The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 2, 1924, Page 10

\Rebell 4 ™~ f A J s ‘with us on the basis of the class | struggle. A REVIEW—y MARTIN ABERN. “Rebellion in Labor Unions” dem- onstrates most clearly how closely the official leaders of the American labor movement are tied in every way to the capitalist class. How and why the leadership in the labor unions is separated from the rank and file is graphically pictured as Miss Kopald| in simply written but brilliant chap- ters outlines four major outlaw strikes in recent years. The leaders have a vested interest | in the unions and this cuts into the, very heart of the organizations, pre- | sumably fighting bodies for the bet- terment of the conditions of the workers. This book proves one thing, if it proves nothing else: that the American “Labor Leaders,” Farring- ton, Gompers, Lewis, Lee, Berry and others are intensely interested in the welfare of the employers and just as inversely in that of the rank and file of the labor unions. The long tenure in office of the ‘labor leaders” has resulted in strong machines being formed and these ma- chines have inevitably produced bu- reaucracies and other oligarchic fea- tures. Under the leadership of these agents of capitalism in the labor e movement, the unions have become governments and woe to any militant or oppressed. and discouraged rank and filer who dares to question the authority of the bureaucrat, labeled labor leader. The labor. misieaders have become separated from the membership economically, in environ- ment, in thought, Unions exist primarily to conducta | struggle, a class struggle, against the employing class for better wages, con- ditions of labor, ete. But the labor unions in America today are not class institutions, There are, two class in- | stitutions, There is the working class |membership and then there is the ‘leadership, capitalistically minded jand capitalistically placed economic- | ally. A leadership which is heart and | soul with the capitalist class, whom -it But in this |must prefend to fight. | hook, Kopald by citation of facts, by | statements ppd actions of the alleged \labor leaders themselves, Berry, Far- rington, et al, shows how even the pretense of defense of workers in the unions has been eliminated and the bureaucratic and fake leadership has gone over completely and without any misgivings into the camp of the em: ploying class. It is class collabora- tion with a vengeance. in Labor Union The insurgent or “outlaw” move- ments of the Illinots miners in 1920, the railroad outlaw or “wild cat” strike in 1920, the Printers Vacation Movement in New York in 1919 and the New York Web Pressman’s strike in 1923 are vividly outlined. In each instance Miss Kopald points out plainly how the “outlaw” or insurgent walkouts had their basis in bread and butter needs. The bread question in each case was acute, The needs of the workers were obvious—even to the “labor leaders.” Only a_ spark was needed to touch off the seething discontent; and comparatively minor incidents, such as unjust fines (Tom Mooney penalty fine in Illinois), dis- charge of workers, (Carey Printing Company in New York) etc., did pro- voke the struggles which swiftly de- veloped into struggles against the bureaucracy and tyrannical despo- tism of the labor officials and their, the labor leaders’ aids, the govern- ment and the employing class. As these insurgent strikes spread and brotight thousands of workers into the ranks of the rebelSous mem- bers (such as in Illinois) or brought out the entire ‘organization such as the New York Web Pressmen, the in- surgents learned that they not only S had to face the employing class. They discovered, to their dismay, but increasing knowledge, that they had to meet the enemy within the. un- ions, their “leaders.” These capital- ist “labor” leaders invoked the aid of the employing class and the local, state and national governmental ag- encies. Thugs, gunmen, spies, expul- sions met the insurgents on every hand. This was the democracy of the unions and rank and file rule.—- These révolts of the miners, rail- road workers and printers are signifi- cant, first in their similarity in ori- gin, and, second, in their suppres- sions, These unofficial walkouts were unorganized. Patience and suffering had reached the point of revolt re- gardless of consequences to the men, The Union leadership suppressed these revolts with an iron hand. The insurgents were met at all times with leries of “Unconstitutionalism,” “Bol-- sheviks” and the usual tirade of abuse, besides physical opposition. - Revolts in unions have taken place many times in the past. They are taking place in Europe and more-will come in America. But revolts in the |past and revolts now have a different meaning. Even as has taken place ‘(Continued on page 7.) Our Aims and Tactics in the Trade Unions (Continued from page 4) ground that Farrington’s spies might be present and learn something in ad- vance about the fights we intended to make in the convention. This atti- tude is erroneous. It is the result of overcaution and too much concern for immediate legislative and techni- cal victories. Moreover; it represents, to a certain extent, an unconscious yielding to the position of the reac- souary muvurensy SOU UM any attempt to organize the rank and fil@against them. This question goes much “deeper than appears at first glance. The failure to organize the _left wing delegatgs at the convention into a fighting body, if carried to its logical conclusion, would lead to the failure to organize the left wing forc- es thruout the union. It means giv- ing up, under pressure of the official- dom, the right to organize the Trade Union Educational. League. “Don’t make a mole hill into a mountain,” is a good maxim; but it is just as good if we turn it around and say to the comrades who are willing to con- cede this small point: “Don’t make a mountain into a mole hill.” If we are making a serious fight to break the control of the trade union bureau- cracy we must nor neglect to organ- ize our troops. Our fight for the conquest of the union is at bottom a fight to organize the rank and file workers together Therefore, they must be enlightened as to our aims and plans. Conventions should be regarded as the best occasions to advance this process. The conventions. afford us the opportunity of coming into close contact with rank and file delegates, of combatting by discussion and ar- gument their prejudices and miscon- ceptions, and of uniting them with us into an organized body to fight for the regeneration of the labor move- ment. The left wing caucus is neces- sary for this work. It is far more important to us if we get acquainted with ten new workers and make fhem a part of the organ- ized fight, than if we pass a dozen resolutions in the convention by an accidental majority. The conscious support of the work- ers is what we want. We are fight- ing for their minds and hearts. Do not forget that, comrades. The of- ficialdom can turn our best resolu- tions into Scraps of paper. They can retain office by stealing elections, but they can not take away from us the workers*we have won over to our way of thinking and fighting. The officials can maintain themselves in power, for a time, by a thousand tricks aud