasions. Third, as an aid in securing cordial and cozoperative relations between the executive and legislative branches of the govern- ment putting through the legis- ‘lative program. ae- sit- ques- ass; the in This must come, those who hav been giving close study to the prob- lem say, through a personal adjust- ment between the President and Vice Yresident They point out that Fresident Harding has taken the initiative along these lines and that the Vice President’s characteristics and training have well fitted him to be a valuable confidential adviser. As President’s Counselor. # Vice President Coolidge is already recogniz a valued counselor in the cabinet councils. That President Harding intends to establish a precedent for invitini the Vice President into informal confer- cnces Is the conviction of those in the best position to judge. Some Presidents have shown a need for & special #dviser, as Woodrow Wilson had (ol House, who could represent him in @ good many capacities, cere- monial and otherwise. « & 13 the esntention of those who The Vice President is-a consti- | to the President | the future Vice Presidents that the | possible | in the federal| Hungary. Besides these countries, re- zoverament. not by being made to fit | lief work amounting to over $4,850,- o a8 @ cog in the machinery. but tc[000 has been done in Palestine, and be used as extra eyes, ears and brain gyer $1,500,000 in Rumania. | icy or problem, summarizing the sit- (Contributions for War Relief Work 'PLAN BROADER FIELD "TOR VICE PRESIDENT Proposed to Enlarge His Work in Three Ways, Giving the Office Increased Power and Usefulness. vision a larger field of usefulness for Vice President might take from the President a large share of the. bur- den in respect to appointments. It is an open secret that Vice President Coolidge has been of great service to President Harding in this respect. The President has to consider these candidates for office not only Wwith regard to their qualifications, but equally, if not more, regarding Do- litical ewigencies. In this vexatious work the President might quite ad- vantageously call in the Vice Presi- Coolidze in much the same way as he physician—to look into social welfare work. The Vice President could thus be called upon to relieve his chief by making a spegial study of this or that proposal, some particular line of pol- uation and making recommendations which the President would discuss with him. Closer Relations With Congress. One of the most fmportant ways in which it is understood President Harding plans to invite the most helpful co-operation of Vice President Coolidge is. in establishing closer working relations between the ex- ecutive and legislative branches of the government. Going from the Sen- ate to the presidential chair, Presi- dent Harding let it be quite positively known that he intended to correct a glaring error of the Wilson régime by seeking and encouraging cordial {co-operation between the White House | and Capitol Hill. Woodrow Wilson used Postmaster General Burleson and Carter Glass to some extent in endeavoring to get Congress to carry out his wishes. It is the thought of those who are ad- vising the present administration that Vice President Coolidge, presiding over_the Senate, will come to know each- mémber, and many of those in the House. , He will be in a position to get their views in informal con- versation and to explain away any misunderstandings. ‘The course in this regard taken by the predent administration will be a not- able example for other Presidents to follow. Given the opportunity, as President Harding seems quite willing to give it, Vice President Coolidge is expect- ed to make the office of Vice Presi- dent one not only of increased useful- ness, but of new power, influence and dignity. . . . MANY FOREIGN COUNTRIES AIDED BY AMERICAN JEWS Have Amounted to About $36,000,000. Thirty-nine European.countries and territories will ever remember the generosity of American Jewry, who have distributed among them, through joint distribution committee, from October 26, 1914, to January 1, 1921, Poland has received the most, $16, 000,000, of which '$4,500,000 was ex- pended in 1920, while Russia and Ukraine, where suffering among the Jews is perhaps the worst in Europe, received $1,045,000° in that. year, though prior to 1920 expenditures in 000. Austria received $775,000 in 1920, and Hungary $285,000, and $3,000,000 had previously been spent in Austria- In describing the pitiable state of the Jews in Europe to a representa- tive of the Jewish Morning Journal, Herbert Hoover said: “In all my life 1 have seen nothing that shocked me more than the poverty and misery of the Ghettos in eastern and central urope. The condition of the Jewish war sufferers, and particularly that of the children, is indescribable.’ Selected to Head Senate Bill-Drafting Bureau JOHN E. WALKER. The first appointment made by Viee President Coolidge is that of a demeo- crat to a $8.000 position, to clineh the matter it wax made at the behest of Senator Penrose of Pennsylvamis. ‘Walker, former secretary te made chicf of bureau. WASHINGTON, D. C, SUNDAY MORNING, APRIL 2 Former Vice President Marshall Asks a Square Deal for Harding BY THOMAS R. MARSHALL. | Former Vice President of the Unitea States. Elijah Halford, who was private secretary to President Harrison, was wont to t&)l with great gusto this story of ome of the experi- ences of his official life. “It will be remembered that President Harrison was friendly and well disposed toward the members of his own family in the Way of bestowing public office One hot summer's day a breezy \Westerner: wafted into the execu- tive offices, took a seat, tossed his €owboy’s hat on the floor and said to Halford, ‘I want to sece Ben." “The secretary asked him his mission, explaining that the PFesident was busy. “He replied, ‘I want to see him about an office.” “He was told he could not see the President for a couple of hours at least, as he was engaged with the committee on- foreign re- lations.” “Grabbing his hat and bolting for the door, our friend from the plains exclaimed: ‘Good heavens, has he foreign relations?” : * k¥ % And so, during the brief period since I left Washington 1 have \‘nen ‘wondering have we foreign relations? ¥ I was among those who also ran at the call of my country to help stay the swift ofirush of the Ger- * man military system; to help fight . such a good fight in the cause of democracy that never agamin till the stars grow old ang the leaves of the judgment book unfold should a son of God or a son of man be compelled tq offer his life a sacrifice upon the altars of greed or glory. % S 4 For a year, like the inspired apostle, I was caught up Into the seventh heaven. I did not know whether I was in or out of the body. We were at Armageddon. 1t was to be the last fight. Since the Son of God hung upon the cross of Calvary no such sacrifice had® been demanded. Young men, clear-eyed, strong-limbed, clean- minded, were shouting: “As he died to make men holy, let us die %0 make men free.” And then the armistice came and straightway some of us were back upon the foundations of a wmilitaristic existence. It is not worth while to review the long negotiations at Versailles touch- ing the treaty of peace With its league of nations. It would be little less thanga crime to ask the American people to read even & resume of all that was said in the Senate of the United States about that most remarkable docu- ment. There were, however, some features in-the opposition to it that I never was able to under- stand. . ! , 1 readily grasped the argument that this republic should remain true to its traditional policy and Keep itself disentangled from BY N. 0. MESSENGER. President Harding and his cabi- ~net deem the raflroad quegtion in its present aspect the paramount do- mestic problem. Its consideration is to have the unceasing attention of the administration with a view to its solution, the solving being regarded essential tothe prevention of still more menacing business disturbance ~ as well as relief from existing ills. ‘What the answer is to be, the President and his cabinet frankly confess they are not now prepared to say. Their first work will be to seek to ascertain from governmental agencies bearing on the railroads in- formation and suggestion. -Stress should Yo laid upon this turning first to official sources, away from the railway management and labor con- tentions, which are to be reviewed afterward. A * % % % ‘The fact that railroad rates are related importantly to the impend- ing new tariff obtrudes poignantly. Maintenance of present high rail- road rates, it is becoming apparent, will necessitate the levying of the highest tariff this country has ever experienced. This is not an abstruse problem by any means. It can be illuminat- ed easily by one simple illustration; the ocean rate on wheat from the Argentine, so tho tariff board esti- mates, is about one-half ghe railroad rate on wheat from the grain belt to the gulf ports. The resuit would seem to dictatc a high protective tariff for the American wheat grower. Daniel Willard, president of the Baltimore and Ohio Rallroad Com- pany and acknowledged to be one of the great practical railway men of the country, in an address recént- ¥ to railway managers, pointed out the custom in this country of procur- ing flour, meats, minerals and forest products at the points where they can be obtained at the lowest initial cost and transporting them largely by rail to the points of ultimate con- sumption, the entire transportation cost being less than the difference in initial Tost of production in different parts of the country. But when the products arrive at their destination and are met by cheap, ocean-borne imports, they are at a disadvantage without the pro- tective tariff. * k% % This is only one Instance of the THOMAS R. MARSHALL. European politics, but this argu- ment became hazy to my mind when it was made along with the statement that at the conclusion of the Spanish-American war we became a world power. I was not able, nor am I now, to grasp