The New York Herald Newspaper, August 6, 1873, Page 4

a 4 NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 6, 1873—TRIPLE SHEET. upon which the Spanish cavaliers were wont to boast, with good reason, that “the sun never set." fedefal republic. The Carlists are, therefore, fight- ing for le Rot de Prusse, and one of these days, OKELLY’S CAP TIVITY, If, with the change of flag, the people can be got to | when the foundations of the Republic have been Letter from the Carcel Nacio- nal of Spain. ‘The Herald Correspondent Pays His Re- “— spects to the British Officials. THE VOYAGE TO SPAIN Spain Must Surrender the “Queen of the Antilles.” IN LIEU THEREOF MOROCCO? Mr. O'Kelly Exposes the Monarehical Conspir- acy to Overthrow the Republic, \A CUBAN RETROSPECT. The Fidelity of Figueras and Castelar (?) DISSECTION OF SPANISH HONOR. The Necessity of Demo- eratic Propaganda. THE ARMY! THE ARMY! General Prim and “Boss” Tweed Com- : pared. A Manly View of Spanish Politics. €ARCEL NACIONAL, SANTANDER, Spain, June 23, 1873. It appears that my chances of “breathing the air of freedom” under the fag of the Spanish Republic @re not much better than under the bandera of migger-whipping Cuba. Probably it is due to a considerate care for my nervous well being, that I “am not suddenly and unexpectedly let loose into the rarified air of the new Féderal Republic. This reflection has been forced on me by the position of * MY PRESENT DOMICILE, which consists of a suite of apartments, made up ofasmall chambre a coucher, un salon de lecture and une grande salle de promenade. A neighbor- ing tanyard prevents the change of atmosphere from being too sudden, and prepares me gradually for the time, which I hope is mot too far distant, when the enjoyment of untainted air shall no longer be considered dangerous to my constitution. At will be a long time before I forget my CUBAN QUARTERS. ‘The day I was removed from the calaboose of the Cabaiia, Mr. Springer, of the American Consulate, came to the door to see me, and as I wished to have evidence as to the exact state of that horrible den, invited nim t8 step in fora minute. He repited that he had rather not, and I told him [ thought it contemptible in a man to fear death from asphixia.. On this he became irreverent. He said ‘he did not care a d—n what I thought, the United States did not pay him to buy periume, and it would take at Jeast five dollar’s worth of eau de cologne to make him presentable in decent society if he crossed the threshold.” This, to my mind, was an unwarrant- able prejudice in arepubilcan, and I toid him so; but he became irreverent again, so for his soul’s sake I allowed him to depart in peace. I was especially anxious that the British Vice Consul, should come and inspect the calaboose where I was confined; but that gen- tleman, for reasons which, no doubt, he will be able to explain at the proper moment, took care | mot to visit me until the day before | wasembarked for Spain, when I wasin the comparatively princely quarters of Mr, Price, The Vice Consul was on two occasions in the Cabafia, but, umder the pretence that I was incommunicado, he avoided coming to Bee the calaboose. In ail probability I should have been forced to make the voyage ia company with the sick soldiers and the offscouring of the Spanish popuiation of Cuba had it not been tor the kind- ness of General Torbert, the American Consul Gen- eral. Seeing myself abandoned by the representa- tive of my government, I wrote to General Torbert, asking him to interpose in my interest with the Captain General and obtain -permission for me to travel first class at ny own expense. After some difficulty this request was acceded to, and I was spared many suderings, mental and corporal. Itis not my intention to give any extended de- scription of my voy monotonous and dreary in the extreme. Most of the cabin passengers were either oilicers or repre- sentatives of liavana merchants. A stranger would never have thought this, for, with the excep- tion of about a dozen decent people, they were the most vulgar and vulgar-looking collection of human beings it has ever been my misfortune to fall among. They looked for all the world like a crowd of horse-jockeys, pri fighters’ hangers-on, with a sprinkling of tinkers and soldiers, and their conduct did not much belle their looks. Searcely @ day passed without something impertinent or irritating being addressed indirectly to me, and | On one occasion “a gentleman and an officer’ said | ‘fat the table that the people who emigrated to the United States were the offscourings and thieves of Europe. This was going a little too far, and I felt myself called upon to tell him plainly that “HE WAS A LIAR,"’ when he took it ai! back like a prudent man, I admit that it wag very rude language, but then I do not well see what other course was left for me, Besides, this little incident had the advantage of preventing any more inconvenient remarks ad- dressed in my direction, Telegrams have been received from General Si¢kles and Mr, Layard, in which it is stated that the government is ‘ BENEVOLENTLY INCLINED in my regard. ‘This’ is certainly very pleasant to know; but there’is nothing to indicate when the good will of the government may decide in restor- ing me to liberty. It 18 peculiarly annoying to be cooped up when one can hear from his window re- publican bands pouring forth the grand anthem, “Liberté, Liberté, Chérie,” and one feels iciined to be somewhat cynical and question the value of popular government. Still, 1 admit that the mo- ment is an unpropitious one for the consideration ‘of my case, as the new government is surrounded by all kinds of diificulties and dangers. Itcan, therefore, scarcely be expected to occupy itself with the griefs of an individual. There are mo- ments when I feel serious alarm lest another revo: | lution should take place before my case has been settled, {tis charitable to think that if Castelar were still in power my release would have been decided upon long before now, and for this reason | 1 feel very much inclined to quarrel with the new order of things, ‘Yesterday the omcial PROCLAMATION OF THR FEDERAL REPUBLIC ‘took place in this town, and I could hear the bands playing the ‘“Marseiliaise,” to the accompaniment