The New York Herald Newspaper, August 11, 1868, Page 4

4 THE AMPAIGN. Prominent Politicians on the Stump. Speeches cf Howell Cobb and Robert Toombs. Chief Justice Chase’s Views on ihe Fourteenth Amendment and the Publie Debt. Affairs in Maryland and West Virginia. INTELLIGENCE, GENERAL POLITICAL SPEECHES OF PROMINENT POLITICIANS, 1 Cobby of Georgia, ud Blair ratification taeeting held owell Cobb spoke as follows:— t, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN—I con- y iriends, that the time has come ) the people can meet together as mbled to-day. When I say “the peo- those I see before me—these women ood men and true, who are the men and women throughout ulate you, that you meet and of your favorite sons—that you hearts to the patriotic senti- ments which fall irom the lips of those sons. While be past casis ifs shadows over the land, and m, own heart 1s in fall Ape yy with the picture whic! At a Se, rey our Stat was drawn by myitriend, yet Ido feel rising up in my soul the promise of @ brighter day not far distant in the future, To-day, in common with you, | have heard the familiar voice of one wh in times past, has aroused his countrymel from the mountains to the seaboard. He speaks eis none, to make him afraid, God y when the echoes of that voice shall be out all the land, speaking from his old the national legislature. My friends, ut on that branch of the subject which has been discussed by my Iriend has been presented to you § eheasively that I shall noi trespass upon your ty weaken its power and influence by a recapitulation of it, It was an exposition of live when you and I have passed ‘e gouc. The people of Georgia to-day are through a trying ordeal, whicu, | trust and ®, Will be of short duration, and Irom which they will emerge iined and purified hke gold irom the furnace. They are living under a gov- ernment whore days are numbered; but while it ex, that we make the best we Some suggestions here in your ol those who ave called upon dininister that goveenment in order that, to the nt it is in your power, your rights and interests some protection. I shall offer some ad- y rv bullock, Although he has not sent or suin.woned me to his councils, I shall waive for In etiquette and give him some advice which will do him good and be of great benefit to the siate if he foliows it, Tf he does not follow it, it has cost him so ittie he will have no right to complain of me for hay- ng Olered 1, | Would just say to him, Mr, Bullock, the people of Georgia have doue you no wrong. It 1s your duty to tofict as little evil upon them as pos- sible. Kemember the circumstances under which you have been calied upon to execute the duties of your gubernatorial office, and my advice to you is Wo behave yourself just as well as your uature and education wil admit. I would say to him, in all Kindness, that ia the matter of character and repu- tation you have everything to make and notuing to Jose. A better opportunity never was offered to any man, He 1s like an adventurous youth who goes into & gambling house without money to play at laro. He has everything to Win and nothing to lose. te may hreak the bank, but the bank cannot hurthim, I would say to him, Mr. Builock, this constitution Which has been imposed upon the people of Georgia against their will aad without their approval, mvests you with a great deal of power. Baercise it in a Way to do good to the state if you can, You have got a judiciary to appoint. would advise you to seud for the ofictal copy of the ad- dress of chairman of the Grant and Colfax Executive State Comuuittee, written by one Joseph Browa, in Which he assumes to announce for you that the judiciary of Georgia will be corruptly appointed to subserve base anu parti- san purposes, and when you get It make a boniire of the paper and blot from your memory the recoliec- tion of Its contents, Be not deceived with tie idea that because your predecessor, the author of this paper, was partially successial in adding to his re band popuuirity by & corrupt use of his of licial patronage, that a like success wil attend alike corrupt Course on your part. If te argument based on considerations’ of patriotism and duly cannot tae warn you, asa matter of policy, ort Lo & Course Of Conduct 80 UNWorthy, sO wluch, in the end, WLI be of no beuelit to must produce "calamious resuits for ‘The appeal | make for Cisappointnent Judiciary is one Which should teell (0 the favor of any tan holding ibe jon you occupy, even though he reached high por that position by a not over creditable accident, the details of which 1 Will not stop to discuss, 1 beg emember that siuce the organization of the Court of Georgia no one tas been ap- to that bench who did not command the re- spect and coniueuce of the people. No one has ever filled that high station on whose integrity and honesty the shadow of a doubt ever rest it re- maias with you to determine whewuer tue Ligh cha- racter of bene wil be maintained or wether it shall b refuge for destitute and discarded politicians, Whose luainy and treachery bave made hem outcasts from tue companiousulp oi honest men. In the name of the people of Georgia 1 call upon you this day to drive from your presence tuese bad men who ask you