The New York Herald Newspaper, August 8, 1874, Page 4

4 NEW YORK NEW YORK HERALD | STREET. BROADWAY AND ANN JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year. Four cents per copy. An- nual subscription price $12, All business or news letters and telegraphic espatches wust be addressed Naw Yor Hsgawp. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. anal acer eu a LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. Subscriptions and Advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. sig det M ouston streetn — | Broadway. between ean n atreetn — BVANGELING| SHE BELLE OF ACADIA at 1PM, | closes at 10:45 P.M. Mr. Joseph Wheelock and Miss Tone Burke, Matinee at 1:0. M. WOOD's MUSEUM, Broedway, corner of Thirtieth street —THE SEA OF 1c 2P M.; closes at 4P. M.: and at8P. M.; closes | 30 P.M. Louis Aldrich and Miss Sophie Miles, TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, Rowery.—VARIETY ENTERTAINMENT, at 8 P. M.; Closes at 10:30 P.M. Matinee at 2 PF. M. GLOBE THEATRE, No. 728 Broadway. —VABIETY, ats P. M.; closes at 10 P.M. Matinee at2 P.M. METROPOLITAN THEATRE, No. 58 Broadw*y.—Parisian Cancan Dancers, at 3 P. M. Matinee at 2’, CENTRAL PARK GARDEN, Fifty-ninth street and Seventh avenue.—THOMAS' CON. | CERT, ats P.M. ; closes at 10:30 P.M. | TERRACE GARDEN, Opera ana Concert, at8 P. M. rr y. Corne: of Thirty fit treet—LONDON BY '. CO" ir irty-fifth st LON, af. “Opes trom 10a. Me i dusk® WITH SUPPLEMENT. New York, Saturday, August 8, 1874. THE HERALD FOR THE SUMMER RESORTS. To NewspgaLers anp THE PusLic: — The New Yorx Henatp will ran a special train between New York, Saratoga and Lake George, leaving New York every Sunday dur- ing the season at half-past three o'clock A. M., and arriving at Saratoga at nine o'clock A. M, for the purpose of supplying the Sunpay Hzrarpelong the line. Newsdealers and others are notified to send in their orders to the Hznaxp office as early as possible. From our reports this morning the probabilities are thal the weather to-day will be partly clouly. Wart Srazer Yzstznpay.—Stocks were moderately active and advanced, closing strong. Gold opened at 110, sold at 109{ and advanced to and closed at 110}. Money was 2 to 3 per cent. Tux Gneat Srrarr has informed a Comanche prophet that his nation can only become great by going to war and killing all the whites it can. The Great Father at Washing- | ton might not improperly inform General | Sheridan that the best thing for the Comanches would be for them to kill the prophet. Inrennationan Crtcker.—The overwhelm- ing defeat of the eleven English cricketers by the American twenty-two does not seem to satisfy the Londoners. Our base ball players almost doubled in o single inning the total English score. Prince’s Club is said to have been without its best players, which, if true, somewhat detracts from the glory. One Feature of the recent Southern elec- tions which is unwelcome is the evidence of increasing animosity between the whites and blacks. The riots in various parts of North Carolina and the bloodshed in Louisville, Ky., have o sinister look. Whiskey may have been the occasion of these disturbances, but it was certainly not the cause. Justice iy Maryianp.—Yesterday at noon, Ernest Smith, a colored boy of eighteen, ex- piated on the gallows a crime so revolting as justly to be held in utter detestation wherever civilization exists. His unconsciousness of its great enormity seems to indicate very plainly that the elevation and refinement of his unfortunate race by education and relig- ious influence is the only sure and radical means of causing it to be of less frequency in fatare. Tar Quren’s Sprecn.—The British Parlia- | ment was prorogued yesterday, with the usual speech from the throne. Her Majesty refers to the Canada Reciprocity Treaty, and hopes for increased commercial intercourse between that country and the United States and considers non-interference in Spanish affairs most conducive to peace. This is an official answer to Earl Russell's appeal for the recognition of the Republic. A Crrizzn or YorkvIutx writes to us asking, Is there anybody in our model reform city government with power to regulate blasting in some way consistent with safety to life and property? We fear not. The blaster of rocks seems to have unlimited freedom. He can kill and destroy ad libitum. The only remedy appears to be civil damages. Such a state of things is tolerated in no other country in the world. Tas Tamp Tzeu.—How the South re. ceives the revelations in the Hznatp of the President's third term programme is indi- cated in our correspondence from Richmond to-day. It will be seen that the facts have made « pfofound impression, and that many | of the Southern politicians are ready to act | upon them now. In fact, our correspondent | asserts that a third term movement is already organized in Virginia. But the result of the | Southern elections had not then been heard. ee Sgnon Casrztan To Vistr Vursatires.