The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 8, 1925, Page 3

GERMAN SOCIALIST ORGAN FAILED IN EFFORT TO HALT WORKERS DELEGATION GOING T0 RUSSIA MOSCOW, July 19.—(By Mai prints greetings in the German language to the German workers’ delegation which will arrive tomorrow. An article in the Izvestia read: “Greetings to our German comrades! “The delegates of the German workers who have come to the Soviet Union to study on the spot the work of socialist re- construction, arrive tomorrow in the capital of the Soviet Union, in red Moscow. “Moscow, this one word embraces the whole hatred of the bourgeoisie and*+ international those leaders of the social- democracy who have brought the proletariat under the regime of Hindenburg. “Moscow, they shout when th working class raises its head any- where to protest against the exploita- tion and the machinations of its:mas- ters. “Moscow, they shout when the sup- Pressel reoples no longer wish to re- main slaves. “Moscow! that is for them the sym- bol of everything which directs itself against their rule, the rule of the ex- ploiters and oppressors of the toilers, and therefore there is nothing which they hate and caluminate so much as Moscow. See Moscow for Themselves. “The representatives of our German comrades will see Moscow for them- selves. “Their previous impressions have certainly showed them how much of the campaign of lies which is pre- sented to the workers in Germany as »,& picture of conditions in Soviet Rus- sia, is true. “They will already have seen what the purpose of the warnings and threats of the Vorwaerts was. “The Vorwaerts hoped in the last hour to prevent their departure. The Russian workers have nothing to con- eal from their brother workers. It is not necessary. They greet the rep- resentatives of the German working class in their middle. “They hope that the journey will as- sist in spreading the truth about the ‘Soviet’ state, about the first workers’ state in the world, to the last work- * ers’ home in the other countries. The Russian workers are proud that they have been successfully surrounded by a ring of enemies, in laying the first stone of a new world order, that they have been successful in building up a@ new life without parasites and ex- ploiters. They welcome their German comrades, and fling wide the doors. LENINGRAD BUILDING WORKERS DEPUTATIONS TO SWEDER, GERMANY MOSCOW, July 20. (By Mail.)— The Leningrad building workers union has decided to send a deputa- tion of building workers to Sweden and to Germany in order to study the conditions of production and ,labor and the life of the working cl t . o —The whole Moscow press SWEDISH WORKERS TH national connection thru intenrational solidarity, thru the bonds of fraternal and class interests. This connection helped us continually to hold out in the niost terrible and strained fights which did not cease for one moment. Now, however, we are commencing a new phase of our life. It is no longer a question of immediately parrying the blows of our enemies with a sword reeking with our blood. It is also no longer necessary to collect coppers to assist the ranks of four heroic fighters decimated by hunger and disease. This gloomy time is be- hind us, “We have become the masters of our sufferings, we have won a free road. Today the hammer blows of the proletariat sound joyfully in the smithy of our economic reconstruc: tion. Today those workers who doubt our successes come to us from capital- ist countries and ever more will come. They want to see the truth with their own eyes. They want to be certain about our economic situation, We must show them everything. We need have no shame for our home- VISIT THE WORKSHOPS IN RED LENINGRAD MOSCOW, July 20. (By Mail.)— The Swedish workers delegation has visited several Leningrad shops. They divided themselves into groups according to their occupations in order to study the particular indus- try branches of interest to them in Leningrad. Metal works, paper works, printing works, railway works, etc., were visited by the dele- gation, the women members of the delegation visited children’s homes and schools. The delegation greeted the Lenin- grad workers. On Sunday a session of the German and Swedish workers delegation is to take place. On the 21st of July the Swedish delegation is expected in Moscow. They call to their German brothers, | tell our comrades abroad the whole) truth that you have seen here, for | this truth will carry the message and hope of a better future into those countries where capitaliism is still) dominant. The truth will be a weapon | for the oppressed, the means for) awakening new strength in millions of toilers. Your journey is a guaran-| tee that the united front of proletar- jan solidarity in the struggle for the common cause of all toilers is fasten- ing an ever stronger band from country to country.” i Austrian Delegation: Stopped. The Pravda prints, also in the Ger- man language, the following article: “Tomorrow we shall greet a German workers’ delegation in Moscow. And the Swedish workers will follow the Germans, The Austrian delegation, was prevented in its journey here by the