a view which announced in one and the same breath that we were a world power and yet that we Were not in the world. The argument with reference to a supergovernment appealed to me in the light of history no more than did the similar argument of the anti-federalists at the incep- tion of the Constitution of the United States. I could see in it no other than just a concord be- tween the nations of the earth to promote peace and good will, to lessen the dangers of war, to de- cide the questions that should be submitted to arbitration, and to re- lieve as freely as possible taxpayers of the world from the burdens of vast military and naval establish- ments. * ¥ % * But I have in mind something ‘even more compelling. If 1 went into my- neighbor’s house and as- sisted him in overcoming a bur- glar, discovering after the fray that the Jurniture was all broken, that my neighbor was sorely wounded, I would not be evidenc- @ifficulties facing the men who are to make the permanent tariff law, and it shows what a delicately bal- aneed instrument the bill will be, with so many angles, domesticand foreign, bearing upon it. Labor costs abroad, labor costs here, “freight rates at home, competitive ocean rates—all must enter into ‘the equation. Is it" any wonder that the per- plexed solons sought refuge from the troubles of the hour in a tem- porary tariff bill, to run six months, &0 that they can get their breath and ponder all these vary- ing elements pressing upon them for attention in making a perma- nent law? * ok ko The ' Secretary of Agriculture comes forward and says that the farmers are in a time of crisis, and that if the disparity between the prices they are receiving for their products and paying for what they must buy is not relieved, this ¢oun- try will witness diminution of pro- duction which may make it depend- ent in large measure upon imports of food products. Then, with a high tariff wall erected against such imports, where will the man in the street find himself? Moanwhile a large proportion of the business clement is crying out for Congress (o take up tax reform first and let the tariff question ride, claiming that business will be utterly at sea unless it can have some idea of what and how it is to be taxed in the future. Commit- menis a ycar and more ahead are required in manufacturing and trade, and they will have to be made in the dark as to- taxes, which will affect costs. * ok * x Then, as if these perplexities were not sufficient to drive the statesmen half distracted, here comes another group of doctors in this case of scrious domestio ills with the suggestion that it were better to drop everything and at- tend first to our relations with Bu- rope; that home problems are ac- centuated by the uncertainty and distress of Europe, which cannot be relteved except by the partici- pation of the United Statcs in a final settlement. 1 , tervals for ing my friendship completely by . immediately going home and leay- ing him to find a doctor to dress his wounds as best he might. Without going into details now =0 well known to every one, a “solemn referendum” was made to the American people. It was an unfortunate experiment. On the face of the returns it is perfectly justifiable to say that the Amer- ican people have repudiated the covenant of the league of nations, yet those who had to do with the campaign know that with 700,000 illiterates in the volunteer and conscript army of America, the question was not seriously consid- ered by the American electorate. 1 am mnows no more convinced than I Was before the election that there was any danger to the Amer- ican people in our joining the league, and I am just as much eonvinced that our entrance would have been good in the cause of peace. * k %k x At the conclusion of the civil war there was a great rage for the presentation of war melo- drama, presenting upon the stage real or pretended incidents of that great conflict. F One in particular T remember. It hinged about the capture by tMe All these considerations are realized by President Harding and his cabinet and by teaders of the party in Congress, who are in sym- pathy with the “administration.” Listen to the.gospel truth; the President and his counselors do not underostimate the gravity and perplexity of the problems con- tronting them, but they are by no means appalled thercby. There are no “gloomy Guses” in the square-jawed, keen-eyed group of men who assemble in the cabinet room at the White House twice a week, and there is no seat avail- able for such.a character. They are going into the problems cour- ageously and confident of finding a way to solve them. | * ¥ k¥ And thig is the most Practical message of hope that can be con- veyed to an agitated and worried business world, because it spells relief as certain as the sun con- tinues to rise. While there are divisions in council, they are not irreconcilable by any manner of means. The blg fact. which business should take to its comfort is. that there is assurance of team work by the party in power, after:full and free