—As evidence of the contradictory statements which are put forth in Europe relative to the Franco- Spanish question we may refer to a cable tele- ,gtam which alleges that Sefior Castelar is ex- pected at Versailles, charged with the mission of negotiating for the recognition of the | Spanish Republic by the government of | France. This would constitute a very impor- tant event. And it may be that England ‘would solemnize it in tho interests of treo | trade and of commerce in cenera’ | President Making—Beating Grantism with Grant. General Grant apparently, and his personal and official supporters and henchmen cer- tainly, have satisfied themselves that this Re- -public in its present form is a failure. They are convinced that our regularly recurring elections are an eviland an injury, and that the material prosperity of the people is sacri- ficed in the uncertainties and excitements of the political conflict; and they suggest a wonderful panacea, under the operation of which we shall softly subside into a stormless condition, into an unruffied tranquillity and a Perpetual peace, in which we shall enjoy o golden age of commerce, industry and specu- lation, and in which everybody shall bo im- mediately healthy, presently wealthy and finally wise. All this is to be secured by the ‘personal’ remedy—by ‘taking a good man when you can get him,’’ by abandoning forth- with our quadrennial renewal of the Execu- tive and imposing the heavy duties of that office permanently on General Grant, who is willing to add the acceptance of this burden to his other sacrifices and services in behalf of the country. It is very true that they do not distinctly propose all this. They are not so maladroit. ‘They can comprehend how awkward it would be to alarm the susceptibilities of a people which, though ennoyed and chagrined at many failures in our system, has not yet given up the Republic. They follow the politic prece- dent of those governments which, wanting to borrow forty millions, feed the mar- ket with a little issue of five millions. They propose, therefore, only a first step. Instead of o permanency they propose four years more. But they count that if they get four years more all the rest will be easy; for they regard as the most formidable obstacle in their way the consti- tational precedent established by George Washington of the limitation of the Executive to two terms. That precedent is the great breakwater. Not written in the constitution, it has perhaps o greater sanctity, a more sacred force, than any line in that instru- ment; for while the written constitution is the result of the labors of the wisest of the groups of patriots from every State, that great point of constitutional usage is the direct legacy of the great man who towers a head and shoulders above them all in the patriotic devotion and unselfishness as well as in the success of the services that established our independence and freedom. Hamilton, Madison, Morris, Franklin and the rest were the joint authors of our great charter; but this one provision was Washington’s own, and it is entitled as such to pre-eminent re- spect. With the moral influence of that ex- ample overcome by the election of General Grant for four years more the advocates of personal authority will see their way easy, as ‘| they fancy, to the establishment of a ‘Mar- -shalate’ in the United States; for another four years will he given less reluctantly than the third, and the people finally will become so used to the recurrence of the demand that it will scarcely be necessary even to observe the formality proper to the occasion of a new tern; and the people, deluged in the delights of prosperity, like Homer's hero in Circe’s island, will take-no note of the coming and going of the -political seasons. Such seems to be the political theory of the men, perhaps half a million in number, who crowd around the President. But there are more than five hundred thousand persons in this country; and the other thirty-eight millions may claim that their views also have a certain value, and they may dislike to have serious changes made without their consent, All these have not the reasons which Grant’s friends have to hate elections. They are not equally sure that it is our constitutional system that is to blame for the many evils in our government, and it might not be easy to convince them that General Grant is a good enough Execu- tive to have all the law and the prophets cast aside in order to secure his services perma- nently. As to the attitude of various divisions of the odd millions outside of the administration circles there is much speculation, and there