to Torteit (ne only Ciatim you can ever have to public Tespect and conidence by the appotutment of suc men to ol trust and honor, Kid yourself of the miserabie vermin who are fastening Unemselves vo you, who calling On you to appoint thein to the Supreme urt, the Superior Court aud the Dis- trict Court, aud who ip the better days of the repub- lic Would hever have presumed to solicit the ap- ointment of a doorkeeper or a messenger—men hom you know to be epee | and whose only claim to the positions they seek st your hands is the record of their own infuny. ow otrange a startling it will sound to Lie ears of those who live beyond the limits of our Staie to hear an appeal made by the people of Georgia to him who exercises the highest exceulive power to grant the State an honest judiciary. And yet, svrange as it may appear, starting as it is, the rumors which li the atmospiicre of this capital justify the appreben- sion upon which the appeal is bared. Theresore, 1 say to you, Mr. Bullock, be warned in time. Commit not these outrages upon & people who, God knows, have suffered enough at the bands of their oppres sors. If you heed not this warning voice to-day, the time will come when you will repent in sackcloth and ashes the degradation which you wil have brought upon yourself by the infiction of such an outrage upon @ brave, enerous snd an honest le, In Whose conduct toward you you can und no justification for the injury you will have done. All { ask of you is to appoint honest men to these oO tions, men Who will administer tho laws of the tate in obedience to the conscicniious obiiga- tions of their oaths. Fill ali the offices with honest men. Protect the = Treasury from ‘the robber band who are assembled here to break in and steal. Do those things, and at the end of your service you will have the consolation of knowing that if you have done the State uo good, rou will havo refrained from dotug it any serious harm. And for you, this would be a result which your warmest admirers could not have reasonably anticipated. And now, J return from an appeal vo those in power to you, my countrymen, and I invoke your aid and co-operation in the great work before us, of lifting our State from its present fallen conai- tion \and restoring it to ita former prosperity and equality among het sister commonweal of the Union. It is a noble work, worthy of tue best efurts of our people, mm which ali d men can and ought to unite with an earnest and cordial good will, The day of arms has passed, We iook for the dawn of a day of peace—such a# carries healing on its wings wad diffuses blessings over the land—not such peace as is offered to you at the point of the bayonet or is conjained in tue fludings of a miutary commission, but the peace which ts founded on justica, is supported by the law, is accompanied by Liberty and brings rejolcing and contentment to every heart, Such is the v Which will follow the election of Seymour and Blair and the restoration of the constitution—a Which will be for to-day, to-morrow and for all time to come, because it will be a ce that would calm all the trqupbied waters, quiet all eee re- store coniMence and security tn all the departunents of life, and cause every one, everywhere, tu feel that the good old ways of ite republic tad returned, Such & peace is worthy of ihe best eiforis of pene the ret Ciristians and will command the bi of Heaven. I am nere to-day to invoke your aid and co-operation in carrying forward this great and good THE WORK FOR THE TRUR GEORGIAN. My countrymen, I care not who you are, I care not ‘what has been your past party history, | look to your status to-day. | wantto know what you intend to do for your country in the future. She has eu much, she has been wounded deeply, her is covered over with the evidences of Fieve wounds end this suifering. This old State—that has been @0 kind to you, 80 generous to me, beyond all that I deserve, beyond, riaps, what you deserve—this noble, gallant, bleeding old Stave calls upon her sons to come forward and ald in the good work of re- deening ner from the had of tie wrong deer and op e. & there in all Georgia one single heart, ive or std who will not teapond in * NEW YUKK HERALD, TUESDAY, AUGUST 1], 1868.—TRIPLE SHEET, > i thi hour trial, the hour in | STavea. God bless you for it. They are the graves of wulth she ge fog for. liberty and for 00d, Mae, and honest, nd noble, and brave, the constitutional rights of ail her children? The mop Lamar ae ead imen. But as you return from that ue is before you, my friends, None | ), ema turn your back to the rightand left apon can fallto read rigne. Noman can plead ignor. owe itto the living: You owe it fo note a Cenaiidren * ul iy o ance. Not one who heard the 6: tion to which | ang to thelr children, Write pron ow Spm raced You and Ihave listened this morning, not one who a8 heard the eloquent voices of her sons throughout this land for months can plead ignorance hereafter, ‘The issue is made; on the one hand is a continuance and aggravation of the wrongs from which she hag so long suffered and is still suffering, and on the other @ &peedy deliverance from the bonds which have bound her and the opening of a bright and Btor mising future. ‘The