The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 2, 1924, Page 12

eS ODN ANE et tn BY DANIEL ~ RENOULT. M. Millerand has gone, M, Millerand is a two-fold renegade. He first betrayed Socialism to the re- publican petty and middle bourgeoisie. He then betrayed this republican mid- dle bourgeoisie to the nationalist and clerical reaction. There was a time when vituperative attacks were made upon the President of the Republic. These were made by —Alexander Millerand, They were directed against Casimir Perier. This was thirty years ago. M. Millerand then played in the paper “La Petite Republique” the same role as M. Ber- trand of the left block today plays in the “Quotidien.” He worked energet- ically to achieve his object of bring- ing about the downfall of the “Occu- pier of the Elysee.” This was accomplished. And when the block of the left was victorious it rewarded the noble efforts of the so- cialist journalist by making him the President of the Republic. The victory of the left raised this politician to the highest eminence, the victory of the left has cast him down into the deepest obscurity. Thus the circle of events is completed. And now it appears that Millerand- ism returns at the same moment as the old Millerand abandons, in his final guise as chief of the right block, the presidential seat. Herein lies the most important po- litical and social fact. That which M. Herriot, supported by the reformed socialists and the reformist trade unionists, will accomp- lish, is precisely the same as that which M. Millerand intended to ac- complish with the assistance of the governmental socialists, the moderate trade unionists. and the “radical” petty bourgeoisie, when he entered the Waldeck-Rousseau ministry in the year 1898. The similarity is starting. The case was just the same at that time, when the attempt was made to divert the workers from the class war and from revolutionary thoughts and to convince them that they have to ex- pect everything from collaboration with the true democratic bourgeoisie, as these were disposed to grant them real advantages and useful reforms and to attain, without social conflicts and collision, the dual ideal of the suppressed proletariat: Prosperity and Freedom. We have again arrived at the same juncture. The disasters which the Millerandists at one time caused, were no worse than those for which the leaders of the reformists. are prepar- ing today. It is even certain that these leaders will be more ruthless than they. The co-operation of the “socialists” and moderate trade union leaders with the burgeoisie will be carried on upon systematic lines: the reformist trade unions—backed by the socialist party —have already submitted a demand to M. Herriot that an Economie Council of Labor be constituted, in order that this body may deal With all the im- portant questions of production and of the currency. We can say that this Economic Council of Labor, according to the in- tentions of its proposers, will be on a national scale—but more elaborated and with greater powers—than what the International Labor Office is on a world scale. M. Albert Thomas has won game. When the International Labor Office was set up on the basis of the Versail- les Treaty, even the most moderate trade unionists assented with regret to this institution, as it was quite evi- dent that the workers would be subor- dinated to the capitalist state. More than four years have elapsed and to- day the reformist trade union federa- tion is proposing on its own initiative, the creation of such a state institu- tion as will connect the trade unions subordinated to it with the administra- tive apparatus of the bourgeoisie. This is the logical development which we have forseen for a long time. - It is not by mere chance that just the same people who, in the socialist party, embody the type of the reform- ist trade union leader in the most typical manner, like Dumoulin, are the Millerand Goes—Millerandism Remains among the most fervent adherers of ‘ governmental! coalition. The revolutionary workers will hire to fight bitterly against this renewal of Millerandism. They will before . long be assisted by the bitter experi- ence which the abused masses of the workers will have to undergo, The active members of the prole- tariat who still follow the reformist leaders will learn to their cost what it means to abandon the class struggle. Without the most determined class war the proletariat can accomplish nothing. Those who have played a prominent part in bringing about the defeat of the national block will soon recognize what they will be deprived of thru the policy of compromise of the reformist leaders. These leaders are already—in order ‘not to give M. Herriot any financial embarassments—renouncing, for the time being, the general demand for the 1800 franc wage. Here we have the first fruits of the policy of bourgeois-socialist