The New York Herald Newspaper, August 11, 1868, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET, JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. All business or news letter and telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York HERALD. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. PER THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year, Four cents per copy. Annual subscription price $14. THE WEEKLY HERALD, every Saturday, at FIVE Cents per copy. Annual subscription price:— One Copy. Three Copies Five Copies... Re Ten COPICS....- 2. eecerveceesencerecseeeesereeees 15 Any larger number addressed to names of sub- scribers $1 50 each. An extra copy will be sent to every club of ten, Twenty copies to one address one year, $25, and any larger number at same price, An extra copy will be sent to clubs of twenty. These rates make the WEEKLY HERALD the cheapest pub- lication in the country. Postage five cents per copy for three months. ‘The EUROPEAN EpIvion, every Wednesday, at Six Cents per copy, $4 per annum to any part of Great Britain, or 8G to any part of the Continent, both to include postage. The CaLirorNis EpiTION, OL the Ist, 9th, 16th and 24th of each month, at 3/x CENTS per copy, or 83 per annum. ‘ ADVERT Ts, to #, limited number, will be in- serted in the WEEKLY TERALD, European and Cali- fornia Editions. JOB PRINTING of every description, aiso Stereo- typing and Engraving, neatly and promptly exe- cuted at the lowest rates. Volume XXXIIL AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING. NIBLO'S GARDEN.—BArBE BLEUE. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—DonGiNnG ror A WIFE— RED GNOME AND WHITE Warniox. OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway.—Houmery Domprr. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway and 18h street.— Fire Fiy. BROADWAY THEATRE, Broadway.—TroppEn Down. NEW YORK THEATRE, opposite Now York Hotel.— Foun Puay. BRYANTS' OPERA HO! ‘ammany Building, Mth street. ETHIOPIAN MINBTRELSY, £0. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE 201 Bowery.--Comio ‘Vocaism, NEGRO MINSTRELSY, &c. CENTRAL PARK GARDEN, Soventh avenue.—PoPUL aR GakpEN Concent. BROOKLYN ACADEMY OF MUSIC.—Ma, Witttam H. TANGaub's ENTERTAINMENT. HOOLEY’S OPERA HOUSE, Brooklyn.—Hoo.er's MinsTReELs—Sver, NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, 618 Broadway.— BOrENCE AND ABT. Now York, Tuesday, August 11, 1868. THE NEWS. EUROPE. The news report by the Atlantic cable is dated yes- torday evening, August 10. Napoleon delivered a speech at Troyes, from which inferences in favor of peace are drawn. Fifty-one persons were killed by a colliery explosion in Bel- gium. Spain is on the eve of a financial crisis, and theJ political condition continues disastrous. Mr. Pigot, the “seditious” Irish editor, has been par- doned. Consols 4's, money. Five-twenties, 717% in Lon- don and 754 in Frankfort. Paris Bourse quiet. In the cotton market middling uplands closed at 9% pence. Breadstuffs rm and upward. Provisions improved. Produce advanced, By special correspondence and mail reports from Europe we have very interesting and important de tails of our cable telegrams to the 30th of July. MISCELLANEOUS. We have a highly interesting correspondence from Alexandria, Egypt, which wg publish in our triple sheet this morning, detaliing at some length the position of the foreign interests under the govern- ment of Ismail Pacha and the probabie issue of the great diplomatic changes just athand. There area reat many foreigners in Egypt, and the laws regu- lating them are very much complicated on account Of the fact that in all cases, civil or criminal, the foreigner is wied by the Consul of his country. Is- mail Pacha has lately addressed the great Powers requesting that changes should be made to the mat- ter so asto avold complication by a conference of representatives from the foreign courts. England alone has answered, and that informally, and it re- Mains to be seen what action will be taken by the other governments. The Chinese Embassy arrived at Niagara Falls on Saturday afternoon. Ali along the route from Alvany the Embassy was saluted by large crowds and on erriving at the International Hotei the grati- fied Ampassadors found their native flag tung to the breeze, A delegation from Buffalo waited upon them and in a speech invited them to accept the hospitality of the city, but Mr. Burlingame declined, Stating that the mission was one of business and Could not accept municipal ovations. The Secretary of War, in answer to Governor Warmoth's appeal for troops in Louisiana, has issued instructions to General Buchanan directing him to telegraph in case of a violent outbreak which may demand the presence of an armed force. The circu- Jar of instructions for the commanders in the South- ern States is now being discussed by the President and Secretary ana will probably be issued soon. Atademocratic meeting in Richmond, Va., last night