Of some musket shots, by climbing up tomy window Twas enabled also to catch a glimpse of the head gear of a company of federalists, who bore the new tri-color fag. It seems the federalists are re- agired vo dp pwoy With the old “nem end bacon,” wee, SuMice it to say that it was | look forward, instead of backward, in silly worship of past glory, there may be a brilliant and nonor- able career yet in store for Spain. How these events may affect . CUBA is, perhaps, the point of moat interest to the “American reader, and to me the issue seems clear enough. Matters have just now arrived at that Stage which renders the loss of Cuba inevitable, Either the federal Republic will be true to the principles upon which it has been founded and give to Cuba a home government or it will continue the war of extermination, Should the first resolution be ytaken mfch bioodshed and trouble may be avoided and the island continue for years nomi- nally an integral part of Spain; il the latter, the chances of the republicans putting down the in- surrection are still more remote than under the old system. Itis to be supposed also that the American people will one day get tired of looking on at the slaughter of Americans by European hirelings, Very many in the United States are apt to forget that THE CUBANS ARK AMERICANS, , and tha§in the eyes of their butchers this is their chief crime, Even Spanish republicans can scarcely expect the United States to stand by while men, claiming liberty for themselves, shoot down Americans who claim the inalienable right of every man to freedom, On the other hand, should the present government ke overthrown and a despotism established, % would become doubly the duty of the United States to interfere, 1 hope, therefore, that no time will be lost in completing the ships voted by Congress, If I see Pi y Mar- gall before leaving Spain Iintend to urge on him the wisdom of accepting Cespedes’ offer—that the Spaniards should abandon Cuba and receive in ex- change $70,000,000 guaranteed by the United States. If this course were taken Spain could enter ou the work of regeneration with every chance of a sucessful consummation of the work. ‘The chief danger to the Republic springs from want of funds, and here is just the means of supplying that want. If Spain desires conquest and glory Africa is open to her, where her rule mighWbe made really useful to civilization, No one would object to her extending her power over Morocco, which is one of the richest countries in the world, but almost wholly undeveloped under its present rulers. If the Spaniards do not take my advice they will regret it, for one of these days they will get a thorough “licking” and they will have neither Cuba nor the millions to console them. 1 have already given some slight account of the “chivalrous”? way in which the Havang authorities treated me, ahd there is very little temptation to recur to so uninviting a subject. So fr the treat- ment accorded to the imprisoned representatives | ofthe free press by the, Spanish Republic has tainly not been marked by any extraordinary con- sideration, yet it would be a mistake to attribute any of the insults offered to me during my incar- | ceration in ‘tye ever faithful tslg’ to the liberal | parties in this country. The truth is Cubais a political pariah that degrades all parties by simple | contact. There is in the atmosphere of the “Queen of the Antilles the kind of moral infection at- tributed to other creatures of heavenliest seeming, whose bright smile and scented breath are fatal to the austerest virtue, especially of Captains General. That unfortunate class of public servants are pe- culiarly exposed to the atmospheric influence of this clime on the oMcial constitution, and the result is that escape from its evil effects is in their case without precedent. It must be said, however, in | justice to the contagion so fatal to official morality, that, if dangerous ma moral aspect from its ma- terial and selfish pomt of view, the infirmities it brings in its train compensate in some minds for | the moral damage sustained, The smiles of geng| erous beauty; the applause of men alstingalnet vy their high position; the enjoyment of boundless revenues that shame the ‘Arabian Nights” and en. able the favorite child of fortune to build chateaus en Espagne in real solid masonry—not the airy nothings that while away the lighter hours of Joss ol so useless a commodity as honesty. It is not to be wondered at, therefore, if under the usual pressure GENERAL PIELTAIN ‘ has become convinced that there were two sides to the Cubay question, and that the Madrid goy- ernment are not taking the view most in accord- ance with aptain General's interest. Under the magic influence of the Negrero’s eloquence the re- publican official was necessarily shaken in his con- | Viction as to the convenience and propriety of | granting freedom to the slaves; if the government | would only give time, say a thousand years or so, | the slave owners would by that time have gradu- | ally prepared the way for the total emancipation ofthe colored people without exposing the struc- ture of society to any rude shocks. a such good faith, that the official mind, which has | already been skilfully prepared for the reception of such Important truths, isatonce convinced, The orders trom Madrid are certainly based on a total misapprehension of the trug state of the island, and it is theretore the duty of every true Spaniard not to take amy step that imperil the national unity; and as a proot of the “true Spaniard’s * de- votion to the indegridad nacional, the orders of the home government are thrown into the waste paper be | about the impossibility of putting revolutionary | reforms into force without reducing the “Ever Faithful Isle’ to the State of St. Domingo. The | solid foundation of the chateau en Espagne has now | been laid, and if the last addition to the ranks ol the ‘good Spaniards” 1s as clever as he ought to be he | wiilin a short time be able to build honestiy as fine | a palace as did that other good Spaniard, Vaima- ie But, after all, it is. the old story—history re- | peating itself—ana this melancholy age has no sul- | ficient reason to grumble When the time has come to take up the whole Cuban