path is open; you are invited to tread it, On the one hand there are darkness and shadow and gloom, and continued misfortane and oppression; and on fhe other there are freedom, pros- perity and peace, Choose you this day between. Ties two oneaney made for your free will acceptance. a friends, that great party of this country which now brings within tts fold every true man of the land, North, South, East and West, without ref- erence to past political differences, comes and ten- ders you the guarantees of that constitution which was framed by the wisdom and consecrated by the blood of your fathers, Come and stand by us. Give your support to the men who are pledged to carry | out these principies, PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES. ‘We have put a candidate before you for the highest oMce in the country—a man known as a statesman throughout the land—a man whose record in the past has been true to those reat rinciples of con- stitutional right. We have placed Berore you @ candi. date for Vice President, one who, it is trne, like General Grant, fought you during the war, but, un- like General Grant, ceased to fight you when the war was over. I honor a brave man, I can do reverence to his virtues, though he hus drawn the sword against| mo. I honor such a man, and_ to-di give evidence of it in the cordiality with which I will cast my vote for Frank P. Blair for Vice President of the United States, But the man who, after the battle is over, traveis over the fleld and witn a valor I cannot com- mend draws his sword to thrust it into each corpse as he passes along, such & man can never command my respect, and if my advice is heeded will never get a vote in Georgia, Let the people of the North understand that we give to Seymour and Blair our warm and hearty support, with a perfect knowledge on our part that the one in the Cabinet and the other on the fleld were fully identified with those who prosecuted the war against us, and to whose over whelming numbers we finally surrendered. We do not pretend to say that we support them because they warred against us, but in spite of it, believing, as we do, that in a restored Union they will extend to us those sacred constitutional rights of which they are now the chosen and honored repre- sentatives. And this is all that the people of the South ask or expect at the hands of the people of the North, ‘These are the men, these are the pledges, which are offered to you by those whom I commend to your confidence and rer to-day. On the other hand you are offered for the Presidency Generai Grant, Ihave said as much of him as he ever sald of himself, and therefore he has no right to complain that I have not treated him with proper respect. Of Mr. Colfax, the candidate for the Vice Presidency, I am not sufticiently informed of his his- tory iu order to give you any Very satisfactory ac- count of him. My opinion is, however, if, when in the days of his infancy, his mother had been told that he would be a candidate for Vice President, it would have run the old lady crazy. It is suMctent to say of them that they stand before you asthe representatives of the Chicago platform, That is condemnation enough. But these men, fellow citt- zens, are of to-day and will pass away. The princi- ples which they represent belong to the future and will live long after those who uphold them are for- gotten. THE CHICAGO PLATFORM, You have before you the great politica! truths pre- sented by the democracy of the country. Let us go fora moment to Chicugo and see what was pre- sented there for the people of thus country. Whi is otfered to you by that convention of wild and bad men who placed General Grant and Mr. Colfax be- fore the country? 1 will not stop to discuss the double-faced resolutions on finance. 1 come to the main starting proposition which you are calied upon to give your sanction to, and which most nearly affects your interests. Fellow citizens, that platform an- nounces to you that a white man’s government siiall be guaranteed tothe people of the North, but that negroes are good enough for Georgia and the pee ple of the South. Ido not pretend to quote the lan- guage or the precise words, but such are the prin- ciples and doctrines enunciated. The radi cals have not denied it in their press— they have not denied it by their public men—they cannot, dare not, deny is. That platform says that the negroes of the South shall be guaranteed and protected in the exercise of political power, the right of suffrage, the right of sitting in the jury box, the right ot holding seats in the Legisiature and upon the bench, and that it 1s all right and proper for you and for the peas ofthe South that this should be the case; but when asked to put it to the people of the North, to the fveemea of the West and the free- men of the East and the Middle States, they said:— “No! they are entitled to a white man’s government; they are entitied to the protection which had been given them by the fathers of the land from the earliest organization of the government; they are the sons of the revolutionary fethers who fought and with their blood won the liberty of this country—by their wisdom adopted — the constitution. They shail have a white