The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 8, 1925, Page 8

Are the Finns Social-Democrats? Just now, there circulates an ugly rumor’ among the party members, to the effect that we Finns aro soctal- democrats and supporters of the Two- and-a-half-International tendencies. This character assassination has gone so far that I think it proper to say in a few words just what we are. what we have accomplished and what we are fighting for. ee We Finns are too modest. We do not like to praise ourselves, and our work. We believe that our work speaks louder than words, We simply go ahead, doing the best we can to- day, tomorrow a little better, without asking any glory, honor or fame. In this respect I may say that our policy has been unwise. This modesty and humbleness on our part has re- sulted in a condition, where the party membership does not .know much about us and. now may “lend the ear” to the groundless rumors _peddled about us by low ~minded plotters. Some honest comrades may believe jothat we truly are right-wingers, reac- mdionaries and-what not. Brief History. Zo place this matter properly be- fore the jury of our party members I must relate a bit of history .» prove that we have not “just started.” W+ have been on the job when many o: our slanderers were drying the back of their ears and learning their A. B. C. Finns began to do socialist propa- ganda in the United States about 1899. During and after that year a number of isolated Finnish branches were organized. In 1904 the first con- vention was held in Cleveland, Ohio. ‘This convention, however, did not suc- ceed in forming a permanent socialist organization, because these branches were imbued with idealistic, theosoph- istic, philosophistic and many other istic thoughts, altho there was a strong left wing in that convention. Our comrades) deemed -it; wiser, not _ to split, but to stay in those branches, because thé ranks Were there and therefore they were the proper place to do the work for socialism. Their labors were in vain. Two years later another convention was held at Hibbing, Minn. where our federation was formed and affiliation with the socialist party decided al- most unanimously. Then started a rapid growth of the Finnish socialist federation. Its mem- bership rose up to 12,651 in 1913. Then on account of a split, which occurred next year (1914) the membership ‘de- clined to about 10,000. -I will later relate about the ideological grounds of this split. Our present membership is about 8,000 which is a very good percentage, when we consider. that there are about 170,000 Finns in this coumtry. We are, therefore, about five per cent politically organized. This is a far greater percentage than ‘tany-other nationality in the United States. Altho the Finnish Federation is not numerically the strongest Finnish or- ganization in this country (two relig- fous organizations have more mem- bers) we are the most influential, Our influence is felt in every walk of life buildings and plants, have the com- meeting halls and labor temples, where now, not only our own meet- ings, but also the Workers Party meetings and socials are held. Our dramatic, athletic, musical, debating and other social activities are draw- ing the workers, young and old, into our meetings and socials, under our the elaborate educational work we have done and are doing at the pres: ent time, Six and elght week train- ing courses are hold every year in the east, central and western states, with elaborate theoretical and practical curriculum. We realize that the unity, enthusiasm and devotion of the labor organization rests upon intelligence and education. Beside these courses, we have one and two week lecture courses, which are held almost in every branch of the federation every year. We also have propagandists and speakers who are touring our branches continually. Our federation has considered the education of the children and our youth as one of our most important tasks. We realize that they are the ones who inherit our results and con- tinue our work, when we have gone. Of late this has been one of our main functions, The results of this work are beginning to show now. The youth of‘the Finnish immigrant work- ers are gradually taking the place of the older ones. It follows naturally from such a training. I may mention as a practical culmination of this work the young workers’ summer schhol just held at Waino, Wis., which has stirred up the American bourgeoisie more than anything else done by our party in the last few years. Educa- tion of the workers’ youth will attack the very roots of the stronghold of capitalism. It undermines the ideo- logical foundation on which it is es- tablished. While our accusers are busy scheming just how they could acquire the leadership of the party, we, besides our other work, were busy making this first Communistic sum- mer school of youth a success. Our Sunday school work is very ex- tensive. Generally they continue to work the year around and besides these we have summer schools for smaller children. We do a large publishing business. We have had an opportunity to study Marx, Engels) "“Pléhandv;Lehin? ‘Prot’ organization, masquerading. under the name of @ Workere’ organization. In these branches the left wing socialist established thelr socialist nuclei and started to work to revolutionize them, As I have already stated, in 1906, at the Hibbing convention they finally won their fight. A new organization, our federation was formed there. That was our first fight on principles of revolutionary socialism. In this controversy we fought for revolution- tary socialism and against the petty bourgeois and their ideology and right wingers of all kinds. In 1912 and 1913 a new controversy arose in our federation. Then we had the Workers’ College at Shmithville, ‘Minn., maintained by our federation. Around that institution developed a strong anarcho-syndicalistic group, led by Leo Laukki. He and his follow- ers wanted to make our federation a syndicalist organization and lead us away from revolutionary socialism. They were determined and had well organized their forces. Their weapons against us were the opportunistic ten- dencies of the socialist party of which our federation was a part of. We ad- nitted that there were undesirable features about the socialist party, but still that was just then, with all its weaknessess, the only political party with some membership, which, with patient work could be trained to revo- lutionary ways of thinking. At least in theory it advocated the class strug- gle and an uncompromising fight against the capitalist class. Our syn- dicalistic comrades attacked the prin- ciple of political action and wanted direct action, industrial action and complete abandonment of all political activity. We claimed that the politi- cal action is needed in the class strug- gle and that we must work with the politically organized workers in