some negroes created a disturbance which re- sulted in @ general fight, several pistol shots being fired. Two negroes are reported mortally wounded and two white men slightly, A committee of tailors waited upon the President yesterday, and an entire convention of them ts to be formally received on Wednesday. The Citizens’ Association have published a letter to the Board of Heaith relative to the slaughter houses of the city. They state that it would be only @ temporary makeshift to allow the slaughter houses to be located much beiow Hariem river, and suggest that the best location is on the river at 106th street, Where the present abattoir could be arranged to suit the whole business, Precautions have been taken by the Board of Health in regard to the cattle disease which will Provably prevent the introduction of diseased meats (nto the New York market, The members visited the Communipaw abattoir yesterday with Governor Ward, of New Jersey, and obtained thirty-one spect- ens of the diseased parts, which are to be micro- Scopically examined. ‘The yacht squadron is still at New London. Last evening the fleet was illuminated and an exhibition Of freworks was made from the shore. To-day the fist race of the cruise will come off and to-night @ Grand hop will be given. In the Georgia Senate yesterday a message was re- ceived from the Governor, accepting the resignation Of A. A. Bradiey, the colored Senator who rests under @ charge of felony. A long discussion ensued on the fight of the Governor to accept a resignation, which ‘Was conciaded without a decision. Mr. Fisher, editor of the Cambridge (Mass.) Chront- NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, AUGUST HL, 1863,—TRIPLE SHEET. cle, was thrashed in the streets of that town yester- day by Mr. Lovejoy, a preacher, whose speech at a democratic meeting, it is said, he bad lampooned in his paper. Mr, Motley, late Minister to Austria, has declined a Public reception in Boston. General Grant will leave Galena about the 15th instant on his return to Washington. Mike McCoole, the pugilist, was married in St. Louis last night to the daughter of a rich contractor of that city, Secretary Welles, of the Navy Department, arrived at this port in the Tallapoosa on Sunday, and visited the Brookiyn Navy Yard yesterday. He was received with the customary honors. Captain Mason, of the Hoboken ferryboat James Watts, was arrested yesterday on a charge of run- ning down a rowboat with his vessel near the Christo- pher sircet slip, by which a man named James Gor- don was killed, The Hamburg American Packet Company's steam- ship Holsatia, Captain Ehlers, will leave Hoboken at two o’clock P. M. to-day for Southampton and Ham- burg. The European mails will close at the Post Ontice at twelve o’clock M. The steamship Nebraska, Captain Guard, of the Liverpool and Great Western line, will leave pier 46 North river at twelve o’clock precisely to-morrow (Wednesday) for Liverpool, calling at Queenstown to Jand passengers, &c. The stock market was duil and drooping yester- day. Government securities were strong. Gold closed at 146. ‘The number of beer cattle on sale at all the yards yesterday was 2,576 head. Trade was slow and prices were generally 4c. per Ib. lower than those current last Monday, prime and extra sheep selling at l6c. a 16'sc. a 16%c,; fair to good, lic. a 15%c., and inferior to ordinary, 10c. @ 1444c, Milch cows were but little sought after, but held at full prices. We quote:—Prime to extra, $90 a $100; fair to good, $75 a $35; common, $60a $70, and inferior, $40 a $55. Veal calves were quict and generally heavy, prime and extra quality selling at 10%c. a 11}¢¢., common to good 8c. a 10c., and inferior 7c. a7%4c. Sheep were in fair request and steady at 6\c. a 7c. for extra, 63¢¢. a 63gc. for prime, 5};c. a 6c. for common to good, and 34¢c. a 5e. for inferior. Lambs were fully 1c. per Ib. lower, selling at 7c. a 8c. per lb, The market for swine was active, and closed steady at 11\yc. for prime, 10%c. @ 114gc. for fair to good, and 10'c. a 10%¢. forcommon, The total receipts for the week were:—6,654 beeves, 123 milch cows, 1,628 veal calves. 30,440 sheep and lambs, and 11,851 swine, The Eadicals and the People—Prospects for the Presidency. Oregon is normally a republican State, but this year it has gone completely over to the democrats. In the previous election it had about its usual republican majority, giving that decision on political issues that is natural with a population supplied in a great degree from regions having the most active sympathy with the radical spirit; yet this year it gives an unmistakably definite majority to the other side. This is a very significant fact in an election in such a State, coming immediately after the party with which it usually acts has put its Presidential candidates in the field. Kentucky is another State whose people have recently given formal expression to their political predilections. The election in this