The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 2, 1924, Page 7

~ lena Ueda Aint SRS Seam ns HLS PLR Hc o_o ~ WORKING CLASS NEWS By KARL REEVE merely sending an advance notice in; read our strike news but became|ing food workers, the rest of the pa- tation from, Lenin's The DAILY “WORKER, the first Communist daily newspaper to be printed in the English language, has made working class history during the Seven months of its existence. The news columns have created a favor- able reaction among the workers, and an analysis ofthe different types of news stories printed in The DAILY WORKER will be of benefit to the volunteer reporter. The DAILY WORKER is used not only to educate the workers to heed the message of Communism, it’ also solidifies the Workers’ Party mem- bership and educates and informs them of the Party tactics. This theo- retical and tactical news is very im- portant to the movemént. The trans- lations from Russian and other for- eign magazines and newspapers in- form the membership of the latest trend of world Communism. The theses, programs and articles explain- ing American policy, officially printed in The DAILY WORKER, create a self reliant and well informed rank and file. More important to the . volunteer reporters, however, is the Worker Party news of meetings, demonstra- tions and entertainments which should be sent in from all over the country. This Workers Party news keeps the different sections of the party in- formed about what the other sections are doing, and unifies the party. Every Workers Party event of even local importance should be sent to The DAILY WORKER. It is not Much more trouble to write up the event as a news story, instead of the form of a handbill, and not only saves much time, but makes a better story. In addition, every labor event at- tended by a party member should be reported to the DAILY WORKER. Every ‘strike in which a party mem- ber takes part carries with it not only the organizational duties but the duty to give the left wing angle of the story publicity in. The DAILY WORKER, The DAILY WORKER has unlim- ited. fields of expansion which are as yet unknown to many of the Party members. The working class news which deals with the every day worker in the’ shop, or political and industrial activity;<relies for much of its value on the distribution of the paper carrying the story to the places written up. For instance, ata Negro meeting of the followers of Marcus Garvey this week’in Chicago, several hundred copies were sold to the Ne- groes because of a front page article giving a speech of Mafcus Garvey. | Vertising, but also educated in this case, the Negroes to the Workers Party policy toward the Negro prob- lem. It is the duty of the membership not only to send in the news stories, but when they are sent in, bundles of the paper containing the story should be ordered from the business office and sold at the strike meeting or demonstration written about. The DAILY WORKER in reporting its first big strike—the Chicago Ladies Garment Workers’ Strike—in- formed labor thruout the country of the injunctions suffered by Chicago Strikes, and the membership of the union thruout the country not only “The General Staff o a (Continued from page 7) ion barrage at the Congress. The by no means repudiates the of the united front, it is only giving it a clearly defined revolution- ary contents as a means of winning over the majority of the working class, as an instrument for mobiliz- ding the masses, as a method of class propaganda and as a test for the social-democracy to prove its anti- proletarian and _ anti-revolutionary nature. There can be a million ways of applying the united front tactics, says the Congress; the practical steps may differ according to the concrete situation in every country. But if we have in mind our task of mobilizing the masses for the conquest of power, if we use. every opportunity to strengthen the working class in its class struggle and to straighten its line in the direction of a revolution, then we may not be afraid of any strategical maneuvers including those which demand compromises. Enorm- ous applause followed Zinoviev’s quo- article, “On Com- promises”: “The task of a truly revo- lutionary party consists.not in im- possible repudiation of every com- promise, but in making all com- promises which cannot be avoided while remaining loyal to its prin- ciples, to its class, to its revolution- ary task, to its cause of preparing for the revolution and of educating the masses of the people for a vic- torious revolution.” What lent the question of a Labor- Farmer government particular timeli- ness was not only the Saxon experi- tactic: ment but the present complexion of the most powerful European states. Social-democracy is becoming a lead- ing factor in every country. The Brit- ish labor government is directed by social-democrats. The French govern- ment is practically under the in- fluence of social-democrats. In Bel- gium, the probability of social-demo- cratic participation in the cabinet is near at hand. In most European coun- tries there is a tendency on the part of the bourgeoisie to share power with the social-democrats. This is meant to save the capitalist order from collapse, but it may tempt some unstable proletarian elements, Com- munists not excluded, to chertoh some hopes of progress thru .peaceful re- forms. It puts the question of Com- munist co-operation with social-demo- crats on the order or the day.” who think that a Farmer-Labor gov- ernment may be a peaceful transition towards complete proletarian dictator- ship, will-they not advocate our join- ing a social-democratic government whenever opportunity offers itself, in order that we may reach our goal in this reformist way? The Congress answered this ques- tion with an emphatic No! A Labor- Farmer government is not meant as jing a form of co-operation with social- democracy within the framework of the bourgeois state. A Labor-Farmer government is meant as a product of revolution, as a revolutionary slogan, as the popular name for the power of the masses,’ which is to destroy the apparatus of the old democratic state and take its place. A Labor- Farmer government is meant, not as an adaption to bourgeois “democracy, but as a call to overthrow the bour- geois institutions, as an organization for such overthrow, in short, to put in Zinoviev’s words, as a pseudonym for proletarian dictatorship. The forms, the circumstances, the com- position of such a government may vary, but its fundamental principle must remain unaltered: a power to break the bourgeois rule. It may even be @ coalition with some social-demo- cratic parties which, under pressure from below, have lost their reformist meakness, bit it must be a coalition for the seizure of power, for the real- ization of proletarian rule. Thus the Congress, thru numberless clashes, thru feverish