Am- erica. This group of radicals, Laukki and others, told us that they were revoltuionary, that only they were genuine Marxians, that they were sélentife’ SoGialists ‘and all that kind sky, Pannecock and many“other ‘inter-| of “tall. --They“ were*everything in nationall known antliérifies on revo-/ their opinion and we, our federation, lutionary socialism and Communism | was nothing but incapable and ineffi- long before their works were transiat- ed to English. Large editions of these works has been sold. There are more books by Lenin, Zinoviev, Trotsky, Bucharin, . Radek, Tjumenev and others translated in Finnish, than there are English. Our collective ef- forts have made this possibie. I can safely say that about 50,000 Finnish immigrants are under our in- fluence and support our work. And they are the most advanced section of our people. Where Have We Stood? But all of the above does not dis- prove the claim that we are “the most reactionary section of the Workers Party.” It only shows that we are practical people and good organizers. But how about the principles? Where do these Finns stand anyway? I will try to answer this phase of the ques- tion. Again a little bit of history is re- quired. Our federation has always been on the left. This is not a meaningless claim. I have a lot of historical data to prove it. At the close of the last century there was an ideological controversy in the social-democratic party in Fin- land. The left wing grew very rapid- ly as a natural reaction to the ruth- bouregoisie, The control of the party was in the hands of the petty bour- geois minded leaders. Finally the clalistic propaganda, Some half-baked socialists had organized workers’ associations, which affillated. with the Imatra League, an {dealistic j chet politicians. They wanted to lead our federation out of bondage to the pastures of peace and plenty thru direct short cuts. We refused to believe that. We saw that they had syndicalistic tendencies and the leadership fever of a very high degree. And finally in 1914 an- other split occurred. About 3,000 members were expelled and with- drawn from the federation. Radicals grouped themselves inde- pendently and started to fight among themselves on the issue: “Who is the greatest among us.” Now this group is almost completely wiped out. Hon- est workers have come back to our federation and the others, the rem- nants are now fighting the Comintern, and Profintern. Again, in this second controversy our federation upheld the banner of revolutionary socialism. Anarchists, syndicalists, leftists, the left Com- mounist who were stricken with in- fantile sickness, left us and we con- tinued our work as usual. During this controversy the most thoro dis- cussion on principles and tactics of revolutionary socailism was held, Our critics in some extent put‘up intelli- gent’arguments and we profited much by them. Of course we made many mistakes, which every progressive la- bor organization will do, but they were corrected at once, The socialist party was not satis- factory to us, but we tried to revolu- tionize it and we hoped that with the : ; : E E Ht ge s By Henry Askeli eialist party and then expell the reac: tionaried. We did not agree with the policy of the party jeadership, but the séelalist party had a organisa: tion, prestige ahd propaganda facili: tlea, Which were worth somethix 2, With a little taetie they eould be cap: tured and made ta serve revolutionary soclaliam, It was a sad sight to see ten por cent expel ninety per cent} this was the tactic selected by our ieft wing comrades. They wore about ninety per cent of tho party. Still they let ten per cent reactionaries expel them, When the left wing socialists were expelled from tlie socialist party, they organized themselves, wrote thelr pro- grams and declarations of principles. which were decidedly leftist’ docu- ments, so much so that later the Co- mintern had to correct them in sev-' eral instances, Of course we could not then with+ draw from the socialist party. We knew that it was not an easy matter to sever such old political ties, with which we were tied to the socialist party. Many of our members were still faithful to the socialist party, and we had to start a strong campaign of education in the federation against the socialist party,» and its reactionary leadership, and in favor of withdraw- ‘ng from it. This took some time, out we could not help it. We wanted to take the entire federation with us when we were ready to withdraw. Then we were severely criticized. Our left wing comrades criticized us as right wingers and opportunists: and the Socialist party leaders and their supporters, criticized us as Com- munists, impossiblists, etc. Many un- just criticisms were thrown upon us. We were between two fires and I must confess that it was not an easy matter then to correctly analyze the conditions and find a correct policy to pursue. Had we followed the instruc- tions and orders from our left wing comrades and withdrawn, from the, so- . cialist party then, .we,, would, have wrecked our organizatio n... So we de-* cided to stay until our federation, as a whole, willingly withdrew from it. However, there were other forces working, not always wholesome ones, and we were compelled to withdraw from the socialist party prematurely, resulting in the loss of about 2,500 members, many halls and one daily newspaper. We pointed this-to our well meaning left wing comrades, but they refused to believe tt. They had the leftist tendencies to very marked - degree and our maneuvers were fool- ish to them. Now every honest “after the battle” observer admits that we were correct in our contention, that our policy had been the better one. However, we could do no better than leave the socialist party to a handful of reactionaries and bureaucrats, when all other left wing comrades were expelled, or withdrawn. In this controversy we «got rid of the right wing element, social-demo-: crats and the supporters of the Two- and-a-Half International. “Principles of social-democracy” and its entire ideology was condemned by our mem- bership. I do not need to say much about our stand in the Workers Party and the role we played im its organization. Everyone who has been with the party since its organization, knows that we have worked to our utmost to make the Workers Party an efficient instru-— ment in the fight for the workers’ rights. We are strong for organization and education. Maneuvers do not, In our opinion, make the Workers Party. We must build the Workers Party first; make it into something, so that it must be recognized when American As long as we are weak, small and in- efficient, we will not be considered as me build the Workers Party. Finns are behind this one hundred per cent. Present Controversy, Our federation was against the La- Pollette and kind of a farmera- or policy and all the maneuvers of that sort, We considered as fu- | (Continued on page 3.)