State has taken place since the naming of the Presidential candidates on both sides, and Kentucky not only goes for the democrats—we should expect that—but it goes their way by such an overwhelming majority as indicates that other political opinions have hardly force enough there to keep themselves alive. Here, then, are two States that have gone to the demo- crats after their people have been able to per- ceive the drift of Presidential movements. One is an old slave State, not, however, the most flercely democratic of the slave States even in the old times—a State that did not nominally go with the South in the war, but had its sympathies that way, yet was thought to be safely enough organized to do better for the republicans than in previous years. The other is a free Northern State, | peopled by that sort of community that | our political history shows is always the readiest to be aggressive, to take the side of any party that calls itself the party of pro- gress, and that is naturally much less suscep- tible of conservative influences than older | communities, From these facts of the situation it is evi- dent that the popular impulse against the radi- cals, which began two years ago and seemed to culminate in the fifty thousand majority against that party in the Empire State, has yet lost none | of itsmomentum. It was deeper than most men | thought. It had fast hold upon the ultimate convictions of each man, and thus became the positive purpose of the mass, and it is doubt- ful if there is any power to stop its progress. The nominations have had no effect upon it. The sudden recognition of the radi- cals that they had gone too far in their assaults on everything dear to the people, and their consequent halt, came too late. The promise of honest government that they make in presenting the name of Grant, the assu- rance that their future views of national neces- sities shall be taken from the standpoint of the commander who saved the country—all this is quite unheeded. So is the threat from the other side, given with the name of Seymour, that everything shall be construed in favor of the men who endeavored to break the govern- ment to pieces. Popular will goes forward blind to all, conscious only of its stored up determination. Individuals are nothing. There is no charm in any name. The contest of great principles must be carried to its final result, Such is the popular temper. Only the deepest sense of the outrages inst the country and its laws, as well as against humanity practised by the radical leaders, could have brought the people to this mood and wrought the conviction that no other dan- ger is so great as for that party to continue in power, Perhaps, also, there is another thought active in the case. There is a widespread uneasiness under the burden of taxation in- volved by the debt; and though both parties tend towards repudiation, the people will have their revenge on the men who made the debt, and who therefore put the country in po- sition to require repudiation. Revolutions always repudiate the debts of civil war. Such repudiation is the basis of compromise, for neither one side nor the other will consent to repay money borrowed to put it down. Repu- diation is, then, very likely the ultimate bourne of this impulse against the republicans, and we shall yet see a Congress elected strictly to re- pudiate the debt, In the meantime the same impulse must act consistently in sweeping re- publicanism from power at all intermediate points, of which the Presidency is a very im- portant one. It seems consistent with all the facta, there- fore, that the reaction against the radical legis- lation and reconstruction shall go on as it began, sweeping State after State, and finally sweeping the nation and giving us enothor President like Pierce—only instead of poor Pierce it will be silly Seymour. Regarding the characters of the two candidates, it readily occurs that the parties have respectively got the wrong men, Seymour is the creature who should be in the handa of the radicals—a piti- ful tool to be used as Pierce was used by the Southern radicals, into whose hands he fell— and Grant should stand at the head of the advancing democracy, to wreak its relentless will against radical power. But taking the men as they are and the situa- tion as it is, we can only hope that to whichever side victory inclines it will give no doubtful voice. Let the decision be positive— one side or the other—for therein is our only safety. From an election that either one side or the other can by any ingenuity dispute we will have a civil war. Some of the Southern States are preparing this possibility in making laws to take the vote for President from de- mocratic communities and give it to radical Legislatures. Should the republican candi- date be elected only in virtue of these manceuvres it will take another war to put down the protest against him. Should the election turn on any one of many such contin- gencies