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| The London Conference “German occupation. All T this writing they are still dead- locked, They may continue in this fashion for another week or two, and then—break up. They cannot very well agree because there is too much at stake. Even a makeshift ar- rangement is something that the Lon- don Conference will hardly be able to produce, It Isn’t the German Loan. Reading capitalist news and inter- pretations of the London Conference only confuses one’s mind; According to them the main reason for the dead- lock is to be found in the unwilling- ness or inability of the French govern- ment_to accede to the, so-called, secur- ity demands of the English and Am- erican bankers, which is true,-in a Measure. But the explanation touches only the surface of the matter. It is true that the French govern- ment, in line with the interests of thp French heavy industrialists, wouldn’t relinquish the right of the Commis- sion on Reparations to be the sole judge and executor in the matter of imposing sanctions upon Germany in case of the latter’s default. It is also true that the English and American bankers are opposed to the position of France in this matter, their main argu- ment being that the prospective inves- | tors wil not readily come forward with their money for the proposed 200 mil- lion dollar loan for Germany as long as the French government thru its control of the Reparations Commis- sion remains the sole judge in the matter of sanctions. All this is per- fectly true, because these are the out- ward. manifestations -of the conflict that is at present taking place at the London Conference. However, what By AMADEUS DUNOIS. ~ There recently appeared in the edi- torial office of our French Party gan, “Humanite” Peter Degeytér, the composer of the music to that world- famous battle song of the proletariat, “L'Internationale.” In. reply to the question how he came to compose this melody, we learned that thirty- five years ago he was a textile work- | er in Lille, the imdustrial center of the north of France. At that time the Socialist movement in Lille was mak- ing great progress. Peter, along with his brother Adolf took part- in it. Before all he was a great lover of music, and it was here that he en- tered a workers’ choir which elected him as its leader. Among the mem- bers of this workers’ choir there were two who have since become famous: Gustav Delory, the Mayor of Lille, and later member of parliament for Lille, and Henri Ghesquiere, who like- yise became member of parliament and died during the last days of the kinds of songs were sung by this choir, the workers would willingly have sung socialists songs too, but they did not know any. One day in 1889 a comrade handed to Degeyter a poem by Eugen Pottier, the former member of the Paris Com- mune, who-had just died in the direst poverty in Paris. The poem was called: L’Internationale. The date next to the signature—June 30, 1871 —indicated that the verses of the re- volutionary song had been composed immediately after the bloody week of the Commune. This poem, charged with glowing force, began with a call to the defeat- ed in the social battle: “Arise ye starvelings from your slumbers, Arise ye criminals of Want! . For Reason in revolt now thun- ders 4 - And at last ends the age of Can’t!” As the poem proceeds the whole program of the soctal revolution is 4 mt we should concern ourselves mostly with is not so much the outward signs as the inward causes, which brings us to the old issue of— Who Shall Dominate Europe? For this there are three great pre- tenders: France, England and Amer- ica. The capitalists of these three countries are being driven by the logic of the economic situation and by the force of mutual antagonisms and jeal- ousies, to seize control over the most important sections of Europe. Ger- many, because of its coal and iron re- sources in the Ruhr and because of its comparative helplessness, offers at present the shortest and most effec- tive way for securing domination over Europe. Germany has therefore be- come the chief stake in the imperialist game of the great powers. France has made two attempts to secure for herself the coal and iron riches of the Ruhr basin. One was at the close of the great slaughter when the infamous treaty of Versailles was written. Clemenceau had then tried to annex to France all of the indus- trial Rhineland. In this he failed, because the capitalists of England and America wouldn’t stand for it. But French Imperialism was not ready to give up so readily one of its most cherished dreams. Conse- quently another attempt was made, the famous march into the Ruhr initi- ated by Poincare. The original pur- pose of the invasion was probably the complete annexation of the proyince to France, or, failing in this, to se- cure for French capital such a meas- ure of control over the industries of the Ruhr as to make the latter prac- tically French possessions. The com- bined opposition of the capitalists of Germany, England and America pre- vented France for the second time from realizing its ambitions. Then indicated in the wonderfully com- pressed lines. Peter Degeyter was quite enthusi- astic. He again and again repeated these powerful lines,-in which burned the fire of an unvanquishable hope. For in fact “L’Internationale” is not the lamentation ofthe vanquished, humbly depldring their defeat. It is the war-cry bursting forth from the innermost of a class, the working class, which is preparing its revenge and knows that its revenge will come. The humble textile worker Degey- ter at this moment had the inspira- tion that these lines of revenge were only lacking an appropriate melody in order to become the proletarian re- volutionary hymn. “T shall attempt” he said, “to put these verses to music.” He started work immediately and some days afterwards, the music was composed—this martial catchy tune, which we all know so very well. Peter Degeyter at once began to make copies for his comrades in the choir. Thus in a suburb of Lille in 1889 “L’Internationale” was born, It is true it required some time to become popular. It was sung in Lille, but in no cther place. . In 1899 a general congress of th workers’ organizations and _ the French Socialists was held in Paris, the first Congress of Socialist unity. When the congress was just about to disperse, a delegate suddenly mount- ed a table. It was Henri Ghesquiere. And in the general silence he started a song, which to most of the delé- gates was unfamiliar. . . > After