capitalist government, “Despite everything, sooner or later this shameful blockade, this refusal of elementary rights to the workers, will be broken. “And a stream of fresh proletarian masses will pour into the Soviet Union. Already many foreign com- rades have visited us. “The delegation which is at present in our midst, represents the begin- ning of a new epoch in the develop- ment of our international relations, for these connections are not exhaust- ed in the establishment of official con- nections with the capitalist states, with their diplomacy and their rep- resentatives. less children, for our need and for our wounds. It is not possible for us to say that everything is better. That would be self-deception. “Nevretheless our new friends must realize that we have terrible years behind us, that we have held out in a tremendous struggle and that from the moment in which we flung off the last army of the bloody intervention and of the white bandits, we have been continually growing. And truly, in this connection there are laready sufficient things to which we could point and about which we could boast, which we could show to the friendly eyes of the proletarians who come to us, and thru which we could earn the handshake of comrades whose prole- tarian pride and proletarian class honor still remain. If we had been left in peace by our enemies, if we had had the opportunity of working for years uninterruptedly, then our work- ing class, our toiling masses, would certainly have produced wonders. “Once again the mailed fist of cap- italism has been clenched, once again the shouts of the bandits are sounding, once again it seems that an iron ring may close around our proletarian country. The question of the organ- ization of proletarian defense against the activities of the millionaries who control the earth, once again presents itself to the working class. “Who knows what will happen? Have not English machine guns already shot down Chinese workers who had joined the struggle for a beter existence and for freedom? Does not the Gallic cock already crow hoarsely from the coast of Africa? Does not the world tremble today from the tremendous tension of imperialist contradictions which threaten to cause a new world war, a more powerful and more destructive war than the first imperialist war? “When the workers of Europe go thru our factories and shops, thru our recreation homes, our Soviet institu- tions, and children’s homes, they should be conscious that all they see belongs to us and our common cause and that it should be defended and protected, for the world knows no stronger power than our Soviet Union!” Getting a DAILY WORKER sub or two will make a better Communist of you. “Beyond this there exists the inter- Give this copy to your shop- E DAILY,.WORKER STATEMENT OF THE MINORITY IN THE SOUTH L SLAVIC FEDERATION ON THE SITUATION IN THE FEDERATION AND IN THE PARTY 'N the South Slavic Federation of the Workers Party a sharp factional struggle has been going on for some time. This struggle originated in the fight against :Gyetkov and ‘Cvetkov- ism, and in, the differences in the method of consolidating and upbuild- ing the federation on firm Communist foundations,:: Two definite groups were formed: in this fight--a minority and majority. The minority, led by Fisher, Loyen and Mikalachky, always jood for ah aggressive fight against i Gvetkoy as long as he was in the party, and for a speedy liquidation of the remnants. of his ideology in our movement after he left the party. Had it not been for the persistent and energetic fight against Cvetkov, led by this group, today our federation would be shattered and politically re- duced to a zero, while Cvetkov would triumphantly rule over it, in the same manner that Lore rules the German federation, The minority group also conducted a correct Bolshevik line of policy in the fight against the whole Jugoslav reaction in the United States, as well as for the healthy growth and Com- munist consolidation of our move- ment. The present majority of the bureau has always vascilated in the fight against Cvetkov; its policies were in- dicisive and confused. At the most desperate moments in the fight against Cvetkov, when the very life of the federation’was at stake, when firm- ness and detisiveness were required, the majority of the bureau wavered and gave im, while the whole burden of the fight’ was thrown on shoulders of the minority, even havingsthe backing of the majori- ty in this fight. The majority created a philosophy that our federation can be stabilized only if we take an at- titude of conciliation toward Cvetkov, what is more; we must acquisce to their demands, while against the left, that drove Cvetkov out of the party, a merciless fight for extermination must be carried on. . This policy. they. began to_put into et by uniting their forces with the adherents of}iCvetkov in the fight against the Bolshevik left. In the fight against the minority, the majority catered to the sentiment gf Cvetkov- ism in our. federation, which they mobilized, pressed into service, and in this manner perpetuated it, Other- wise, Cvetkovism as an