is likely to be more as the game continues. Within the lines of the republican party the great panacea for all our troubles does not ap- pear to be received with extreme favor. There is no enthusiasm about it. It may be that the republicans generally do not believe that the view of our political condition which ig taken in administration circles is correct, and consequently do not assent that so extreme a remedy is necessary. Or it may be that other republicans want to be Presidents themselves, and so pretend not to believe that the third term is necessary for our national salvation. But Grant, though he always preferred to move by the left flank, can move by the right if such o course seems forced upon him by the topography and the position of the enemy. He has had the ground in that direction re- connoitred, and we know the result. Mosby will support him for as many terms as he wants. So will Toombs, of Georgia. So will every desperate rebel in the Southern States who feels that he has no country to lose, and who would assist with savage joy any act likely to destroy this Republic. If a man must go over the abyss there is a final supreme satisfaction in the feeling that he drags his enemy over with him. But better men in the South than these will support the programme. (terdon was evidently up to the lips in it when he left Washington; but a few days in Georgia, where the people do not as yet thoroughly understand it, gave him new views, which he holds for the present. Others like him will do what they can to con- vince the South, and there is a very general tendency to accept Grant as a possible secu- rity against his party and against such iniqui- ties of party legislation as the Civil Rights bill. But all the political schemers who discount a revival of the opposition see very clearly that it is not safe to count on such an element alone. Chase, Greeley and the third | term men all alike have conceived of a coali- | tion between the natural enemy in the South and a party in the North sufficiently formidable to save them from the reproach of sectional candidacy and from the consequent general uprising of the North against them. It is now reported that the necessary alliance with the liberal republicans—which goes with the Southern vote as a cut of lemon goes with the sardines—is already sketched and cut out. For people who are still capable of being sur- \priged by the queer possibilities of political manoeuvre, and who do not observe that this relation with Northern democrats and the | class of political “rounders” who are called liberal republicans is a necessary part of that policy of approaches toward extreme Southern men which is notoriously practised by the administration—for these, but not for others, there is some improbability in Grant’s repeat- ing the candidacy of Greeley if he finds by and by that he cannot do better. But the heads of the democrats and the lib- eral republicans must be strangely turned be- fore they can accept the candidate ; though this also was said in the case of Greeley no longer before the last canvass than we are now before the next. Is a liberal republican any- thing other than a republican who opposes the administration, and especially those acts of the administration which are classed to- gether under the name of Grantism? Greeley, Sumner, Schurz and their adherents were in sympathy with all that may fairly be called republicanism ; but what they opposed was that policy in the administration which treated the Presidency as a piece of personal property, and their opposition began when that corrup- tion first became flagrant which resulted from appointments made not for fitness or capacity but for personal fealty. Upon what do the democrats base their hope for a victory in the next Presidential canvass? Their great capital before the people is the corruption of the party in power, its infamous administration of the law in the Southern States and its shameless disregard of decency and honesty everywhere. It is this miscon- duct that has provoked reaction and still adds State after State to the number of those which give democratic majorities. But before these Southern democrats or Northern democrats take any irretraceable step in their political re- lations with the President it would be well for them to examine closely just how much of that odium which weighs down the party they oppose is due to the party outside of the ad- ministration and how much to the administra- tion strictly ; how much flowed from the party | policy and how much was foisted upon the party by him whom they fancy they may make their candidate. Is it republicanism or Grant- ism that has disgusted the country? If it is Grantism the people will scarcely believe in Grant as the man to put it down. Spain and Germany. It is stated