question I will do full justice to the oficial class and their ailies in their political, moral and social aspects. <A desire to say a good word for THE MUCH-ABUSED REPUBLIC has led me to touch upon a subject which I haa intended to reserve for a more opportune moment: but the present letter will of necessity be a kind of mosaic made up of bits of the opinions ef others | rather than my own, The motive cause of my writing is to throw a little light on the conspiracy at present in tull play that is endeavoring to over- throw the Republic and restore a despotism that will give “satisfactory guarantees’ to friends of “moral order’ not alone in Spain, but in Europe. It would be a serious error to look upon the struggle now going on in Spain as an isolated event, only interesting to the natives of the Peninsula, THE MONARCHICAL CONSPIRACY. So far from this being the case, all the monarch- ists of Kurope aressustaining the Carlists with money, arms and an excellently organized moral | support, Some of the means adopted to aid the restoration show that the faction of despotism are close students of Machiavelli, and would almost tempt one to believe that “divine right” and the Father of all evil were closely connected, | TREASON, { | Many of the most devoted adterents of Don | Carlos lave attached themselves outwardly to the repubilcan party, in which they are distingnished | jor their violence and the incendiary appeals they make (o the passions of the lowest and most | ignorant portion of the population. The ob- | ject of this conduct is to create disor. | der, prevent the organization of a stable government, and, if possible, promote a foreign intervention with the object of restoring the monarchy. Owing to the want of intelligent | co-operation among the republicans and their in- aptitude for self-government, which isthe natural result of the state of subjection in which the masses of the people have been held for genera- | tions, the success of these schemes would scarcely be doubtful, but that the Republic is protected by tue irreconcilable diferences between the rival pretenders to the crown, Carlist is absolutely tmpossible, because the only two classes that could maintain him in power are hopelessly opposed to his pretensions; the army is almost wholly Alfonsist, while . THE FIGHTING ELEMENT of the large cenwres of population js jn favor ofa Gallic neighbors—console the oficial conscience for | This and sim | lar arguments are so cogent, so new, and made in | ket, and a vigorous protest sent home | The success of Don | completely sapped, the fag of Prince Alfonse | Will be shaken to the breeze, and we shall have a thrée-oornered contest to decide who shall dircet the destinies of Spain, How that seemingly inev- itable struggle will end it is, of course, impossible to say, and it woyld require a far greater amount of information than I can pretend to possess at present even to form an opinion that would be worth anything. On the voyage here 1 ob- tained some startling information about the aims of parties and the private opinions of prominent men on the political stage. Many of these statements appeared to me incredl- ble, and simply invented by political antagonism to damage opponents, and I was inclined to look on much of the information given to me as simply sensational. Since my arrival here, however, I ‘have had cause to change my mind, and place more faith in the curious revelations made to.me. ARE CASTELAB AND FIGUERAS TRAITORS ? An officer who had occupied @ very important post in the government of Cuba informed me, in one of our many discussions on the future of the Republic of Spain, that even Figueras and Castelar were conspiring with the Alfonsist party for its overthrow. He assured me that Figteras was in actual communication with Cabal- lero de Rodas, and that the restoration of the monarchy would be decided upon at Biarritz and San Juan de Luz, where the con- spirators were assembling to arrange their final action, This gentleman, who plumes himself on the honor of the adherents of despotism, is an officer of high grade, and ¢oo}ly announced his intention of requestihg leave of absence in order to go join the conspirators, Asa proof of Figueras’ iffamy I find this officer’s name among a list of forty others whom the fugitive President promoted the day before he ran away. It is only five months since this officer was promoted out of bis turn by the same occult influence that has won him his last step. Under these, circumstances I fear that there is no longer any reason to doubt that Figueras is a traitor, the more 80 as he is spoken of by his sup- posed political opponents as @ man of “order’— “moral order,’ of the latest French pattern. In view of this treason on the part of a man whom the outside world was wont to look upon as one of the stoutest champions of republicanism in the Peninsula, 1t becomes impossible to judge what ma; be ‘ THE FUTURE OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC. Unfortunately for its chances of success many of the loudest and most violent supporters of this form of government are the secret enemies of all 1 forms of republican government. With a treachery that seems particular to Spanjsh polities in the Old and New Worlds, these inen have come forward as upholders of the federal idea, with the object of rendering all republican organization impossible, in order that one of the rival despotisms should ‘be restored. Both the Carlists and Allon- sists have been guilty of this conduct, which ought to discredit them in the j eyes of the civilized = world. It i to be feared that the consequence of this Machiavellian policy will .be more serious than its | promoters intended, Not alone is there danger that the federal Republic will be unable to restore peace and order, but it is propable that the present disorganization will spread and take sucn propor- tions that no party will be able to organize the nation until the country has been completely ex- hausted by @ prolonged internecine struggle. Two efforts’ have already been made by the Alfonsist party to seize on the reins of power, and, though for want ofa leader fit to cope with the occasion, both these attempts have failed, they will certainly be renewed, The mysterious