eonference and a pro- gram is agreed upon, and once the mill is set a-going it will run full time in the hands of competent handlers of the intricate ma- chinery. * * X % ‘Washington begins to show signs of the coming of busy times which will set in April 11, when the new Congress assembles. Big things are in the doing, shortly, and the participants in them are trooping in and setting up their tents. There is not a large industry in the coun- try which will not be represented in some way at Washington by officers and agents, looking out forTtheir interests as they may be affected in Congress by legislation or in the departments by admin- istration.. The heads of great departmgnts are as much rushed as the, Presi- dent himself, and it is almost as hard to sce some of them as it ls to obptain an appointment with fhe executive. Their days are di- vided into five and ten minute in- the cption of vis- southern forces of a northern spy and the placing of him in the cus- tody of a soldier whose sister was to have married him. More than & half century has gone by since the vagrant thespians presented this drama upon the stage of the little theater in our litt Indiana town, | but I still have a vivid impression of that southern soldier, walking back and forth in front of the tent where his sister's lover was con- | fined and muttering: “Duty, duty, damn duty.” My life has not been a broad, macadamized highway. Upon the contrary, it has been a tortuous trail. And ever, and yet ever again, I am coming to the forks of the road where the signboard points one way to duty and the other to desire. Now, it so happens that 1 was one of those who said that the President of the United States was primarily in charge of our foreign relations, subject, eventually, to the approval of the Senate. I beg my countrymen to put their trust and confldence in what I know to be the patriotism and love of peace of the then President of the United States. = * X ¥ ¥ I am™now a private citizen. I know that, whatever I may say about it, T cannot change the con- duct of the chief executive of this country nor have any influence upon the advisory duties of the Senate. Desire would bid me go forward, urging the acceptance of the covenant of the league of nations. What I did for him who was my chief, I conceive to be my duty now to do for him who is my President. I must give him his chance to make good in working out the solution of these vexing and intricate problems. I must beg my countrymen to be not hasty nor inconsiderate in their . judgment of his conduct. Regretting, in language that may not be properly Vvoiced, what has been; believing, however, that in this age no man can be President of the United States who does not love the honor and glory of the republic, who does not seek friendly relations with all people, and who does not desire peace— for myself, I am going to suspend judgment until I see whether the new administration can present a safer, saner and more satisfactory solution of the hopes and dreams of mankind than the one which preceded it. I cannot refrain, however, from saying that, as we were partly to blame for France not writing her treaty in the palace at Potsdam instead of Versailles, I doubt if from my humble station I shall be able to keep quiet unless she shall be assured that the United States shall see to it that there is no danger to come to her from fur- ther German aggression. (Copyright, 1921, by Thomas R. Marshail.) (Note—This ix the first of a series of articies by former Vice Presi- dent Marshall which will be p: lished in the editorial section of The Sunday Star.) President Harding and His Advisers Not Dismayed by Hard Problems Before Them itors having important business to discuss, and they have to work beyond office hours and often into the night to clean up the routine business which comes to their desks from their assistants for the final vise. When all the new congressmen get to town and begin on their ' “little lists” of patronage desired, the lot of the departments will be made the more onerous. ¥ * % X Even some of the more promi- nent senators and representatives are so crowded with' clamorous calls upon their attention that they have to fix them by appoint- ment, although Congress is not in session. There is one republican leader in particular, a senator, ! whose influence is so much in de- mand that he has to keep a staff of several secretaries just to ena- ble him to meet his callers, while another staff attends to corre- spondence, and another to the strictly legislative business of the committees of which he is a mem- ber. He tries to see every one who seems to have legitimate demands upon his attention,”and, of course, his secretaries must see to it that no prominent constituent is left too long in the anteroom. * k k% The newspaper men are faring well under the new administration, thus far—although it is well to rap on wood, as times of greater pressure approach. President Harding has set the pace for other officials by having regular appoint- ments with the correspondents, and