wrangles, thru sparkling explosions of oratory, pas- sion, wit, sarcasm, thru a vast ex- change of world-wide experience ac- cumulated in actual struggles, pro- ceeds to define a revolutionary, a Bolshevist policy which demands fiex- ibility, alertness, shrewd and careful strategy on the part of a well or- ganized and well- disciplined party, a policy which tho «allowing for adaptations, for adequate approach to biased or unconscious masses on the basis of any program that de- fends their interests and is capable of shaking them from passivity and mobilizing them for revolutionary | The paper not only extends its ad-| jmore - closely. acquainted with the | Workers Party. New uses are constantly being ;more valuable to the working class In. the Pullman carbuilders’ strike The DAILY WORKER was sold at the gates of the plant and the im- ported steel workers, DAILY WORKER newies call, “All about the Pullman strike,” learned for the first time that there was a strike in the Pullman plant. Thus The DAILY WORKER stumbled on an unwitting aid to the picketers. The DAILY WORKER, in this strike, | served as a rallying point for organ- ization work, members of the staff speaking at the strike meeting and aiding in the strike activities. All this activity, increasing the! faith of the workers in the sincerity | ; and power of the Workers Party, had , as its foundation, the printing of the! ystrike — stories in The WORKER. ;of the strike activity: Thus volun- | impor tance than the mere printing of | a news item, if properly backed up| with selling of the paper and organ- ization work. In the strike of the Jewish Bakers in Chicago a big opportunity, of simi- lar nature was missed because the Workers Party members -who were striking did not call up the Worker with news of the strike. Another innovation of The DAILY WORKER was inaugurated in the strike of the Greek Restaurant work- ers carried on by the Amalgamated Food workers in Chicago. The union bought a special strike edition of The DAILY WORKER, the entire front page being devoted to the strik- . e struggles, retains in view and moves towards the goal of the proletarian revolution—the seizure of power. every™ ‘on tis basis and for this kind of work is Bolshevisation. The resolution on the report of the E. C. defines it in the following words: “Making the party leadership, the organizations and the individual members active’; “real revolutionary initiative, energy and striking power, capacity for. shrewd manouevring, conscious iron dis- cipline of. true revolutionary fight+ “organizations;” “conscious- ness of the task of the Communist party and of the Communist Inter- national as revolutionary leaders must become part of the blood of eVery in- dividual member, so that out of the consciousness of a Communist fight- ing community there spring the firm loyalty which will cement the party into a Bolshevist organization and the International into a victorious world party.” 6. “This is a Congress moving to- wards a World” Communist Party. The Congresses of the Second Inter- national were loose gatherings for the expression of opinions binding no- body. The Congress of the Third International is an assemblage of representatives who work out one found to make The DAILY WORKER | hearing The, DAILY | They formed the basis! teer reporting assumes much greater | Vorld Revolution per remaining the same. . Several thousand copies of this special edi- \tion were distributed by the Food | Workers Union among the restaurant .| workers, thus greatly aiding their or- \ganization drive and extending the influence’ of the paper. The Western Electric campaign was an example of the possibilities lof creating interest in working class ‘news in almost any largé factory. At ‘one time over three thousand copies jof The DAILY WORKER were sold daily in front of the Western Electric | gates, exposing the speed-up system in the plant, increasing the sales of ithe paper anf giving the workers more confidence in themselves and in the paper. | These are a few of the history mak- ing achievements of The DAILY |} WORKER. Not only will they be / copied in other factories and other cities, but other and greater achieve- ments lie ahead for the only working elass daily in America. In the com- ling drive for new subscribers the | membership, must bear in mind the tremendous importance of sending in news, selling the paper, and exploit- ing Tt to the utmost in the interests of the werkers. If this is done, the subscription list will be doubled within six months. In closing these few suggestions about the relation of the party mem- bership to The DAILY WORKER, I give the few long suffering readers who have had the patience to wade thru the series of articles, the usual mechanical suggestions. The story should be typed if at all possible. Use double or friple space and write only on one side of the paper, and as O’Henry suggests, let each article finish at the bottom of the last page. ~ eset line of policy for all parties and whose decisions are obligatory to all parties. This alone is a token of the forma- CE eet ORAS EEE” VOR RUE LOE CT There is, however, something more. This move towards one international party did not spring from the heads of theoretitians. It was dictated by the practice of the struggle. It is not at all indifferent to the German party how the French comrades are going to act. Quite the contrary. On the activity of the French party de- | pends much of the-success of the Ger- man revolutionary movement, and vice versa. To the French Commu- nist party, the strengthening or weak- ening of the Russian proletarian dic- tato:ship is of paramount importance. To the Russian Communist party, the line , ursued by the Polish comrades is a matter of grave concern. And so on, and so forth. This is why every party is so keenly interested in the affairs of every other party. This is why all problems of all parties become here only the varioys facets of one great problem. The possibility of such a homogeneous policy for all countries is only an ad- ditional proof of the decay of capi- talism. Conditions are ripening everywhere. The inheritors are steeling their arms. SOCIAL-PATRIOTS SWEAR LOYALTY The imperialist cannons in 1914 shattered nothing more com- pletely than the illusion that the leaders of the French syndicalist and socialist movements were still revolutionists. Note how “Bat- taile Syndicaliste,” Jouhaux and Vaillant swore their devotion to the great militarist ventures. * * - _ From “Battaile Syndicaliste,” Aug. 4, 1914: “From the power of the mailed fist, from German militarism, we must save the democratic and revolutionary tradition of France.” * * Jouhaux at the Grave of Jaures: “And now, from this burial, we are entering into the war, and 1 am going too.” * * ‘Edward Vaillant: “Let us swear that we will do our- duty for the re for the Republic, for the Revolution.” ie pe