on seemingly good authority that treaty, offensive and defensive, has been con- cluded between Germany, Italy and Spain. The existence of some understanding be- tween the Madrid government and Germany has been for some time suspected, but, tollow- ing its traditions, the government of Berlin has repeatedly denied that there was any founda- tion for the report. The advantages to be de- rived from an alliance with Spain were too patent to escape the attention of German statesmen. The conduct of the French gov- ernment in allowing the organization and arming of Carlist bands on the French frontier naturally excited deep discon- tent among the Spanish people, What- ever sympathy may have been felt for France on account of her misfortunes was dissipated by the unfriendliness of her conduct toward her neighbor. It was felt that the men in power represented the old Bourbon policy, which aimed at the disinte- gration and humiliation of Spain. It was felt, too, that there was more than sympathy for Carlism in the open protection afforded to the men who were dividing Spain by a wasting civil war. Were it not for the active aid afforded to the Carlists by the French legiti- mists the civil war could never have assumed its present proportions, How important were the supplies furnished from France may be judged by the fact that when the French government tardily resolved to suppress the contraband trade immense quantities of arms and ammunition were seized on their way to the Carlista. The repentance of the French authorities comes, however, too late to prevent their un- friendliness from exercising its natural influ- ence on the mind of the Spanish people. France shows clearly that she has learned nothing from the severe lessons she hag re- ceived. Her policy towards Spain and Italy is unchanged, and her rulers seem irresistibly impelled to obstruct the advancement of these two kindred nations, when every consideration of statesmanship should urge them to win the confidence and friendship of the Spanish and | Italian peoples. Ry pursuing an opposite policy they have isolated France and set her frontiers around with enemies. Neither Italy nor Spain desires to injure or humiliate France, and yet the intrigues of the unscrupulous fac- tions in France, which seized’on power in the moment of their country’s weakness, have com- pelled both countries to seck a German alliance from motives of self-preservation. Nothing could more clearly show the blindness and incapacity of the men who proclaim themselves the saviors of France. One by one they have stripped their country of friends and now she stands ab- solutely alone, without a single ally upon whom she could rely in case of need. Her attitude of menace toward Italy and the crim- inal partiality shown to the Carlists have done much to deprive her even of the sympathy which was bestowed on account of the great and sudden overthrow she had suffered. When it is too late French publicists have discovered the error of this policy, and now they urge the government to do its duty. But in the meantime Germany has acquired such in- fluence in Spain that it will not be easy for France to undo the work of her folly. The North Carolina Election. North Carolina has always claimed to be a democratic State, and no one is surprised that she has proved it. The republican party car- ried the State in 1872 only by those extreme and exceptional exertions which are made in Presidential elections. The heavy pressure of the administration having been withdrawn North Carolina takes her place among the | conservative States of the South, and is likely to keep it unless the radical party becomes much worse than it was in 1872, which is im- possible, or, much better, which is improba- ble. The administration cannot coerce this State again, and it is not likely it can persuade it; for the victory of the democracy is decisive. A majority much larger than any one had reason to expect, a democratic Legislature and seven democratic Representatives out of the eight which North | Carolina sends to Congress, are facts which should make it impossible to change her po- litical complexion in theext two years, ‘The victors have the sitnation In their own cdn- trol. They can intrench themselves impreg- nably if they will only practise honesty and economy, and enforce in the government those principles of reform which have almost disappeared from public affairs in the South. This is what the conservatives must not fail to do if they would rightly use ‘their opportu- nity. They should strive to make North Carolina everything which South Carolina is not. The democratic party at large must not, however, assume teo much from this victory. It has not made any new conquest, but has simply recovered its own. The great republi- ean States of the