cabinet officers are following the example by fixing specified hours when they are recelved en bloc. Only a proportion of what is said by the officials and discussed at these conferences, especially at the White House, gets into print. Remarkable frankness has thus far characterized = them, without breaches of confidence. It is valuable to the. writers to be apprised of what is not so, as well as what is true. The officials are cqually concerned that the writers do. not “get off on the wrong foot,” and the conferences are of mutual benefit. (Copyright, 1621, by The Washiuglon Star.) A Lo ~'AIM TO REORGANIZE THE FOREIGN SERVICE Plans of Co-Ordination Embraced in Pro; visions of Bills Framed by Represent- tive Rogers of Massachusetts. BY G. GOULD LINCOL! HE “splendid isolation” of the United States is a thing of the past—if it ever existed. This is true whether the United States joins the league ot aa- tions or does not. The United States has become a world power—the world power, in fact. The sentiments of the people are against territorial aggression. But Americans, like other peoples, are desirous of spreading their trade. They have spread it. Before the world war the volume of exports and imports of this country amounted to less than $4,500,000,000—even then a figure not to be sneezed at. In the last year the foreign trade of the country reached the huge total of $13,500,000,000. The United States today possesses a great merchant marine, carrying cargoes to every port of importance. The allied na- tions are the debtors of the United States in the .sum of $10,000,000,000, not to mention the huge trade bal- ances-in favor of this country. The industries of this country have So expanded that they must have a for- eign outlet. tive Rogers of Massachusetts intro- duced several bills providing for the reorganization of the foreign service Nothing came of them. But Mr. Rog- ers hammered away at his idea when- ever he had an opportunity, speaking in the House and elsewhere. ~ Secre- tary Lansing, in a letter written not long before he went out of office, to Chairman Porter of the House for- cign affairs committee, dealing with the Rogers bills, without going on record as favoring any of the meas- ures, frankly admitted that it was necessary the foreign service be re- organized. The Rogers bills died with the close of the last Congress. It is expected. however, that they will be reintroduced with the open- ing of the coming session, and that other measures along similar lines will be proposed. The entire question of the reorgan- ization of the government depart- ments is now being considered by a joint congressional committee, of which Senator Smoot of Utah is chairman. The reorganization of the | foreign service comes within the |I’ur\'lew of that commttee. Mr. Smoot has said that, while the whole With these connecting links it is|task of reorganizing the government impossible to reckon the United States as an isolated power. Eco- nomic causes and policies have more |to do with shaping the world's his- tory than political activities. This has always been true, probably, but it is more readily understood and more frankly admitted today than in the past. The foreign relations of the United States, in view of the existing situ: departments will require considerable time, it may be expected that the committee will report from time to time, regarding particular phases of the government service. That being the case, it may well be that the for- eign service changes will be among the first undertaken. . Mr. Rogers has proposed, as a first step in the reorganization of the for- eign service, that the diplomatic and tion, have become of paramount in- | CODSUlar services of the United States terest. To enable the country to de- termine upon its policies, both eco- nomic and political, it is essential that the country have full informa- tion. The only way to obtain such information is through a thoroughly efficient and co-ordinated foreign service. Need for Reorganization. The need for reorganization of the foreign service is manifest. It is well known to the men of the servcie themselves, who have for years strug- gled to better it. That the reorgani- zation is'coming, and soon, is recog- nized. The State Department—which is the department of foreign affairs— has so far-advanced no stated policy with regard to reorganization. But it is expected that Secretary Hughes, with the backing of President Hard- ing, will draft a plan and strongly urge ft upon Congress. The foreign service of the United States resembles, to some extent, the patchwork on an old dwelling, to which additions and outhouses have been joined from time to time. It is expected that the structure will be made a co-ordinate whole—without destroying the valuable portions now existing. At the outset, it may be said, the foreign service should center in the State Department. That department corresponds to the “ministry of for- eign affairs” in other countries. Tts business is to deal with all foreign affairs. This does not