ideology and political tendency in our federation would have been liquidated a long time ago. 5 The majority has also shown polit- ical weaknesses in other fields; espe- cially in the conflict between our movement and the bureaucracy of the National Croatian Society, Novi Svijet, etc, It did not put this fight on a broad political basis, with a view of separating the masses politically from their fraudulent leaders, which has always been the, policy of the minority, but reduced that fight to petty squabbles, which could in no way consolidate our movement and draw the masses closer to it. The more aggressive the minority Comrades | the! without | became in the fight against the ene- mies outside (Cvetkov, the bureau- cracy of the N, C. S., ete.), the more energetically it demanded the liquida- tion of the remnants of the Cvetkoy ideology in our ranks, and the more it demanded a determined Bolshevist policy in our party organizations for the purpose of creating a Communist influence in them, the more ruthless did the majority become in its un- heard of policy of brutal suppression and systematic extermination of the minority. Not only was the minority excluded from the most important work in the federation, but they were rapidly removed from the positions they previously held and were re- placed by incompetent comrades, At the same time the majority started a campaign: thruout the federation to discredit and kill politically the most outstanding comrades of the minority. They did this by showing the work of the minority in a false light, by send- ing circulars to the branches denounc- ing the comrades from the minority; they were shown to the membership as splitters, dsirupters and saboteurs. In this respect the majority caused great harm to the federation and the party as a whole. When the majority of the bureau overstepped all bounds in its cam- paign of brutal suppression of the minority, the latter was obliged to ap- peal the matter to the Central Exe- cutive Committee of the party The C. E. C. made several atempts to create unity, or at least soften down the acuteness of the struggle in the fed- eration. The majority of the bureau answered to this by a more fierce cam- paign of suppression. The C. BE. C. finally intervened with a decision to the effect that the minority must be given every opportunity to work in the federation. This decision of the Central Executive Committee of the party was sabotaged by the majority of the bureau for three weeks, and they finally decided not to carry out | the decision of the C. E, C., but to | evade it by asking for new investiga- j tions. The C. E. C. finally compelled the majority of the bureau to respect | its decisions and to put them into ef- fect. This was done in the form of a resolution, which was published in the DAILY WORKER and in Radnik, censuring at the same time the bureau for spurning the authority of | the Cc. E. Cc. Our Relation to the Party Fractions. Inasmuch as the Central Executive Committee of the party made attempts to create unity and order in the South Slavic Federatoin, the minority in the party (Lovestone-Ruthenberg faction) gave direct aid and support to the majority of the bureau in violating aging the decisions of the C. E. C. and suppressing the minority, The majori- ty of the bureau would not have dared to sabotage the decision of the highest body in our party were backed and defended in this by the minority of the party. positions of leadership in the party cannot be approved, but must be emphatically condemned. Instead’ of urging the majority of the bureau to respect the authority of the Central they not) Such an at-| titude of comrades who occupy high Executive Committee, aged it in abusing it, titude is impermissable in a Com munist Party. In all controversial questions between the minority and majority in the bureau, the minority in the party sided with the Novak-| Zinich majority, thereby sanctioning the unjustified suppression of the minority by the majority, in spite of the fact that the minority in the feder they encour- Such an at- ation has shown itself in the work of the party to be a sound Commun ist group. To support the majority of the bureau in its fight against the minority means strengthening the Cvetkov ideology in our federation, for the most outstanding figures and staunchest supporters of the Novak- Zinich faction even today in their work show clear marks of Cveikoy- ism, as for instance Vrkijan, who participated in the Cvetkoy caucus during the 15th convention of the Na- tional Croatian Society, and then Mokrovich and Blazekovich, who voted for a scab printing shop in the executive committee of the N. C. 5S. Cvetkovism is a species of Loreism or Opportunism, and both groups im the party should help the minority in the federation to combat this non Communist tendency; this is in line with the decision of the C. L on Lore- ism, which demands that both groups in the party unite in the struggle against Loreism. The above mentiored, coupted with the decision of the Enlarged Execu- tive Committee of the C.