peace will be farther away than ever, and, therefore, it is to be hoped the Northern people themselves will make the decision ab- solute, Gold and Its Fluctuations, The advance in gold to 150 last week was entirely too rapid to be sustained, and in like manner the fall yesterday to 1453 was equally so. Such extremes in- evitably lead to violent reactions, and these work much mischief by unsettling values and disturbing confidence, while they are produc- tive of good only to the speculators in the Gold Room. As we have before stated, the natural tendency of the gold premium is at present upward under the influence of purely commercial and financial causes, added to which the political excitement which always precedes and attends a Presidential election is also favorable to an advance. But from the style of talk which has been current among the bulls in gold of late it might be supposed that the premium was going to six hundred, and that in the event of Seymour's election civil war would ravage the land from Maine to Texas and repudiation of the national debt would immediately follow. The facts of the situation are bad enough, but not so bad as some of these bulls in gold would make them out to be. Who is going to fight in the bloody war they look forward to? The South has had enough of that sort of pastime, and the radicals are too cowardly to indulge in it. Gold will continue to tend upward for several reasons. In the first place, about seven hundred millions of our national securities are held in Europe, and large amounts of these are liable to be returned to us at any time, while the interest on the whole has to be remitted in coin and in this way we are drained of our specie. In the next place, our national ex- travagance causes our foreign imports to largely exceed our exports in value, and the difference between them that is not liquidated by shipments of five-twenties has to be re- mitted in coin, and in this way we are still further drained of our specie. In thé third place, the wretched mismanagement of the Treasury and the miserably mistaken and short- sighted policy of Congress have left the Treasury poor, and it has only about forty-five millions of coin in its vaults that it can call its own. It is, therefore, Mr. McCulloch now says, unable to sell any of its coin because its surplus is so low and the November and January interest will aggregate so large a sum as to reduce the balance in hand to a much smaller amount than has been hitherto held by the department, at any one time. No wonder, therefore, that men buy gold so con- fidently when they know that we have shipped from this port alone sixty-three millions since the Ist of January, and that the amount re- maining in the country is much smaller than atany time since the commencement of the rebellion. But for these very reasons ex- cessive speculation in gold should be dis- couraged and the exaggerated pictures of the future condition of the country corrected as far as possible. We want stability in the standard of values, and the fluctuations of the last few days in gold are clearly opposed to the interests of the community. Progress of the Canvass, We give elsewhere two speeches from Southern impossibles, made at a Seymour and Blair meeting at Atlanta, Ga. One of these impossibles is Howell Cobb, the other Robert Toombs—men too well known for many years to have any worthy or honorable dis- tinction now. Both hold in the present can- vass the same style and tone that characterized their efforts in the years before the war, when their narrow-minded views of national topics did so much to lay that foundation of bitter- ness that made the great struggle possible. Toombs is troubled with the same old blindness. There is nothing in the world but the South, the magnificent South, the gallant South, the chivalrous South. For this South all must stand aside. If there is any other part to the world, that must lie down in prostrate submis- sion. There is a ‘‘conqueror” somewhere—a vague sort of nonentity, who must get out of the way and let the South have peace. This is Toombs’ idea of reconstruction. Howell Cobb's idea is worse, for while it is marked by all this vice of wilful blindness it is character- ized by a degrading and contemptible menda- city. Here is a choice reference: —‘*We have,” says Cobb, “placed before you « candidate for Vice President who, it is true, like General Grant, fought you during the war, but, un- like General Grant, ceased to fight you when the war was over. I honor a brave man. I can do reverence to his virtues though he has drawn the sword against me. But the man who, after the battle is over, travels over the field and with a valor I cannot commend draws his sword to thrust it into each corpse as he passes along—such ® mancan never command my respect, and if my advice is heeded will never get a vote in Georgia.” If the advice of the man who could utter this is heeded in Georgia that State is not half