South, with their enormous negro majorities, remain untouched by this victory. It only shows—and in a less degree than the democratic gains in Tennessee—that the Civil Rights bill is weakening the repub- lican party in the South and that the at- tempts of the North to force it through Con- gress have inspired the white Southern voters with a new and energetic spirit of resistance. It will be interesting to watch the effect of these democratic successes upon the third term question and to see if they may not sug- gest to the South the inquiry whether General Grant is absolutely necessiry to her restora- tion, The Quibbles of a Distressed Mayor. In his communication to Governor Dix, Mayor Havemeyer lays down the principle by which his action is guided in the matter of investigating the official conduct of heads of municipal departments. He regards it as in- expedient to entertain charges against a pub- lic officer unless they are of a grave character and'such as, if substantiated by proof, would demand the removal of the accused party, for the reason that “officers charged with the re- sponsible conduct of important public busi- ness are more likely to perform their public duty well when they are treated with a gen- erous confidence instead of a busy and easily aroused suspicion.’’ Hence, unless ‘‘grave charges” are made against a city officer by “a responsible person, who avows his readi- ness to maintain them by proof,’’ or unless such information is supplied as “makes it probable that some flagrant misconduct or incapacity exists in a department,” the Mayor does not regard it as his duty and always refuses to order an inves- tigation to be made. We might remind Mr. Havemeyer that his treatment of public officers is not always up to the standard he has thus fixed, since it is notorious that heads of departments who do not happen to be acceptable to him, or who hesitate to bend their official conduct to his dictation, sre subjected to all kinds of abuse and undue interference. When the Commis- sioners of Accounts refused to alter and falsify the December debt statement threats of re- moval were thundered in their ears until they yielded and made themselves parties to a mis- demeanor. Ever since the President of the Department of Taxes and Assessments com- menced to perform his duty as a mem- ber of the Board of Apportionment, and to insist upon enforcing economy in the pub- lic expenditures aad reform in the manage- ment of the city finances, he has been badg- ered and abused, and his resignation of the Secretaryship of the Board has been de- manded by the Mayor. When Police Com- missioners Duryee and Disbecker refused to place the convicted Commissioners, illegally reappointed, back into the positions of Presi- dent and Treasurer of the Police Board, Mr. Havemeyer stormed at them and called upon them to resign. The harassing interference to which the Commissioner of Public Works is subjected by both the Mayor and Comp- troller, to the detriment of the public inter- esta, is a matter of notoriety. Nevertheless, despite this inconsistency, Mr. Havemeyer has a right to the benefit of the doctrine he lays down, which is, that he refuses to inves- tigate the conduct of heads of departments unless gravo charges are made accompanied by pledges of their verification, or informa- tion is supplied showing the existence of flagrant misconduct or incapacity. These premises being admitted it follows that when the Mayor promised, on the 4th of June last, ‘‘a thorough investigation” of the conduct of the Police Commissioners Charlick and Gardner, in the previous general eleotion, to ‘be proceeded with forthwith’’ under his “personal supervision,” he must have re- garded the charges against the Commissioners as “grave,” or as showing the existence of “flagrant misconduct or incapacity.” The Mayor now tells the Governor that this promise was made in good faith, and that the investigation would have been made had not the indictments been found by the Grand Jury. As the trial of the indictments would satisfactorily prove whether the charges could be substantiated by legal proof the Mayor resolved to await its result. To what end was the investigation to be made, to what end was the result of the trial to be awaited, unless the Mayor intended to remove the accused Commissioners as the penalty of faithlessness in office if the “‘grave charges’ against them should be substantiated? But if the Mayor had removed them for faithless- ness in office would it have been a proper act to immediately reappoint them? The charges were proved, the Commissioners were con- victed, and the law, instead of the Mayor, re- moved them from office as the punishment of the violation of their oaths of office. Was it any more proper or legal for the Mayor to immediately reappoint