demonstrations on the nights of the 23d of April and 11th of May were intended io overthrow the republican government, and in both TI have good reason to believe that Figueras was concerned, It is certain that he was in communication with Cabellero de Ro- ; das before the first date, and my friend, the con- | spiring Colonel, gave me the following explanation | of the first attempt:—‘‘In Spain there are two military organizations that have never taken part | in any revolt against the established government | of the day, but have confined themselves to im- plicitly obeying whatever party may be in power. Atter the dissolution of the old Cortes the Commis- sion they had created represented the legal power | of the nation, and as they were monarchical in their opinions, if they had dismissed the govern- | | | Ment and taken possession of the ministry, both } Engineers and the Guardia Civil would have recog- | nized them as the legitimate government. This | Would have enabled the monarchists to control the eiections to the new Cortes and put | an end to the Republic. Fortunately ‘some- | body blundered,” and the seven monarchical bat- lalions of voluntecrs delayed their actions too { jong, until Sefior Estevanez, the present Minister of War, assembied the republican volunteers and rendered a new revolution too doubtful to be at- tempted. It seems clear to me that, though neither the Guardia Civil nor the Engineers took any active part im this conspiracy, that at least some among them were well aware of the treason that was being hatched against the government, The peculiar sense of nonor that is cultivated | among Spanish officers, however, appears to have | been perfectly satisfied by simply avoiding the | | commission of any overt act, and adopting the | safe if not very glorious alternative of waiting to see What would turn up. THE FEDERAL IDEA has excited all the latent anger of the army and naval Officers against the republican torm of gov- ernment, as they fear that the next step will pe the abolition of both services and their conse- quent reduction to penury. The conduct of some foolish men, who dream of carrying republican theor es to the extreme of abolishing ali organized | society, has served to develop the. distrust of the | officers, and asa resuit scarcely any of them are | heartily obeying the government. Thisis the great | secret of the continuance of the Varlist movement, the troops sent against the insurgents contenting | themse! with going through the form of op- | | posing or seeking the enemy. Now and then con- | | flicts occur, but they are rarely of any importance, | and serve only to keep up the on that the cam- | paign is being carried on seriously against the Carlists, It 18 questionable, however, if \ ALPONSISTS | bave not spoiled their own chances of success by the disorganization they have encouraged in the army, in order to paralyze the Republic. A breach has been made between oMicers and soldiers that it may be impossible to bridge over. The men per- | ceive that the pretended campaign against tne | Carlists 18 a sham, and, encouraged by oMctous re- | publican ageuts, they nave come to look with sus- | picion and dislike on the officers. The grave effects | | that will probably result to the Alfonsist party | from this unexpected complication has already in- duced a readier support of the government by the | military chiefs, Who have suddenly become anxious that the “ordinance” should be applied in all its rigor. The joke of the matter is that if this were done there is scarcely a man among them that would escape being shot, according to the letter and spirit of the law; but of course they only mean | toapply the law in ali its rigor to the privates, |who get all the kicks and very few of the half-pence in these constant civil conflicts. ‘This unfortunate class are really to be pitted, for they are made at once the tools and victims of the | anceasing political intrigues carried on by all par- ties in this country. The only movement that avords them any hope of relief ‘rom an intolerable position 1s the federal Republic, with its pro- gramme tending to the abolition of the permanent army. Nohonest man who understands the work- ing of the Spanish military system can aftord to disapprove of this project, though for the moment its consequence, on the surface, appears to threaten disaster to the Republic. It is scarcely credible that both the danger and inconveniénce of dis- | solving the army at this stage Should not be patent to all intelligent men among the federalists, and it | must be steadily kept in mind that this party em- brace’ a large part of the most intelligent of the population. It appears to me, then, that | THE CRUSADE AGAINST THE ARMY 13 adopted as a choive of evils, not as a policy good in itself and of immediate application, The officers, a8 4 Class, have been doing all in their power to bring the Republic into hatred and con- tempt. With this object they bave temporiaed with the Cartist movement, without absolutely. lending it much aid, except such as were pro- nounced Cariiats, ® Indeed, so hostile was this military class to the new order of things that when the news arrived in Cuba of the proclamation of the Repuolic, some days before I left for the in- surgent lines, it was openly stated that the army would soon put down with a strong hand all incon- venient popular aspirations after liberty. The assassination of Castelar, who seemed to be looked on a8 principally responsibie tor the existence in Spain of subversive opinions, was openly canvassed, and the same thing happened on the voyage from Cuba. It was of common occurrence‘on board for officers either to prociaim the idea, or assent toit when put for- ward by others, that the Miniater of State, Sefior Castelar, hina eas assassinated. Had this oc- curred once in the heat of political argument I would not have been inclined to pay much heed to it, but it wasof frequent occarrence, and spoken by men whose past history proclaimed them quite capable of committing the crime, as well as imag- ining it. It would be a mistake toinfer from this that there are no honorable men in the Spanish army, I believe there are some, but the majority have pecultar notions as to what * POLITICAL MORALITY