mean merely the political aspects, but the economic as well. For the political and the economic are 80 closely bound togeth- er today that it would be an impossi- ble feat to disassociate them. Other departments of the govern- ment, particularly the Department of Commerce, have great need of infor- mation regarding foreign affairs. So does the Treasury Department, with huge loans to foreign countries out- standing. But because various de- partments need to obtain information regarding foreign nations does not mean that each department should have a set of agents abroad. Such a plan has led in the past, and, in the future, will lead, to duplication of effort and waste of the people’s money. It is to put an end to such waste that,the reorganization is com- ing, as well as to make the foreign .| service more efficient. Rogers Reorganization Bills. In the last Congress Representa- Chicago Banker to Head The War Probe Board hereafter be known as “the foreign service.” At the first blush it would appear that the purpose is to consoli- date the two services, and, broadly speaking, that is what would occur from an administrative viewpoint if his plan were adopted. As a matter of facti what is desired by the change is to make the services “in- terchangeable.” Plan of Co-Ordination. The dipiomatic service consists of forty missions at the capitals of foreign nations. The consular serv- ice, on the other hand, is more wide- ly disseminated. It has about 300 offices in the chief commercial cities of the world. The work of the two services is ‘distinct, but closely re- lated. Semefimes it overlaps. Clearly there {s 3ebd ‘ot ‘¢o-ordination. Under’ such a plan as that pro- posed by Mr. Rogers, the men in the consular service would be availible for diplomatic service, and vice versa. Be it well understood, however, that the diplomatic and consular functions would®not be combined, but when a consular agent was assigned to dip- lomatic. work his status would change. The various powers and duties of diplomatic and consular of- fiders have taken very definite shape in the ‘international relations and usages that have grown up through the centuries,” and it would mot be possible for the United States, by CHARLES G. DAWES, Chicago banker and former brigadier general with the A. E. F., who has been appointed by President Harding ® head the committee of eleven which ‘will investigate the administration of the war risk board, the board for ve- cational training and the care and treatment of wounded or impaired sol- diers and saflors. The committee will merely changing the title of a con- sular officer to that of foreign serv- ice officer, to change these ugages. But under the proposed plam it will be possible to grade suitably the men in the foreign service and to assign them to the duty for whiclt they are best fitted. In the past the diplomatic side of the foreigt service has been almost completely divorced from the consular,.side. When there has been contact and co-operation it has depended almost entirely upon the individuals' who happened to be in the field. In thb past this situation has not been ®8 clearly unsound. The diplomatie service could deal effectively with the political questions arising, and the comsular service with the com- mercial. But almost every question today partakes of both a political and commercial aspect. Then, too, there have been in the diplomatic service men far better qualified to attend to the commercial aspects of the case in hand than to the political, and men in the consular service who have a better grasp of the political side than the commercial. It would be wise to permit the use of these men in the work they are best qualified to do. Other nations have not been slow to grasp the fact that a tremendous commercial struggle is on in the world today. They have seen the necessity of having the best and most efficient corps of foreign officers and they have been impressed with the idea that the commercial side of their service must be given as full scope as the political. Great Britain, Ger- many and other nations have\reer- ganized ‘and are reorganizing their foreign service: Forelgn Service Classifieation. Mr. Rogers’ plan, in brief, would clasrify all persons employed in the forelgn service, and their grade would determine their rank within the service and their salaries. He would have all appointments in the foreign service of diplomatic and con- sular officers, except consular agents and interpreters, by commission %o the several grades, and mot by éom- mission to any particular post.” For instance, if the President desired 60 appoint & man as ambassador or a minister, or to one of the lower posi- tions in the service, he would ap- point him as such, and not as ambas- sador to Great Britain, rFance, etc. After confirmation of the appointment by the Senate, the President would then be free to send the appointee to ny country he desired, as ambassa- dor, consul general, ete, according te the class to which he had been ap- pointed. . Mr. Rogers also plans for mew mate-