fraudulent practices. But once we have won the masses over to our side, we can snap our fingers at them. The control of the unions means for us the control of the masses. This, and this alone, will insure our final victory. Communists and Union Offices. I want to pass over now to another question which will become, more and more important as our strength develops in the trade unions. It has confronted us already a number of times. That is the question of com- becoming candidates for office. This may become one of our greatest dangers, and one of the greatest sources of corruption of mem- bers, if we do not properly estimate this question and take a resolute stand on it at the very beginning. Tn the discussiofis which took place here today, we heard the remark made by one of the comrades that our struggle in the unions is a struggle for strategic positions. This is a one-sided view and if we allow it to stand alone, we will fall into a serious error. We must adopt the int of view that our struggle is a truggle to develop the class con- ciousness of the rank and file work- rs aud to win them over to the prin- ciple of the revolutionary struggle inst Capitalism under the leader- oti Aight tor stra- broad politi- cal aim te it to this aim, we will be safe ground. Other- wise, we will be confronted with the spectacle of Party’members regarding the fight for office as an end in itself; of evading or }utting aside questions of principle with which the masses are not familiar; of scheming and cal- culating too closely in order to get into office. Of course the comrades will justify all this on the ground that once they get into office they will be able to do big things for the Party. But quite often we will be apt to find the very comrades who adopt this method of getting into office falling into the habit of continuing it in order to hold the office.~ They will thereby degenerate into mere office-holders and office-hunters. They will lose the confidence and respect of the militant rank and file workers, and our Party, which stands responsible for them, will have its prestige greatly injured. Strategic positions, however, are very important and we must not take a doctrinaire view in regard to them. The opinion expressed here by one comrade that men become petty bour- tegic positio: geois in their interests and outlook | as soon as they are elected to officp and that, therefore, we should have nothing to do with office, is not cor- rect. It is true that official position, especially in the American trade un- i awe Redding ~M.+ te the uniang and. ion movement, has led many men in the past to corruption and betrayal of the workers, but that does not say that communists must be corrupted. We have to hold the conception that a true Communist can go anywhere the party sends him and do anything, and still remain a Communist—still remain true to the working class. Farrington. are duty-bound to. stand. for, A Party of Struggle. tion. Above all, they must not ac- quire an “official” psychology, and fail to do their duty by the Party for fear of jeopardising their positions. We do not put Communists into office in order that they may do less for the Party, but more. The atmosphere of American trade union officialdom is a fetid one. It is permeated thru and thru with cus- toms and traditions of a non-prole- tarian claracter. Take care, you comrades who become -officials, that ember always that you are Com- the customs and traditions of office developed by the agents of the bour- geoisie, who have fastened themselves upon the labor movement in official positions, but take your own revolu- tionary ethics and customs with you. Party Discipline. The question'of Party discipline be- nection with comrades in official posi- tions. Comrades so situated must tie themselves closely to the Party, make themselves one with it, and regard Comrade Lenin was an official. He had more power than Frank Farring- ton, but he did not become like Frank The guarantee against come officials is that they remain close to the party and that they base their fight for office on the support of the rank and file for the policy of the class struggle, and do not become too expedient and too “clever’—do not try to “sneak” into office by soft-ped- alling and pussy-footing on_questions of principle which may be unpopular, but which Communists, nevertheless, Our Party is a party of rank and le revolutionary workers, a Party of evolutionary struggle against capital- m and all its works, and we expect mrades who are put into official po- itions to retain that fundamental con- emselves to be influenced by their positions into an attitude of overcau- you do not sink into this swamp. Re- munists and hold on to your rebel Communist spirit. Do not succumb tq comes especially important in con- The Party expects even more discip- line to be shown by comrades who become officials and leaders than by other members of the party. It does not fear even the biggest officials who go against the decisions of the Party and follow a policy in conflict with it. Comrades who hold offices, no matter how ‘important they may be, cannot act as independent individuals with- out being called to order by the Party. The Test of Our Work. We can sum up the whole question a few words. We are not ,Pro- but Revolutionists. « Our organize the masses for the prole- revolution and to lead them in he struggle for it. All of our daily ‘ork must be paps ol to. this, and ubordinated to it.The test of.our ork can never be made by formal victories on paper, but by the develop- ment of class consciousness in the ranks of the workers, the degree of their organization on that basis and the increasing influence and leadership of our Party. Strategic positions in the labor movement are of importance chiefly from the standpoint of enabl- ing the Party to advance and develop - its work of revolutionizing the masses. Let us be shrewd and practical by all means. Let us learn how to meet every question that arises in the un- ion, in a realistic and businesslike _ manner. Let us become experts in the daily work of the unions, and-in maneuvering for strategic positions, — but let us also remember always the danger of degenerating into mere pro- Active unionists, especially those whO'Romtollice, are beset by a thous. and temptations to turn aside from the road of the class struggle. Only ° their close union with the Party will enable them to overcome these temp- tations. With rap Alo og sag of the Party they will learn how to «) the workers in the daily ae ee to connect all their activity with the task of leading the masses toward the final revolution. They will learn how to measure their progress at every step, not by formal victories on paper, but by the development of the class consciousness of the workers and the influence of the Party, by the extent to which their activity inspires the workers with that spirit of deter- mined struggle, which is the spirit of Many difficulties will confront us in the task we have undertaken, but, with the assistance of the Party and the International, we will*solve them all. We will win over the masses to the side of Communism; we will wrest the labor movement from the hands of the agents of the e and convert them into mighty instruments for the proletarian