consists in. If pressed on the point they would probably admit that to serve one’s party and one’s selfat the same time was the greatest proof of virtue that a Christian gentiemap could give. At least the impreasion constantly leit on my mind by conversation with the military gentlemen as been that their idea of pure morality consisted in killing of every one who happened to be opposed to the arty that, for the moment, owned their allegtance, by whatever means, and getting promoted as quickly as possible, Add to this a profound con- tempt for the people, from whom, in the majority of cases, they have sprung; an invincible prejudice against republican institutions and an astonishing ignorance of what constitutes liberty in a well or- dered State, then it will be possible to understand the attitude. of the body of the Spanish officers towards the present republican government. What renders the pretension of the military to dic- tate to the nation more insupportable is the low standard of education among the officers asa body. Possibly in this respect the Spanish army ranks lower than any other army in Europe, as a large proportion of the officers belong to the clase de tropa, or men who have risen from the ranks, and the cadet class, whose education also is very im- perfect. The system of PROMOTION FOR POLITICAL SERVIC has also exercised a very bad influence on the character and standing of the officers. People who are very fond of flinging stones at popular in- stitutions are accustomed to adduce the low char- aracter and imperfect education of many who climb to political power in republics as a proof of the natural inieriority of republican or free institu- tions to a despotism. But after an impartial ex- amination of the men who have exercised power and influence on the royalist side in Spain very few would care to exchange even a Boss Tweed for @ General Prim. It is one of the admirable features ofa monarchy that it is capable not alone of con- cealing the moral disorders that are eating away the base of society, but that by the inven- tion of a fiction it can even make vice appear a virtue. Had General Prim lived in America he would in, all probability bave terminased his career in State Prison. Even had an avenging bullet put an end to his career, though we should have reprobated the crime, very little sympathy would have been wasted on the victim. It requires a certain amount of indifference to public opinion to compare a “hero” like Prim to a found-out politician liké ‘Tweed, who, if only half the charges brought against him are true, is certainly a very disreputa- ble person; but an unprejudiced judge would not hesitate to give him a better certificate of charac- ter than could be honestly accorded to the Spanish “hero,” It 1s quite true that the Spaniard was dra- matically the grander ruflan, but even the bitter- est of the Committee of Seventy would probably give Tweed a vote of thanks for not imitating too closely the “grandeur” of his Spanish rival. PRIM AND TWEED—A COMPARISON. In the character and policy of both these noto- rieties there was much that was similar. Both were men born’in the humbler walks of life, and both were endowed by nature with a strong will, a desire to rise above their fellow-men, withoat car- ing much as to the means by which their advance- ment was to be secured. Prim began to train him- self for a position of honor and responsibility under the Spanish Crown by connecting himself with a party of smugglers, and in @ short time, owing to his resolute, and, perhaps, little scrupulous char- acter, obtained tmmense influence among that powerful and desperate community. In the civil troubles he rose by the aid of his companions to the highest position in the State, tor at the time of his death he was the uncrowned King of Spain. In his own pithy phrase—“He commanded t army’’—a fact which it was not permitted to afy of nis opponents to doubt. His authority was sus- tained by ali the desperate rascals in Spain with- out difference of political opinions, for, like the “boss,” he was far too wise to trouble himself with such recondite questions as a man’s private opinions so long as the man was willing for a con- sideration to obey blindly the instructions he re- ceived, In this wayPrim controlled all the readiest knives and+blunderbusses in Spain, and if he did | not exterminate every one who happened to differ with him 1 was because it was not good policy to do so. But one thing is certain, that when the would-be king-maker bad an object to secure he never hesitated to use both bayonet and bullet to secure it, His partisans In tle army were very numerous, and quite a large number of “illustrious swor were as absolutely at his disposal as in the good old times were the daggers of the bravo as the command of the Venetian noble. It is one of the charms of the “moral order” system that a state of society so nearly approaching the barbarous could exist in the enltghtened nineteenth century, and yet remain comparatively unknown to the outside world, The used to be governed in the same way Slice the ad- vent of the Bourbons that they Naturally could not see hoW disgraceful to a nation it was to be gov- erned by a man Wke Prim. On the contrary, I am rather of opinion that they liked him. He was inclined to be despotic, but at least he was not a fool, and this was more than could be said for many of his predecessors, So long as he could direct the destinies of the nation and live in Orien- tal magnificence he was quite willing that the peo- ple should enjoy so much liberty as he thought good for them, and he never*thought of interfering in small matters, Very few men outside the inner political ring imagined that the great Spanish leader could not write correctly, although in bis smuggling career he nad learned to talk French with facility. From this tt will be seen that it is not alone in republics that unscrupulous adventurers rise to power and influence; indeed, so far from that being the case, 1 am inclined to think that a larger proportion of worthless people obtain place and power under the monarchical sys- tem than in democracies, only in the former the defects and corruptions are thinly varnished over, aim, as it is not the correct thing to look