them in the latter case than it would havo been in the former? The weakness of the Mayor’s excuses is even more apparent when we remember that only one of many charges was tried on the in- dictment in question. Even if that new dis- covery in law, a ‘technical misdemeanor,” was the limit of the offence in the one case covered by the indictment, the other cases em- braced in the general charges might have been of @ more serious character. If the Commis- sioners had been acquitted on this single charge by the jury they would have been tried by the Court on the other indictments covering other charges, and punished if found guilty. So, even if they had been acquitted, the Mayor would have been bound by his promise and his duty to investigate the full charges. Their conviction rendered such complete in- vestigation still more imperative. But al- though only one item of the “grave charges’’ had been tried, although the accused had been convicted on that single charge and fined the highest money penalty imposed by law, al- thougit the other charges still remaining unin- HERALD, SATURDAY, AUGUST 8, 1874.-WITH SUPPLEMENT. vestigated had been found sufficiently serious to demand indictment, the Mayor, instead of displaying any disposition to honestly prose- cute the investigation, restored the convicted Commissioners to the offices they had for- feited under the law. Strange Gods. The controversy between Mr. Beecher and Mr. Tilton must soon end so far as the moral catastrophe is concerned, While the decision of the tribunal now in session will not be the legal conclusion, the effect of its report must practically decide the public opinion of the country. For while there would be every de- sire to release Mr. Beecher from the suspi- cions that now environ him, and which, un- explained as at present, make impossible his further usefulness in the ministry, it would be impossible for this committee to make what’ would be called a ‘whitewashing re- port."’ Whatever the conclusions of the com- mittee, the evidence upon which these conclu- sions rest must accompany the report, and the country is quite as competent as the commit- tee to determine the value of this evidence. As it now stands, and with the exception of the unexplained letters, the weight of the evideuce is in favot of Mr. Beecher. Public opinion has dismissed the statement of Mr. Tilton as unworthy of credence, and we can well understand how the supple- mentary examination of Mrs. Tilton, that pathetic and extraordinary story of misery, neglect, disappointment, dishonor and suffer- ing, would make it impossible for us to accept as true any unsupported averment from him. Tt has been well observed the trial does not involve the fame of Mr. Tilton, but of the man he has accused of an extraordinary crime. Pending the: decision of this solemn ques- tion there are some instructive lessons that can be gleaned out of this Brooklyn scandal. Mr. Tilton himself shows us what is possible to a young man of talent and force, who begins his career in a humble way, opposed by ‘those twin jailers of the daring heart, low birth and iron fortune.”” In his romantic letter to Mr. Beecher, printed in the ingenious inter- view of Mr. Morris, in which, after assailing the clergyman publicly, he writes a private memento of eternal friendship, Mr. Tilton alludes to his sudden advancement, and to the opportunities that had opened before him. Tney were legitimate, gradual evidences of growth and labor. But we see how the high- est advantages are valueless unless sustained by unbending and consistent integrity. So long as Theodore Tilton followed his duty with patience and modesty his career was upward. Then came the awakening of rest- less ambition, the desire to live always in the public eye, the craving for leadership, the impatience with the limitations of home, and of a union which, like so many, alas! too many, began in boy's fancy and was smoth- ered in the selfish strife of manhood’s pur- pose, the growth of little coteries of men and women who had ‘‘ideas’’ and “reforms,” and who bathed him with the incense of praise. So long as Mr. Beecher was the pas- tor of Plymouth church he was the overmastering presence in Brooklyn. In that firmament there could be only one sun, So the life of the young man changed. He became dissatisfied with his home, and naturally, almost inevitably, began to quarrel with religion, with those “satisfying and refreshing” religious experiences, ‘‘those fair and winning thoughts of the other life,” The old gods no longer possessed his devo- tion—the gods of home, duty, industry, patience, self-denial and marriage. He sought strange gods, and in the mad search found himself grovelling at the feet of obscene idols, and around him the ruins of his hearth, his fame and his life. Nor is it