the third couplet all,the delegates joined in the refrain: - “Then Comrades come rally! . . .” This was “L’Internationale.” A year later the whole of Socialist France sang it, and thus it happened _|that the hundreds-of delegates who of 1900 learned to know this song. After this the simple song of Degey- ter began to become known thruout the ‘whole world. . French Imperialism began evolving a scheme based on the idea that the Ruhr industries be controlled jointly by the heavy industrialists of Ger- many and France. In other words, French Imperialism was getting ready to compromise with its German breth- ren on the division of spoils in the Ruhr © basin. The industrialists of Germany were quite willing. Barring a few differences that were yet to be settled, Big capital of France and Germany was about to join hands in the battle for the conquest of Eu- rope, é Then something happened. Ameri- can imperialism jointly with the Eng- lish stepped into the affair and said: No. It shall not be. This categori- cal NO was delivered through the so- called Experts’ Report commonly known in America as the Dawes plan. And in order to touch French imper- jalism to the quick, American and English bankers fooled around for a little while with the French franc chasing !t down almost to the same value as the German mark in its criti- cal days. French imperialism took the hint intelligently. It acquiesced in the Dawes plan, (theoretically, at least,) and expressed a willingness to nego- tiate. The result was the London Conference. iste What Are They Negotiating About? The concrete question is this: Who shall control the coal and iron indus- tries of the Ruhr basin? To this ques- tion the replies are as follows: France: the heavy industrialists of France and Germany. America and England: All us us, meaning by this that in such a joint control America would come first, England second, France third, and Germany fourth. Or, if France remains obstinate, Germany might come third and France last. While his song achieved such a By Alexander Bittelman The Co-Relation of Forces. In this imperialistic battle, which is a continuation of the great slaughter by means of diplomacy and economic pressure and which is preparing the ground for a new and still bloodier Struggle, the forces of the combatants are co-related about as follows: In France: Heavy industrialists are in favor of exclusive Franco-German control, the petty-bourgeoisie and the labor aristocracy are distrustful, of it. The latter are more inclined toward accepting the Dawes plan. In Germany the situation is about the same. In America, big captial is naturally class (big, middle and small) and the labor aristocracy are opposed to Franco-German control and in favor of the Dawes plan. -In England the entire capitalist in favor of the Dawes plan and op- posed to the French scheme. Middle and small capital as well as the labor aristocracy have not yet made up their minds on the proposition, the chances being that these groups will eventually be brought into line by big capital in favor of the Dawes plan. Thus we see that the forces lined in favor of the Dawes plan, consider- ing the matter internationally, are much more powerful than are those favoring the idea of Franco-German control. If it comes to a show-down, which means war, the former are sure to win. But the international bourge- oisie does not dare to resort to the means of arms. The memories of the last slaughter are still fresh in the minds of the masses. However, there is no other way of solving the prob- lems of the London Conference except by war, that is, from the capitalist point of view, or else, by a proletarian revolution from the point of view of the working class. The Composer of “L’Internationale” It is very likely that this scene will great success in the Socialist world,| be repeated in these days in Mos- Peter Degeyter had to have recourse to_ the law courts in order to estab- lish his claim as the composer of “L’Internationale,” as owing to the intrigues of Delory and Ghesquieres, his brother Adolf was held to be the composer of the song. It was only after 20 years of law suits that the court recognized him as the real com- poser of the “Internationale.” Peter Degeyter, who is by now 70 years of age is leading a very poor existence along with his wife, earn- ing only a few francs by the sale of confectionary. Now, when the Russ- ian Comrades have learned of his sit- uation, they have decided, on the suggestion of the French comrades, to grant him a monthly pension and to arrange a festival for his benefit. Great homage was paid to Peter Degeyter at the last national congress of the French Communist Party, when he was asked to take a seat on the tribune and to address the congress with a few words. But owing to great excitement the worthy old man stumbled with his words until the chairman, comrade Sellier, asked the orchestra to strike up the “Thterna- tional.” And the latter, a workers’ brass band frdm Lyons, started the immortal music. The whole congress rose to its feet and joined in the refrain. At this moment Peter Degeyter was wholly changed. He looked as if the whole thing to him were a dream in his poor exploited life, which up to then had not found any expression. With his right hand he beat time, with the movements of his head he marked the rythm. One could not turn ones eyes from the touching pic- ture of this gray haired man. Hé was pale, his eyes appeared to be gazing into the distance, his nostrils trem- bled. And he seemed at this moment to be the living symbol of the work- ing class, which will experience as a whole, after long. and bitter sufferings, persecutions and injustice the day of its final victory. cow. On the propdgal of the French. comrades the Executive Committee decided to invite Peter Degeyter to_ take part in the V. World Congress. He certainly has the right to receive the homage of the International and we hope that he will find no difficul- ty in accepting this brilliant homage in the capitol of the Communist In- ternational and the world revolution. At the same time it is our duty to pay grateful homage to the old poet who wrote the verses of the “In- ternational,” of “Jean Misere” and the “Monument des Federes” and many other revolutiondry songs, inspired by the glorious Commune. We refer to Eugen Pottier, whose name we have to rescue from the oblivion with which it is threatened. M. DOUMERGUE, French President, as seen by French Communists. RIVERVIEW * RAIN OR SHINE mn August 10th --- Sunday Press Picnic Day