below the surface, appearances are better preserved. If the New York press could be transferred for a few months to Madrid there would be reaped A OROP OF SENSATIONS before which Tammany frauds and Crédit Mobilier avandals would have to hide their diminished heads, But dishonesty under the monarchical system en- joys many privileges. No one in Spain would think of inquiring how & man like Prim, originally yery poor, could afford to live in Oriental splendor on the modest pay of a Spanish oficial. American public opinion would not hesitate to proclaim the source of revenue corrupt, and under similar cir- cumstances would charge a public servant with stealing. The Spaniards are, however, too weil governed to venture on such an exhibition of can- dor, for the result, probably, would the reverse of satisfactory to the sudacious disturber of “moral order.” There is a story toll of O'Donnell that illustrates in some sort the way in which inconvenient political discussions were wont to be suppressed by the “moral order” party, who are now appealing to the conscience Of the civilized World vo pave them from the terrible visitation of ment. O'DONNELL . was dying, and, like 8 good Christian, was attended by the clergy. His confessor, having some know- ledge of his somewhat stormy politica! life, exnorted him, now that be was in his last hour, to forgive his enemies, “My enemies!” replied the General, with Christian resignation, “I have got none. I shot thom alf;” and yet O'Donnell was by no meang the worst of the military satraps who ruled Spain at their good pleasure, In estimating any regrettablé acts that may be committed by the people in their efforts to secure their new-found liberty it will be well to keep in mind the terrible provocations they have received. It will then’ appear more wonderful that so few excesses have been committed by a people who have been cruelly and savagely oppressed, Most of the outrages so far reported haye, I believe, been committed by the soldicrs against their of- eers. This has not surprised me, for the state of feeling in the ranks of the army of Cuba is certainly ‘far from reassuring, and I would not be at all sur- Spaniards have become so | be | prised if similar scenes to those of Igualada occur- red tn Cuba. During my imprisonment I hada good deal of communication with the common soldiers, as 1 found them more manly and more rell- able than their superiors. THE COMMON SOLDIER, | In conversation they always spoke of the officers as ‘los tiranos,” the tyrants, and more than one man expressed a fervent wish that the day was, not far distant when the troops could legally and constitutionally cut the throats of the tiranos. If this same amiable desire exists among the com mon soldiera in Spain there are some pleasant ex- periences in store for los sefores oficiales, unless they heartily throw themselves .nto the work of consolidating the Republic, and this, from what I know of them, they are very unwilling todo, In my opinion the best thing the republicans could do Would be to dismiss all the superior officers who wero not tried republicans and give the command to distinguished foreign republican oficers and such young men in the lower grades as showed aptitude for command. In the Vascondadas there are fifty battalions of infantry and thirty-eight squadrons of cavalry, with a numerous artillery, who pretend to be making war against the Carlists, but whoare im reality only covering their operations. it is needless to say that thia large army could destroy in a week the five or six thousand peasants who are disturbing the country, if it were not for the treacherous inactivity of the oMcers in command. Of course, the object of all this is to disgust the country with the Republic and promote a return to the old military government, when the military imbecility of the present moment would be changed for massacres in the streets and a policy of terror that would leave no doubt on the minds of any one that a “strong gov- ernment’ had been re-established. Then, while the streets are running with blood, we shall have tne usual “Te Deums” for the re-establish- ment of order, and “peace will reign in Warsaw” — fora while. Should the reactionary movement be successful it will be a sad misfortune, not alone for Spain, but for Europe, as it would inevitably drag in its train the restoration of the monarchy in France. This is not a ‘consummation to be wished for, as it will only‘have the effect of causing simi- lar trouble and bloodshed again a few years iater. In the South of Europe the popular desire for the establishment of a republic has been gaining strength year by year, and it is,. there- fore, only on a republican basis that liberty nd order can be permanently established, Whatever the privileged classes may say, or how muchsoever they may attempt to misrepresent the will of the people by the aid of a corrupt press; the depth and intensity of the republican feeling among the masses in the South of Europe cannot be denied. Castelar says, in his “History of Christi- anity,” that in the first centuries the eyes of the Christian world turned naturally to Rome, and for the first time mankind, with one impulse, acknowl- edged the force of a unifying idea. Well, that unity of religious belief is broken, and man now, in a more fully developed period of intelligence, seeks for POLITICAL AND SOCIAL REGENERATION, but Me no longer turns his eyes to Rome, but to Washington. For the first time, I believe, in American history, President Grant spuke words of hope and encouragement to the millions scattered over tne world who turn with love and admiration to America as the haven of refuge of the miserable and the oppressed. Rome conquered the world with her legions; but America, greater than Rome, will impose her institutions on mankind by the irresistible force of an idea. It would be weil if American statesmen and publicists recognized more fally the magnificent destiny marked out for their country by the Creator, and lilted up their voices to protect the oppressed millions who hail the flag of Washington as their guiding star in their passage through the gloom of social and poli- tical bondage to the confines of liberty. JAMES J. O’KELLY. LITERARY CHiT-CHAT. pie ter eae