for us to intrude into the sacred precincts of home and domestic life, even after the wife of Mr. Tilton has‘raised the veil We dare rot say a word to add to the sorrows of that stricken wife and mother. But even her story, tragic as it is, has its lessons. Her fate mated her with a wayward, gifted man, and like so many men of gifts and impulses, like Byron, Shelley and Dickens, no doubt there were a hun- dred times in every day's life when he teased and fretted unconsciously the heart that loved but did not understand him. It is hard for us to say coldly what woman’s duty should be under circumstances like those which sur- rounded the wife of Theodore Tilton. But her duty most surely did not lie beyond her home. Is it not possible that much of this misery would have been averted had she re- solved sternly to find no inspiration, no com- forts, no helping, no religious consolations | outside of her home and the heart of her, chosen lord? No wife can find her true gods | outside of her household. When she goes be- | yond and seeks strange gods, then calamities begin, more terrible in their result than any | from which sho flees. When Mrs, Tilton re- | cites, in ingenuous gratitude, the peace and | religious comfort she received from Mr. | Beecher, when she tells us that to him, more than any one else, she owed her peace of mind she unconsciously shows us the misery of fol- lowing strange gods. For this blessed atmos- phere of home is so subtle that any new influence, no matter how high in its inspiration, that secks to intrude upon it, cannot fail in the end to bring moral death, misfortane and shame. Let the true wife learn, no matter how hard her lot, that it is better to sit in suffering silence at her own hearthstone praying for love to return than to seek for ‘‘peace’’ and ‘‘consolation” even at the feet of the most eloquent and devout of | clergymen. So we might continue this lesson and the admonitions it suggests to Mr. Beecher and others like him, who are apt to see a nearer relation than that of a mere follower in those who have an emotional nature and sorrowful | life. No clergyman has a right to share or expréss any feeling to the members of his flock that is not a cold expression of Christian counsel, In the lives of all of us, as we make our way through the world, there are tempta- tions to follow strange gods. It is easy to argue that this adoration may be innocent, such arguments are deceptive, In time we geuerally see that worship of this kind, be- ginning with the highest motives, is only too apt to fall into sin and to bring with it all ita saddest consequences, Tae Spanmu Mrvster in. Pans maintains a most conciliatory bearing towards Mac- Mahon’s government. The latest »news by cable announces, indeed, that the difflculty which ae Lente Vepsaillys. and Madrid has been se! Ryan’s Rake. There are at least eight hotels, eating houses, restaurants or saloons in Central Park—namely, Mount St. Vincent, the Casino, . the Refectory at the Museum, the Terrace Ice Cream Saloon, the Dairy and three refresh. ment houses at the Lake which doa large business in the winter. Theso.are all run by Columbus Rysn, Cornelius Ryan, or 0. Ryan, and, although we are not in the habit of ad- vertising houses of entertainment gratis, we will state that the wines and liquors sold by the Superintendent of the Central Park to the visitors of that popular resort are of @ fair quality. To be sure some temperance spostles make wry faces at the spectécle of ‘drinks round’ within the sacred precincts of the Park, and think that the Commissionera might leave the liquor business to ontuiders without discredit to the department, But these are mere prejudices, and it would seriously detract from the profits of Columbus, Cornelius and C. Ryan if cham- Pagne, brandy, rum, gin and whiskey were Prohibited beverages, The dust in the Park creates thirst—we do not imsinuate that the Superintendent leaves the roads in a dusty condition for Columbus’ sake—and it would be cruelty to cut off the parched traveller's drinks, even if Cornelius does not pay the license fee for the sale of liquors that is exacted of unfortunate outsiders, Now, the business being brisk at the Park saloons, it will not be out of place to inquire what profit the people, who are the owners of’ the Park, derive from it? They pay Columbus five thousand dollars a year, except when a warrant goes astray to Cornelius, for keeping these eating and drinking houses, and they pay Charles H. Trimble, Columbus’ son-in-law, for helping him, some two thonsand five hundred dollars a year. Both are on the Park payroll. The people would like to know if this joint salary of seven thousand five hun- dred a year is in addition to the free benefit of ice, hay, the fishing privileges, grazing for cows, 4, or