through its trouble. Every decent man in that State—every decent man any- where—knows that the assertion thi rectly made—as if there were not courage to make it directly. is outrageously, infamously | slanderous. It is the great misfortune of the South that it has had so many leaders of just this class—men who will hesitate at no un- truth, for whose mouths nothing is too filthy or too false—and thus, believing that it was asserting its own cause, it has been abused into fighting the battles of individual malig- nity. Reconstruction should begin with the South, and begin with the political burial of all this class of men. Suppression of the Herald in FranceExpla- nation of the French Consul General. We have received the following note from the French Consul General in relation to an article which appeared in our editorial columns a few days ago concerning the suppression of the Heraxp in Europe, which we attributed to the agency of some parties having cofltrol of the French mail sent from this port to Havre :— CONSULAT-GENBRAL DE FRANCE AUX ETaTs-UNIS, New York, le 5 Aout, 1868, MONSIEUR L'EDITEUR DU NEW York HERALD:— MonsIEUR—Mon attention vient d’étre appelée sur un article du HERALD publié ce matin sous l’entéte “Suppression du HERALD en France.” Vous paraiasez croire que cette mesure, dont votre journal m‘a, d’ailiears, appo.té la premiere nou- velle, est dae a Vinitiative de mon consulat-géneral, Permettez moi de vous dire que vous ¢les com- plétement dans l’erreur et que je n’ai pris, ni directe- ment ni indirectement, aucune espéce de part ala mesure dont vous vous plaignez, Mon consulat- general demeure, en effet, tout a fait Ctranger aux questions de presse que régle une administration diftérente de celle dont il releve. Agréez, monsieur, l’expression de mes sentiments distingués. Baron GAULDREE BOILLEAU, Le Consul-Géncral de France, As we said in our previous article, we see no reason why the Heracp’s circulation in Europe should be interfered with by the French authorities. We are sure that the Em- peror would not sanction any such interference, but that, on the contrary, he is willing to give free scope to the expression of public opinion, and it will be seen by the above letter of the Consul that he has not, ‘‘directly nor indi- rectly,” given any instructions with reference to the press of this country. But we are aware that there is a system of espionage, which may be said to form a part of the domestic arrangements of all European gov- ernments, from which France is certainly not free. As faras we have expressed ourselves with regard to the career of the Emperor Napoleon we have done him full justice. Even in the troublous days of the coup d'état, when condemnation had reached its utmost limit and justification was only to be found in the possibility of future good results, we pre- dicted that the experiment, in spite of the ex- treme character it assumed, would prove a success, and that Napoleon would yet give France a good government, and he has done so. We see no reason to suppose that he will not continue to govern France for the benefit of its people, and as long as this is true we have no objections to make to the course of Napoleon. But we positively hold to the right of an American journal to criticise the actions of Emperors, Kings, Queens, Presi- dents, Vice Presidents, Popes or any other public functionaries within the range of the planetary system, and we mean to exercise that right, ‘though the heavens fall.” Tue Fourteenth Amendment and the Revo- lution. Chief Justice Chase, in charging the Grand Jury of the West Virginia district, called atten- tion particularly to the fourteenth amendment as part of the organic law and as constituting a main reason for exercising peculiar vigilance in regard to frauds on the revenue. No doubt the constitution does guarantee the public debt; iteven provides that it “shall not be questioned,” and, moreover, under the same head, the constitution provides that neither the United Siates nor any State shall ever assume or pay any part of the rebel debt. All this is in the fourteenth amendment, and the fourteenth amendment has the same validity and force as any other article of the law. Chief Justice Chase, therefore, is quite right in saying that the constitution gives to the debt a character of ‘inviolable obligation,” and equally right in discharging an oblique rebuke at the guasi repudiators. This is hon- orable to his morality. Nevertheless it is, per- haps, more patriotic than philosophical. We stand at the edge of another revolutionary abyss. Only this fact has brought the word repudiation into use; for with the people in their senses, with the people keeping conscious of fixed points in politics and preserving their high sense of financial honor, repudiation would not be possible. But the next revolu- tionary plunge will make repudiation possible, and revolution will not stop to consider what laws guarantee the debt. In former days