mE ee Dr. L. Scuurrz, whose compendious histories of Greece and Rome are well known, has added a history pf England to the series, _ Masor KNOLLYS has in the press a handy dic- tionary of Military terms. This work, which is to pe of pocket size, and to ¢ost only one’shiliing, is writers and readers, who sometimes come across Military terms the meaning of which they do not understand. Mr. E. STEIGER, Who collected and furnished for the Vienna Exposition a great collectien of Ameri- can newspapers, represeuting all the States and Territories, how proposes to print a classified cata- logue of American periodicals, It will include about eight thousand tities, and its great value will consist in its systematic division by subjects, so that the reader will have before him at a glance or quarterly, devoted to art, religion, medicine, naturai science, politics, Jaw, literature, &c, JAMES GODKIN'’s “Religious History gf ireland” is pronounced a masterly and painstaking per- rormance, though open to the objection that it is favorable throughout to the English rule. Mrs, MARY COWDEN CLARKE’s new book, “The | Trust and the Remittance, Two Love Stories in Mevre Prose,” boasts the following peculiar daédi- cation :—“To the lover-tusband of eighty-five these | love stories are dedicated by the lover-wife of sixty-seven. HERMAN GRIMM has gone to Plorence for the purpose of preparing anew Michael Angelo” and a continuation of his book on “Raphael.” M. CAMILLE FLAMMARION, whose popular books on science contain more fine writing than fact gives us this hint in nis “Marvels of the Heavens” as to the origin of his own name: : “For Orion 1 have a sympathy.’’ says M. Flam- marion, ‘for which I cannot and will not detend myself. Between ourselves, I read an astrological treatise of the Middle Ages; its tiie Was Flamma ae , Since that time this name is dear to me. ove it.” ‘ ‘Tur Saturday Review declares it will say & good word for any novel written in good English which is free from Villains and all extravagant adventures, has “a low rate of mortality, and is contained in one volume.” Such a novelit at last finds in Miss Braddon’s “Slip in the Fens,’ which he pronounces “a carefully painted Dutch picture.” “A WINTER LN Morocco,’ by Amelia Perrier, is notable only in proving that Morocco is a capital place to stay away from. Spite of its delightral | climate and advantages for consumptive travel- lers, its peopie live in flith @nd degradation, an the trail of the serpent is over it all. The Saturday Review points out the contrasts between the public character and the private being Of Most authors thus:— The lively novelist is a taciturn, morose kind of person, ever ready to start topics of a grave and depressing nature. The poet whose songe are fuli of that delicious melancholy that makes them so divinely sad is a rubicund, rosy-gilled gentleman, brisk, middie-aged, comforta! particular as to his wines, a yrone to personal gossip and feeble humor. ‘The lady movelist Who sails very near the wind, and on whom tile critics are severe by prin- tion and as demure as &@ nun in her bearing. The “sour feminine essayist, who finds everything wrong and nothing in its place, has @ face like the tull moon and looks as if she fed on cream and butter, It 18 conjectured that the lady who sat for the L Jost otghuipy was Migs Frances Power Gabbes + vomur orem! CONSTANTINOPLE. The Imperial Firman to:the Khedive— His Ambition Unsatisfied. THE SULTAN HIS GUEST. Presentation of a Gold Dinner Service to His Imperial Majesty—Probable Change of Mints try—Mahmond Pacha Found @as~The Turk’s Surprise at the Shah's Success/ in Europe—Conejliatory Policy of + the Porte Towards Persia—Per sian Notions of Punishing “Offences—Brigandage in the Provinces~A Brigand Saint “ OoNSTANTINOPLE, July 12, 1878. Tenclose the text of the firman lately granted by the Sultan tothe Khedive of Egypt. It isa very full and comprehensive document, and the Khedive *| should consider himself to haye got the full worth of his money and trouble. He wants more, how- ever, and the rumors avout the purchase of the Yemen and Mecca are reviving and are acquiring some basis. Indeed, the idea does not appear to be @ new one, ag negotiations on the subject had been entered into during the Grand Vizierate of Malmoud Pacha. His Hignness of Egypt has so thoroughly ingratiated himself in the imperia’ favor, and the solidity of his arguments have been found so perfectly irresistible, that his influence just now is all powerful—a little more slackening of his purse strings and the coveted territory may, become his own, The other night he held high state in his palace. His ships and grounds were again lighted up 2 jour, his sailors and guards of honor lined the approaches to his gates, for he wat entertaining a3 his guest, at a splendid banquet, Abdul Aziz himself. The service of gold plate om which the dinner was served had been specially brought from Egypt Jor the occasion, and having once come under the imperial notice it could not, of course, return to the use of inferior mortals; so next day it was carefully packed up and sent to the Sultan’s palace for his acceptance, as a trifling offering, showing what his rich vassal might do for him if he would in return do what was asked of him. s THE VISIT OF THR KHEDIVE has not altogether worked for the good of the Grand Vizier, and although Mehemet Bushdi seems to be well up to his business dud has as yet done nothing outrageously bad, his doom is looked upon as fixed, and after the Khedive’s departure it is ex: pected there will be a clean sweep of the whole Cabinet. An imeident which has occurred withim these two last days may possibly, however, turm the balance in his favor again, as it will furnish him witti an opportunity of showing zeal and devo- tion in his master’s service, a virtue whicn will be intended chiefly for the information of newspaper | every periodical, whether daily, weekly, monthly | edition of his “Life of | ciple, is as quiet as @ Quakeress in her conversa- | all the more carefully exercised in this case, as is concerns the fate of a hated and powerlul rival. ‘The ex-Grand Vizier Mabmoud Pacha has managed to: draw upon himself the vials of im- perial wrath, some say owing to revelations made by the