- I. on the American question, especially on the Labor Party policy, which is “Not the rejection of the struggle for the Labor Party, but an adjustment and further development of our tactics in this; struggle are called for, by the present | situation in America...... The conditions for the successful formation are not ripe as long as there is not a firm mass basis of trade union support. The majority of the Central Commit- tee was quite right in emphasizing | this point. If the Workers Party were | merely to be combined with the or-| ganizations sympathizing with it, no} Labor Party could be formed from | this combination” «prompted many comrades from the federation minor- ity, who previously supported the} minority-in the-party; to change their position in favor of the majority. That they acted quite right in this can be seen from the fact that the basic pol- icy of the party majority in regards to the Labor Party was that the Labor Party can only be formed when it has a solid basis of trade union support | ranks, In this respect we consider the deci sion of the International closer to the tactics of the majority on the Labor Party then of the minority. By this we do not mean in the least to gloss over the mistake of the majority when the discipline of the party and sabot-fit temporarily dropped the slogan for a labor party last fall. Today it has corrected its error and is loyally car- rying out the decision of the C. I. Today it is firmly engaged in the fight against Loreism in all its manifesta- tions, especially in the trade unions, where Loreism is most harmful to our movement. The minority in the party erred in putting the question of the Labor Party on a too narrow basis, and even today trys to minimize its mistake by continuously reverting | back to its erroneous policy which Wi-nSLUML Page German Workers Pledge Selves to Fight Yoke of Capitalism “We consider it to be our duty to struggle with all means against any attempt to bring the Russian people once again under the yoke of capitalism.” —F rom the Official Declaration of German Workers’ Delegation upon leaving Leningrad for Moscow. TAR ROE was not approved by the C. I. ‘The accusation of the party minor. ity that the comrades who went over | to the majority abandoned their po- litical convictions, for which they voted last fall when they supported the minority thesis, has no validity as an argument, for today the political platform of the minority is not in ef- fect in the party, both thesis, minor- ity and majority, are liquidated, and the decision of the Communsst Inter- | national is in effect. The minority in the South Slavig federation has no special factional ig- terest of its own, but is*a group for carrying on Communist work in the | federation and for bringing the fed- eration closer to the life of the party. It alligns itself with the party major- ity in emphasizing the necessity of the party entrenching itself in the strategic positions among the work- ers—in the shops, in the unions and | wherever the workers live and work so as to be able to successfully carry out all campaigns that the party undertakes. fini Re-organization of the Party. We greet with great enthusiasm the decision of the C. I. on re-organizing the party on the basis of shop nuclei and international branches. This re- organization is especially necessary to do away with the federation sys- tem of the and the national iso- lation of the language groups. Weld- ing all national groups into a homo+ geneous and centralized party is an absolute necessity for the healthy growth of our party. For that pur- pose, shop lei should be organized where ible, and an ideological campaign started for international branches should be commenced as soon as the ground is prepared for it. All attempts to create or maintain federation autonomies, discentraliza- tion and to undermine the authority of the Central Executive Committee of the party, or to sabotage its deci- sions, as the majority of the Sonth Slavic Bureau did, should be most emphatically condemned. The Unity of tne Party, We maintain the view of the C. I. that for the successful execution of its role in the class struggle, the party must be a monolithic unit, hewen of one piece, which hes no room for various factions and tendencies in its but must be united with but only one view, and that ts the view of Bolshevism. Only on the firm foun- dations of the revolutionary texeitines - of Marx and Lenin, on the foundations of the theory and practice of Bolshe- vism, can the party successfully play its role in the class struggle. We consider both groups in the party--majority and minority—sound Communist groups, while the Lore group is am opportunistic group, which must be combated. Loreism can be successfully liquidated only if both groups in the party united in the struggle for an ideological and organ- izational liquidation of Loreism. Long live the unity of the party! Long live the Communist Interna- tional. L. Fisher, Chicago, Ill., K. Mikalac ky, Chicago, Ill. §&. Mirokovich, Joliet, ill, W. S. Milson, Chicago, Il. A. N. Draga: Farrell, Pa. S. Popovich, West Allis, Wis. F. Petrock, Milwau- kee, Wis. J. R. Kovas, Hammond, ind. Chas. Jurcich, Whiting, Ind. Q. Marovich, Gary, Ind. Jos. M. Jurich, Chicago, Ill, Matija