the constitution threw its veil of inviolable sanctity over some other things also, but did not save them from the iconoclastic spirit. The con- stitution guaranteed the peace of the Union, the position of the States, even the indestructi- bility of the States; but we have had war in spite of all that, and States have been degraded to a sort of political pupilage. Let no one fancy, in view of our recent history, that the constitution can exalt any principle or any fact above the reach of revolutionary hands— the only hands that menace the debt. We are plunging fearfully toward the dis- organization of what remains of our system. Appearances are in no sense favorable to the thought that our difficulties are mainly over. War will not be rekindled, but we may have a state of political disorder worse than war. The excitement of the Presidential election is scarcely begun—we only see the initiation of the canvass; but this indicates that the counter- revolution impels the people against the now dominant party. With this evident at the com- mencement, whither may not the tide carry us before its force is spent? Changes as great and sudden as those that gave power in Rome to the plebeians in one year and to the aristoc- racy inthe next may be in store for us, and in these changes all that makes a nation great is often trampled down, for one faction oblite- rates what {t hates and the next what the former left. We are in these rapids. Politi- cal opinion is 60 unsteady, so fluctuating, that it is ready to move on the impulse of some epidemic fear or hope, and Grant may go in by an overwhelming majority, while it is at the least equally likely that Seymour will do the same. He therefore strangely ignores the history of nations who feels a positive confi- dence that law guarantees anything at such a time. All the moral force of law presupposes more definite ideas of right and obligation than are possible in a political chaos. All that clear beyond the more immediate fature of the struggle is that the nation cannot die, There is too much irrepressible vitality for that. Forty millions of the most energetic and in- telligent people on the earth will have an effec- tive government of some sort, and will accom- plish their destiny in conquering from the wild- ness of nature their given area of the earth's surface, and what parties and what compacts shall go down meantime in the squabbles of faction may at the last not matter so greatly. The Crops at Home and Abroad. Reports of the crops from all sections of the country are most favorable, and there is every reason to believe the present season will be the most abundant in all the cereals and in hay and fruit that was ever known in this country, And even with regard to cotton, sugar and tobacco there is a much better pros- pect than the prostrate condition and difficul- ties of the South had led us to believe. At the same time the news from Europe shows a general falling off in the crops there, and the necessity for the Old World again to look to the United States, the granary of the earth, for the sustenance of both man and beast. It has been estimated that there were planted over three millions of acres of corn more this year than last year in the United States. While the area is something less in most of the New England States, New York, New Jersey and Maryland, it has been much greater in all the Western and Southern States. Among the States where the greatest increase of cultiva- tion has taken place may be mentioned Louisi- ana, where the increased area has been three hundred and ninety-seven thousand acres; Arkansas, three hundred and seventy-six thousand acres; Missouri, four hundred and seven thousand acres; Illinois, three hun- dred and sixty-six thousand acres, and so on through all the South and West. In the whole of the States there have been planted more than thirty-six millions of acres—an advance of nine per cent over last year. But the yield will be in a much greater proportion—probably fifteen to twenty per cent—on account of the favorable season and fine appearance of the crops. As to wheat, the universal opinion is that the crop will be the largest ever grown and produced in this coun- try. In the most famous wheat producing sections of Ohio, Missouri, Michigan, Kansas and other States it is believed that the amount will be threefold what it was in 1867. Not- withstanding less favorable reports from a few sections where the midge, extreme heat, rust or other causes have affected the crops, there is no doubt that the general average will be greater than in ‘any previous season. The same remarks will apply to rye, oats, barley and potatoes. With regard to cotton, there has been a less number of acres planted, probably, esti- mated by some at ten per cent less on the whole than last year, but the crop generally promises well and in yield may be greater than that of last year. There is reason to expect this. At anything like the present price