collabora- tion. A lovely specimen! The revo- lutionary trade unions and the Com- munists will not fail to make clear to the masses the significance of this specimen, M. Millerand has resigned. But against the Millerandism, which has— again come to power by the block of the left togetker with the reformists, there will be waged an inexorable fight. American Capitalism Preparing New Wars (Continued from page 1) sents itself in the role of a pre-war Germany, knocking at a door which has ‘been previously slammed and bolted. And, like the war lords. of Germany, our American imperialiSts are knocking with an importunity that foreshadows war. The policy of the “Open Door,” which the United States has taken up at the behest of Wall Street, is a policy of war, and is being pushed with that definite understand- ing.” hice RES epithe Islands of the Pacific. Japan is a poor country, having little or no mineral wealth, and with much of her mountainous country, unfit for agriculture. She cannot give up privileges in China, without aban- doning all possibilities of capitalistic greatness, and this is what American capitalism asks of her. There is no other way out but war. Already there has taken place a strangle for “key” islands in the Pacific. Little Islands like Yap have become of vital import- ance. By the Versailles Treaty, Japan obtains all the Pacific Islands north of the equator which up to 1914 had been Germany’s; and these give her various points of vantage in the line of the direct American route between Hawaii and the Philippines. War with Japan is coming. When Wall Street is ready, the Japanese- California question will be there to prepare the atmosphere with column after column of sensational “Yellow Peril” propaganda. Comrade Pavlovitch has pointed out that it is a great mistake to ex- plain the whole meaning of the wer of 1914-18 in terms of the rivalry be- tween Germany and England. Apart from the Anglo-German clash of in- Yerests, one must also take into con- sideration, the conflicts between Czarist Russia and Germany and Aus- tria, between France and Germany, etc., etc. In the-saafe way, one must not imagine that the war in the Far East will be a simple exchange of hostilities between the United States and Japan. Japan is by no means our only possible enemy there. The clash éf interests in Asia is intricate and many-sided. Great Britan is a domi- nant power in certain sections of China; France too has’ important in terests. American imperialism jostles other expanding imperialism at every turn, It all means war, war, war. A world war with new and unexpected alignments. U. S. Versus Britain. ' It may well be that the American } war with Japan be only a starting f point for a greater. military duel be- ' tween the United States and Great Britain. England is America’s great- est commercial and industrial rival. The U. S. Steel Corporation is in fierce competition with the British steel monopolies, all over the world. The British Empire was built upon coal; but petroleum is taking the place of coal as the fuel of the future, and the world-wide competition be- m the Standard Oil and the (British owned) Royal Dutc» Shell combine conceals what amounts to a life and death struggle for British world power. As for the United States, the oil reserves of the nation are inadequate to the needs of Amer- ican capitalist industry, despite the present flush production in the Cali- fornia fields. Hence the unabated struggle for positions of privilege in Persia, Mesopotania, Baku, Roumania, Latin America and every important field in the world. Many people are already familiar with the following significant, quo- tation from Eckel: “The first duty of our navy in time of war will be to secure the Carib- bean. The first duty of our expedi- tionary forces will be to furnish pro- tection to the oil fields of this extra territorial region. “Countries With adequate commer- cial fleets and navies will look rather to the three South American zones. § all of which have immense petroleum reserves. The pressure there and elsewhere, will be increased year by year an@the financial and commercial rivalry may at times have political and military. results.” The Oil War. We are going to fight another Morgan war, but we are also going to fight an oil war. Teapot Dome, and the sinister activities of Doheny, Fall and McAdoo in Mexico, show how completely the oil interests are able to dominate American Government policy. The Latin-American Battlefield. The struggle for oil concentrates our attention on Latin America. Latin America is our favored, carefully staked out battleground. American policy in Latin America, perhaps even more than in Europe and Asia, has in it the germs of countless wars. Amer- ican fmperialism has declared Latin America its “eminent domain.” We tolerate no open door here! Out of the twenty Latin American republics, eleven