Crmevich, Zeig- German Fascists Reveal Plot Against (Continued from Page 1) dents’ organization has an internal service with its quarters in Leipsig and a foreign service with its quart- ers in Berlin-Charlottenberg, Berliner Strasse, 13. The task of the internal service is to carry on fascist agitation amongst the students, to issue the necessary pamphlets, films, etc., and to provide stipends for needy students, this lat- ter, however, only applies to students who are “politically reliable’ and never to students who are merely needy. i The economic departments of the universities are most intimately con- nected with the organiaztion consul. In 1923, the secret military training of the students through the reichs- wehr by the agency of the economic service took place. There 1s just as close a connection between the tech- niche nothilfe (fascist strikebreaking organization) and the O. C,, and the responsible leaders of the former are always present at the discussions of the latter organization. A Qualifies as Fascist. Replying to the question of his de- fending counsel who asked him how it came about that he, not being of pure German blood, was accepted in the 0. C., Dittmar pointed out that * his genealogical table showed the purest of German blood and that ful ther he was related to Freiherr Fre tag von Loringhoven, which was am- ply sufficient. ‘Wolscht declares that he knows ‘nothing about the secret organization and that he has not interested himself ein its obra itudent he is con- institution, In Berlin Paul Eink was in charge of the connections between the economic department with the O. C. Replying to the prosecutor, Dittmar admits that his first meeting with Ehrhardt took place in the stu- dents’ home, Friedrich Strasse, 107, in the presence of Tannenbaum and Rose. . Wolscht says that he knows nothing about that and that he'\would cer- tainly have noticed thé presence of Ehrhardt. As the prosecutor asked if the presence of Ehrhardt would have seemed compromising, Wolscht declared that each strange visitor would immediately have been noticed by the occupants of the students’ home. Send Spies into Russia, Kindermann admits that he is a close friend of the member of the 0, C., Johnson, who worked with Ditt- mar in Bremerhafen. Wolscht also. Dittmar says that he made the ac- quaintance of Kindermann in the be- ginning of 1924 under the instructions of the-O. C., and that he later learned that ex-Chancellor (prime minister) Michaelis was the chairman’ of the Berlin O. C. The Berlin organizaton received instructions from the Munich high command to send a terrorist group to Russia, Michaelis is at the same time hon- orary chairman of the students’ or- ganization, Dittmar learned in the sessions of the Berlin district group of the O. C. that the tasks of the ter- rorist groups were part of the gen- eral aims. Upon the receipt of the instructions of the high command the send Forge Communist Credentials. To mask the expedition, Kinder- mann was to establish relations with Russian and German scientific circles and to spread reports publicly of his coming scientific expedition to Russia. Further, someone was to be sought for having connections with the So- viet power or who at least had a com- mand of the Russian language. The Russian trade delegation and the Rus- sian embassy in Berlin were to be in- ‘formed of the expedition and request- ed to provide recommendations to Lunacharsky, Krupskaya, etc. Arrangements were further made to provide false party credentials of the Communist Party of Germany. All communications for the expedition in Moscow from Germany were to go thru a confidential agent in the Ger- man embassy in Moscow. High German Official a Spy. Dittmar declares that he learned in Moscow that this work of maintain- ing connections was carried out by Legationsrat (high official in German embassy) Hilger, i In case of arrest an arranged tele- gram was to be sent to Berlin with the text: “How is Herr Gruenbaum?” Should the undertaking prove suc- cessful, the return journsy was plan- ned over China and America, In caso their plans should be upset, the Junk- er company was to provide an aero- plane for a flight to Persia or to the west, In the beginning Kinder in and Wolscht had no confidence in Dittmar and demanded complete particulars about him, whereupon Dittmar direct- ed them’to the 0. C. in WAN Munich. Kind-| Wolscht that it would be éasier to go thru)money Dittmar used to equip the ex- the institution at their disposal. On| pedition. Dittmar was entrusted with the next day Dittmar surprised in his|the procuring of the Russian visas, room in the student home a stranger| should he be successful he was to who was searching thru his pocket-|send a telegram to Kindermann in book. “Meet in Professor's Home After much questioning this latter laughingly presented Dittmar with a police presidium and promised bring a “search warrant.” ip of the O. C. could be established, he received at the end of August an invitation to a new ses- sion with Kindermann and Wolscht in the home of Professor Thysson, Kant