Khedive regarding the cx-Minister’a “peccadilloes’’ while in office; others, that he haa been discovered’ conspiring against the Sultan’s life. Whichever way it may be the charges against him must be very serious, judging by the prompt and severe measures adopted in order to bring him to justice. In the first burst of his wrath, the Sul- tan ordered him into banishment for life, buton the remonstrances of the Grand Vizier, who pleaded that public opinion tn Europe was in favor of try-~ ing a man first before condemning him, he allowed himself to be persuaded to have Mahmoud up for trial to the capital. A telegram was at once de- spatched to the Lieutenant Governor of the prov- ince (of which Mahmoud was Governor General) to send his chiefup under arrest in the charge of | armed police, The Turks are beholding with INDIGNANT ASTONISHMENT the ovations offered to the Shah of Persia by all the sovereigns of Europe. ‘What is he?’ tl ban “Neither a Sultan nor an Emperor; his territory small and his subjects—what was left of them after the famine—a mere handful.” This feeling of irritation is naturally increased by the arrogant tone which Teheran has adopted towards Turkey om the two subjects in dispute between the two coun- | tries—namely, the boundary question and the right which Persia claims—on the wuthority of @ treaty which never existed—to exercise judicial authority over its own subjects residing in Turkey. Wishing to restore a better leeling between the two countries the present ministry have shown themselves very pliant on both these matters, The boundary question is in a Jair way of being settled, and the other day THE PERSIAN RIOTERS, who were arrested in the act of cutting down the ‘lurkish police, were at once handed to the Persiam Ambassador, to be dealt with according to the laws oi his country. The extent of the (po! they will receive will now depend on the length of their purse. The majesty of the law is vindicat particularly solemn occasions in Persia by core holes in the delinquents’ flesh, inserting lignt | candle ends and letting them burn out, although skinning alive is a more frequent mode by whicts the government of the Shah signifies its disappro- bation of the conduct of an offending subject. Except, however, in cases of extreme povert culprit may avoid the discomforts of decortication and set himself square with the powers by submit- ting to a pecuniary sacrifice and a certain amount of pruning, regulated by circumstances and applied to limb or jeature, according to the taste and faney of the executioners. Indeed, further than this, a judicious use of his weaith has been known to enable a rich criminal to expiate his | ended by the mere formality of a noonday walk | through THE FASHIONABLE STREETS of Teheran unencumbered by any article of dress, | exceptaring passed through the gristle of his nose, to which the executive officer attaches his | leading string. With so elastic a system of crim- inal jurisprudence it is not to be wondered at that | attachment to Mis national institutions should tm the mind of the Persian amount to poetic and evem to religious devotion. | All the provincial correspondents dwell on the same subject of complaint--the apparent ineM- ciency of the government to exterminate brigand- age, Near, Shumla three Frenchmen were nearly hacked to pieces; in Thrace a wealthy Greek mer- chant was kidnapped and carried off to the fast- nesses of Mount Olympus, It is only quite lately that the government has succeeded in laying hands na sanguinary Ireebooter—the terror ot the vil- fages ni Smyrna—although he had his recognized residence in the heart of a populous district, The reason of this singular forbearance bn the part of the police was the asserted insanity of this man, and madmen enjoy @ special [eee in the eyes of Mohammedans. The tales told of this ROBBER SAINT are full of horror. Upwards of a hundred persons ave said to have met their dcath at his hands, His’ house was carefully avoided in the day time, and alter nightfall no one dared come near it withim milés round, for it was during the night that this haman monster used to fssue forth and perpetrat his atrecities, Several governors had successively attempted to rid the country of him by sending troops to capture him; but the superstitious terror which attached to his name had tutherto enabled him to set all armed force at deflance. The other day, however, ® more successial attempt was made by the Governor of Smyrna. He despatched a body of troops under the command of # determined officer, with orders to capture the brigand dead or alive. His house was carefully approached, and all modes of escape strongly guarded. The brigand Mustay | Stood on the defensive to the last, until perceivin | that thg troops were about to set fire to his dwell-* ing, he became desperate, and suddenly unbolt- ing his door, rushed, yataghan in hand, into the midst of his assatiants, cutting down all that were within reach. He was overpowered by superior numbers in the end, and, being heavily chained, he was conveyed in safe custody to Smyrna, As soom as he arrived there crowds flocked to see the once’ terrible Mustapha, who, loaded with irons, waa being conducted to the felons’ dungeons, He wijk only come from thence to hear his sentence read = pass into the executioner’s hands for decaptta- on. THE LONG ISLAND CITY CONTESTED ELEO- TION OASE, The extraordinary circuit of the Supreme Court, appointed for the trial of the Long Island City con- | tested Mayoralty election case, in June last, was to have b reopened yesterday in Brooklyn. It may be remembered that the jury on the trial dis- agreed, leaving Henry 8S, Debevoise, who received the certificate of election, in undisturbed possession of the office, Attachments were issued for the or- poration Counsel of Long Island City and his , clerks, Who nad been summoned as witnesses by the contesting party, Mr. Ditmars, but who did not appear, An adjournment of the Circuit was had until yesterd: in order that action might be taken towards having them punished for contempt. Judge Ramsey, however, failed to appear yester- day, and, by mutual consent, the matter was post- ned until the October term, to be heard by ang udgge vino should wold Qourt a6 yhat Siaigy é,