this would be equal in value to the full crop of former years. Two millions of bales at twenty-nine to thirty cents a pound—which is the present quotation of middling—would be worth as much in money as the four millions before the war at ten to twelve cents a pound. Tobacco may not cover quite as large an area as heretofore, but the crop promises very well, and the price will make up for the smaller quantity. In Louisi- ana planters are turning their attention again to the cultivation of sugar, and it is estimated by some that a hundred thousand hogsheads will be produced this year. The hay crop everywhere is enormously large, and from the scarcity in Europe we are now exporting it at a most remunerative price. Such is the de- mand and price abroad that shippers can af- ford to send it by steamships, and almost every steamer that leaves this port carries a quantity as freight. Such is the happy condition of this great country and granary of the world with regard to all the productions necessary to sustain life and to stimulate commerce. Politicians may rave, plot and try to make trouble, but the material interests of the republic continue to be developed in an extraordinary ‘manner. Nothing can arrest our progress in this re- spect, and the country will govern itself in spite of parties and factions. But what will be the effect of this abundance and the demand for our products in Europe? A great revival of commerce abroad and trade at home. With importations not in excess of our wants, and with the produce of our mines to pay the in- terest of debts abroad, we ought to have the balance of trade and exchange largely in our favor, and gold should decline. The govern- ment may even become embarrassed through the wretched mismanagement of the national finances and the reckless extravagance of Con- gress, but the country will continue to prosper, for we have boundless and increasing national resources ‘beyond the control of financial schemers or politicians. Napoleon’s Speech on the Situation. The Emperor Napoleon, returning from Plombiéres to Fontainebleau, halted for a short time at Troyes, where he was greeted enthusi- astically by the people. The Mayor presented an address, to which his Majesty replied in a speech, expressing ‘“‘the hope that no unto- ward event would disturb the peaceful progress of trade and agriculture,” and concluding with the religious ejaculation, “God protect France!” Napoleon the Third, as a ‘‘man of destiny,” is to a very great extent the creature of events. So, should an “‘untoward event,” such as war, occur even after his patriotic aspiration he will not be disappointed. If peace is preserved, why, it is “good” also, The religious senti- ment, “God preserve France,” will serve either way—at the head of the army, in the schools or at the fireside. Napoleon is a very concise speaker, neat of expression and likely to leave a choice in the interpretation of his meaning. His speech at Troyes is in character. Wave Hampton's Caanoe or Oprston.—In the speech delivered by the ex-Confederate General Wade Hampton at Columbia, 8. C., on Saturday, he denied the use of language at- tributed to him in a previous speech, to the effect that he declared in favor of carrying the old Confederate flag in the present campaign. On the contrary, he says that it was now “furled forever, to be buried in the grave of the lost cause.” There is very little impor- tance to be attached to Wade Hampton's change of opinion now, compared with the change which took place eight years ago. His change of opinion concerning the two flags, and that of his collesquea, who undertook to trample upon the one and exalt the other, may have been of some moment then, but it is not of much account to day. The Situation in Europe—Tho Entente Cor- diale Between Great Britain and France. Lord Stanley has been in Paris. It was not unnatural that the Foreign Minister of England, being in Paris, should seek out the Foreign Minister of France. It can searcely fail to be a cause of gratitude to many that Lord Stanley and the Marquis Moustier are agreed, and that in their opinion the future tranquillity of Europe is secured. The circum- stances are noteworthy that simultaneously with this announcement we learn that the fire which has been so long smouldering in Spain threatens to burst forth in a general and ter- rific conflagration, and that an arrest has been made in Hungary which may prove fruitful of results along the line of the Danube. It is only ten days ago since, looking at the general situation in Europe, we gave it as our opinion that if Napoleon would march his armies across the Pyrenees and perma- nently annex Spain and Portugal to the French empire he would, by one stroke, accomplish the best thing pos- sible for France and the beast thing possible for the Iberian peninsula in the circum- stances. We did not conceal from ourselves the fact that a stroke which would be so bold in itself and which would go greatly