Strasse, which was occupied by Kin- dermann in the absence of its owner. Here Dittmar learnt from Kinder- mann that economic espionage in the interests of the German heavy indus- trialists in Ru was also one of the aims of the expedition. In his Journey to South Germany Kindermann had established connections with the Ba- den Aniline Factory, with Gruetzner Lanz and with the Michael concern. To preserve the scientific appear- ance of the expedition, Kindermann established relations with Professor Nansen, Oscar Spengler and Professor South Germany with the text: “Con- gratulations on the birth.” Planned to Kill Stalin. After the return of Wolscht and green credentials card of the Berlin] Kindermann to Berlin a third session to} took place at the house of Wolscht, However! Michaelkirch Strasse 26, Berlin, Ilere Kindermann explained the de- tails of the expedition’s plans to Rus- sia and reported upon his connections in South Germany. Kindermann sub- mitted the following plan for the ter- rorist activity in Soviet Russia: ~ 1, Reliable reconoitering of the Kremlin and its internal organization, 2, Sounding of the financing of the Communist Party of Germany. 8. Sounding of the correspondence channels between the Comintern and the C. P. G. and the ascertainment of possible connections between the Co- mintern and the foreign political rep- resentations, 4. Ascertainment of the homes and methods of life of the leading Russian Communists. 5. After carrying out all prepara- tions, then the carrying out of at- tempts upon Stalin and Trotsky and, Binstein, In stadt the well wife is a Russiah counter-revolution- ary who was formerly acquainted ith Trotsky, visited Kindermann. her Kindermann was to receive a letter of ! to Trot- sky, in this period Kindermann and received honorarium advanc- known Professor Oesterreicher whose | jinsky. if possible, later on Zinoviev and Djer- Police Knew of Plot. After the session a drinking party took place during which Wolscht and Kindermann ipformed Dittmar in con- fidence that the police presidium had approached the O, C. with the request that the expedition should find out in Russia if there were Communist tugi- ma ler, Hl. Soviet Leaders tives there and under what names they lived. After the receipt of the visas « quick start was prepared. The origin- ally arranged time in July, 1924, was however postponed as Kindermann wanted to take the Indian professor Chariri who it is said was in Russia in 1922 and made the acquaintance of Lenin, with the expedition to disguise it still further, This postponed the start till the autumn as Chariri gave evasive answers. The last discussion before the departure took place at the end of September in the room of Ditt- mar ip the students’ home in the Bor- sig Strasse, Room 86. Here Kinder. mann informed Dittmar of his discus- sion with Michaelis, Ehrhardt and Rose, Kindermann Admits Meetings. Ebhrhardt had figured under the name, Ehrenbugg. It was there do- clded that Dittmar should leave in three days. Kindermann and Wolscht wished to make a halt in Koenigs- berg in order to discuss and negotiate with members of the O. C. raere. The meeting place was arranged in Riga for the 13th of October, Ii conse- quence of the bad connections be- tween the island of Oesel where Ditt- mar stayed and Riga, he arrived in Riga only on the 15th. Wolscht and Kindermann had however already trav@lled further as otherwise the visas would have expired. Under cross-examination by the Prosecutor, Kindermann admitted all the detatis of the first meeting given by Dittmar and also of the further connections with him. He persists however, in the statement that he hi had nothing to do with the 0.-C.. He zives the purpose of his journey as he “betterment of scientific connec- ions” between Russia and Germany. (Loud laughter). Kindermann declares that he pre- sented himself to Dittmar as a Com- munist. He says verbally: “I had no lesire to prostitute my Communist »pinions, I could however, not present myself openly as a Communist as in this way I would have been unlutky with business people.” Replying to the question of the prosecutor ag to his present opinions Kindermann says, “Up to the time of my departure from Schlesische railway station | was a Communist.” (Great amusement). The chairman reminded Kinder- mann that the latter had said on tho first day of the trial that he had no interest for politics. And that now he declares that formerly “he had an ac- tive interest in politics. With an air of reflection Kindermann answers: “Very few people have political con- victions the rest is only dally opin- ions.” The details which Kindermann then gave upon Communism called forth storms of laughter. In relation to the “sclentific reason” for his journey to Russia, Kindermann deciares that he wanted to learn the life of the polar inhabitants in Jakutsk, Originally he wanted to go to Greenland as he had good connections with Denmark. (amusement). Kindermann attempted to evade the question of the prosecutor who asked him about his present political opin- ions. Finally to the question: “Ar you a right German nationalist o; not?” he answers after s0 f