whether these are paid for by Columbus, Cornelius, ©. Byan or any other person? Catfish and coffee are a favorite meal in the Park ; but do the peopie, who have made and keep the ponds, get any profit from the sale of the fish? Then, again, they would like to know how much percentage is paid into the treasury for rent of the refreshment houses, and who makes or examines the returns of the receipts? And while the questioning fit ison, they may be allowed to inquire whether the receipta go as the law requires, directly into the hands of the City Chamberlain, or whether they are deposited in the Bank of the Me- tropolis, and, if so, in whose name? Will Columbus or some one else furnish us the in- formation? Dears in THE Krronen.—A startling exam- ple of recklessness is given in the evidence yesterday before Coroner Woltman in the pickle poisoning case. It wasshown that that deadly poison Paris green was left scattered about the shelves, dishes and sink in the kitchen of Mr. Ubstell’s house, in which the victims died. It was used to kill roaches; but the way in which it was used was equivalent to the suicide of the servants. This result was unusual; byt the carelessness, it is to be feared, is common. It should teach house- keepers to beware how they trast ignorant servants with terrible poisons for such trivial uses. But how can we expect this when Bridget throughout the country still lights her fires with explosive kerosene ? PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE. Cholera in Poland. Marion Sims is in Paris. Joan of Aro is to be canonized. On the sence—not on the defence. ‘TiHton inherits that Kind of a head. Captain Tyler has reached London. C. J. Waite 1s at the Welden Honse, St. Aibans. Secretary Delano went to Long Branch ist night, Bishop G. T. Bedell, of Ohiv, is residing at the Hoffman House. Mayor Havemeyer says he “will be d—d.” Pro- fane, perhaps prophetic. ¢ Cape May scores the first “drowning casualty” of the great watering places, State Senator Daniel H. Cole, of Albion, N. Y., is | staying at the Metropolitan Hotel. General George Peabody Este, of Washington, bas arrived at the Brevoort House. Captain Birney B. Keeler, United States Army, is registered at the Glenham Hotel, “Vyrgyle’s Boke of Eneydos,”’ printed by Caxton in 1490, has just been sold in London for $955, Siderow, the Russian savant, believes that the ; Austrian Polar expedition is at Nova Zembla, In Brooklyn the authorities “seize the unripe fruit.” The policemen eat it and the children are saved. Congressman H. H. Starkweather, of Conneoti- cut, 18 among the recent arrivals at the Astor House. Secretary Bristow has gone to Cape May with his family and will not retarn to his duties until Tuesday. ‘The Prince of Wales was “ridden down” on Jane 23 by “an officer of high rank who is short sighted,” England has 4 dry season, and sparks from the locomotives are burning the hedges and the stand- ing grain. In Finland the people of a whole village have clubbed together to buy modern agricultural im- plements. Protéssor G. L, Andrews, of West Point, arrived at the Hoffman House yesterday and will sail for Europe to-day. Most, Deputy in the German Imperial Parita- ment, sentenced to nineteen months for violent words against the army. ‘The French smoke at the same time they take their surf bath, and thelr latest wrinkle is a pocket in the bathing dress to carry matches in, In France the ladies at the watering places get up costumes for themselves of the stuf and fashion used by the women of the district. Present jorm of the French government—Dic- tatorship amiably inclined toward ® permanent. committee or the nominally sovereign Assembly. Ever since the World elaborately proved that Beecher’s lctters were consistent with his in-. nocence there has been no doubt of his guilt, Shall we call them scarlet letters ? Some one shoulda interview that ‘‘cullud pusson”® who said, on the steamer Pat Rogers, that he would “make it hot as nell for that watchman be- fore they got to Cincinnat.”” And now the “Society for the Prevention,” &&., interferes with the juvenile amusement of turpen- tining cats. Cannot there be a society for the pre- vention of the “Society for the Prevention,” &o, In 1874 in Alsace and Lorraine 38,833 young men reached tne age for military service, but only 11,781 presented themselves to the authorities William therefore loses this year a large part of his military crop in that country, Moulton’s and Beecher’s letters to one another imply clearly that there are in Moulton’s keeping letters of the class quoted in Tilton’s statement; and, farther, that Tilton’s extracts are not the letters, but the transcript of stenographic notes taken on hearing the real letvera-read, These points admit, therefore, tue substantial awtheme ticlty of the lettera,