eularge the territory and so mightily increase the power of France would be almost certain to create a feeling of jealousy on the part of the great Powers. France, her population increased by some twenty-one millions and her territory extended over the richest part of Europe, would be a dangerous rival to all her neighbors. England, Prussia, Austria, Russia might - again tremble for their independence, and by another Holy Alliance proceed to rectify boun- daries and adjust the balance of power in Europe. In sucha case it would be difficult for France to maintain her position. Europe combined, especially if backed up by Great Britain, has always been too much for her; and Napoleonism might be forever ruined and the pride of France permanently humbled by another allied occupation of Paris. It is not, however, by any means ceriain that events would take such a turn. They might, and they might not, and the presumption is rather in favor of the negative. The occapa- tion of the Iberian peninsula by the armies of France would unquestionably, in the first in- stance at least, beget jealousy, would certainly call forth loud and general remonstrance ; but it is questionable whether even so bold a step would call into existence another anti-French coalition in Europe. The Europe of to- day is a very different Europe from that of 1812, of 1814 or of 1815. It has different in- terests; it pursues a different policy; it is governed on different principles; the dynas- ties are weaker; the people are sironger. Governments, in a word, are more isolated and more concerned about national :than interna- tional interests. In such a case as we have supposed Great Britain would, perhaps, be the most dangerous enemy with which Napo- leon would have to contend. It would not be possible for him to defend his vast extent of seaboard if attacked by the iron-clads of Eng- land. It would be the less easy if attacked by Prussia on the north. Would it not be possible, however, to buy the con- sent of England by allowing her to take entire possession of Egypt, Suez canal and all? To give up her hold on Egypt would be an im- mense sacrifice to France. To have Egypt entirely under her control would be an ia- mense gain to England. England, in truth, as Mr. Disraeli some time ago with his ac- guatomed pungency remarked, is no longer a European, but an Asiatic Power. The British isles are but the headquariers—the seat of government. The empire is elsewhere—in India, in Australia, in Africa, in Canada, in the West Indies and in all sorts of out of the way places under every sun. Her Nortb American and her West Indian possessions are but of little value to her and promise to be- come of less. Of all her possessions India is that which she most prizes and which she would least willingly let go. ‘'o hold India she needs Egypt. Besides, with Egypt en- tirely under her control she might make Africa her own, and out of those regions, made illus trious by Livingstone and Baker, by Speke and Grant, and forever associated with the immortal exploits of Napier, it might not be impossible to create a grander than even her Indian empire. Let Napo- leon make the British government the offer of Egypt, and it will be more than sur- prising if a European coalition against him is not rendered impossible. Prussia would be easily satisfied. Bismarck has but to be permitted and encouraged to complete German unity. Germany a unit and under Prussian supremacy would be ample compensation for any loss which Prussia might be supposed to sustain by the aggrandizement of France. In such a case it would be necessary to allow Austria to extend her empire to the shores of the Black Sea and to make herself mistress of the mouths of the Danube. But to this neither France nor Prussia could object. Turkey is too weak to offer any effective opposition, and Russia is too much engrossed with weighty matters in the East to attend to such trifles in the West. The course seems to be clear for Napoleon, It is not opportunity, but courage, which is wanted. Weare ick of hearing of Spanish misery. What Spain needs is a strong and paternal government. Napoleon can give the peninsula precisely what the peninsula wants. Lot him annex it at once. It may be our duty at no distant day to imitate his example. Hia success may encourage us to confer upon the Spaniards and Portuguese of the New World what he will have conferred upon the Spaniarde and Portuguese of the Old—the blessings of good government. Tilden’s and Ben Butler’s Speeches ow x National Finances. Tilden, « Tammany politician of this city, has been ventilating his ideas at Milwaukee on the national finances, and Ben Butler has been doing the same at Gloucester, Mass. Both are narrow-minded twaddlers and know nothing of the subject. The former picked up a statement about the expenses of the War Department and made a great flourish over it, but had not the capacity to analyze the financial questions of the country or to ex-