now have their finan- cial policies directed by appointed officials from the United States. Six of these eleven have the financial agents backed by American Military forces on the und. Four of the remaining nine have their economic and fiscal live closely tied to the United States through large loans and concessions, giving special ad- vantage to American capitalists. In these smaller countries of the South, controlled by our soldiers, our bankers, and our oil kings, we are developing our Irelands, our Egypts, and our Indias. Hatred of the United States is flaming up in Latin Amer- ica. Newspapers are being established everywhere for the sole purpose of opposition to North American policy. The combined strength of the Latin American countries is considerable and it is continually growing. War clouds are gathering for the future. While we talk of how we are pro- tecting Latin America from Europe, Latin Americas are betaking them- sélves as fast as they can to Europe for protection against ms. The League vf Nations offerg them a resource of which they arejavailing themselves. This brings Latin America into the orbit of European influences and is a direct challenge to the Monroe Doc- trine. It betokens bitter, terrible war. Monroe Doctrine. Walf’ Street and the United States |Government @re determined to defend the right to their “natural” Latin- American empire. Every discussion of the Versailles Treaty carried with it the declaration that the Monroe Doctrine must be preserved. “Our” government-is requiring statements of recognition of the Monroe Doctrine from every nation with which we have dealings. Latin America is to be for Wall Street alone. We make no effort to hide the fact that the intervention of any, other foreign power there means war. But the Monroe Doctrine is being stretched even further. Great Britain and some of the other European powers already have some possessions in the Western Hemisphere which they have had for years. “The time is fast approaching” says Professor Gibbons of Princeton University, when the United States will regard Euro- pean Sovereignty in the West Indies, as an anomaly that must disappear, and when the Latin ‘American coun- tries will take the same attitude to- ward the Guiana enclave, Trinidad and Tabago, and the Falkland Islands.... Because the American countries will demand a_ general liquidation and because the European owners will be unable to defend the titles, the forcing of Europe out of America is bound to go on bigs last European title has been up.” f A Policy of Imperialism / American Foreign™ Policy 4 policy of imperialism. ng the war with Spain in 1898, American capitalism had reached the point of development wher® it could no longer maintain itself without giving up its self-absorption of two generations, and geing drawn into the current of world events. Economie conditions were approximating those of Eu- ropean. The West’ was becoming po- pulated. Money was no longer at a big premium for internal develop- ments. Our native capitalists could not count indefinitely upon a constant consumption demand in this country. At last it became necessary for them to think of overseas investment for surplus capital and of overseas markets for surplus farm products and manufactured goods. With the first surplus of capital and the first suggestion of producing power in ex- cess of consuming capacity, Wall Street began to look for new fields to conquer. In the United States itself, Big Business had developed into mo- nopoly and monopoly had developed to the point where it was able to con- trol the entire foreign policy of the Government. There’s Many a Slip. Today the United States stands, a ready belligerent, the center of a hundred irreconcilable antagonisms, with new profit-wars facing it on all sides. But for all their unscrupulous scheming, the heaven of the capital- ist is an impossible one. War leads easily to revolution, and revolution wll destroy the whole basis of ca- pitalist exploitation. The United States has been going about its policy of. war in a deliberate way. Over $4,000,000,000 is invested in the United States navy. The strength of the United States army has been raised from 212,000 to 371,- 770 men,—and upwards of 500,000 citizens are being trained for slaught- er in the military training camps and R. O, T. C. courses. Militarization is proceeding at an unheard of rate. Even small school children are being drilled in scout groups, and are being prepared, mentally and physically, to die for their country’s financiers. That bouyant phrase: “War to end War,” is already beyond the com- prehension of the younger generation. Its supposed meaning lives only in the memory ef men and women who had. already emerged from Childhood before the outbreak of the war of 1914-18. Rat tke pthc : . RAIN OR SHINE » seit hj 4 se ay meng AD Sapls UNI 1 6 Ld aga alan Sonne ns