man’s govern- ment; they are worthy of they deserve it; but for those rebels down South, those men in Georgia, those women and children in Georgia, they deserve no such protection: they shall have guaranteed to them no such government.” My friends, what think you of these men of the North? What think you of the Grants and Collaxes? of the Thad Stevenses? the Suimners and the Wilsons of the North, who went to Chicago and thea wrote it down in cold biood—there was no passion—there was no excitement—there were no war tones sounding throughont the land— but coolly, calmiy, passioniess, med wrote it down upon their form, “Ihe people of the South, you must submit to negro suifrage, you must submit to negro snprenmey; but for our own people we reserve the old landmarks of the con- stitution?” To-day they defend the ollie y Which puts these negroes in the Legislature. To-day that fy Says my friend (pointing to Mr. ‘Toombs) and myself are properly and justly excluded from the right of suifrage, from the right of holding office; but these negroes are the proper people to make laws and govern and control this great and good State of Georgia. SCALAWAGS AND CARPET-BAGGERS. What think you of Northern men who are prepared to perpetuate this great wrong and cas, upon our peopie? Can you say to them, “brofher?” Can you say to them, “friend?” Can you weicome them to your house when they coine to ie? midst either with the insignia of ofice or in the habiliment of pri- vate citizens? Why should they wonder and stand amazed because we bid them not to the feast when our friends are Invited to assemble and make merry amoug themselves? Shall these men, ought this day und all days and for all time to come the feeling and spirit of abhorrence with which you re- gard these men, O, Heaven! for some blistering Words that Tm write Infamy upon the forchead of y vel through earth de- Spised of all men thd rejected of ont scorned by ¢ devil himself, They may seek their final con- Snelent matitution prepared for auets froin he, Ue: anci inst jon he be- ginning of the worl zs * SOMETHING FOR NORTHERN MEN TO TELL WHEN THEY GO HOME FROM THE souru. Fellow citizens, being in @ counseling and advising mood to-day, I am di ask a favor of another class of our fellow o} zens, & class of whom I have not asked favors heretofore, They have been amon, us for the last three years, men of the Norih, some 1 them in high military position, some of them wear- ing the simple vestments of private life, Now the time has come when many of these are to leave us and return back to their homes, and in the part which they have played to return ‘no more forever. Now of these gentlemen nally I know nothing, but I have a word to say to them and to ask them to bear a message from the people of the South to the people of the North. You have been here for three years, When you return to your homes tell your people that you came here and found our land one ene plain of deso- lation; the — ashes nd or stood — then where this beautiful city now stands. You found our people overwhelmed by numbers, a conquered people, if you please, but a brave and generous peo- ie suill, You have been in our midst and have seen he wrongs that have been done this people. You have seen their old men and their young men torn from the bosoms of their families and from their labor and occupation without warrant or authority of constitutional law. You have seen them carried to the dungeon, and from the cungoon to the courts which had no jurisdiction under the consticution. ‘Tell the people of the North these things when you go. Tell them, too, 700 have seen the polls opened, you have seen Georgia’s noblest sons, born upon the soil and reared under her institutions, sons whom she has delighted to honor, sons whom you have re- ceived with welcoming arms in all the Northern States—you have seen these sons, upon whose chur- acter not one single blot rests, you have seen them driven from the polls. Tell them that. Tell them that you have seen the poor, ignorant, debased, unhappy, unfortunate and deluded negro taken, not by the voice of persuasion and of argument, but by &@ power which he could not and dare not resist, anil you have seen him go and fili up that ballot box that formerly received the votes of the good and true men of Georgia. Tell them that you have stood here in her legislative halls. Grayheaded fathers have told you that these seats were once filled by the noblest and truest men of the land—her Crawford, her Troup, her Forsyth, her Berrien, her Lumpkin, her Wayne—her great and good men in the days that are past. Around me here I sce the -grayheaded fathers of this land who once filled these seats. ‘Teil them whom you saw there on yes- terday. ‘rue, some of her sons, good and true men, are there to try to save and rescue their State from wrong; but tell them that the seats of Troup and Clark were fliled by two negroes who could not write their names. ‘Tell them that my own old county of Clark—these men will recognize the name when I speak of Clayton, Dougherty, Hull and Hope and ‘thomas, and, in later days, the brave and gallant Deloney and other good citizens—tell them when you go to the North the seats formerly occupied by these amen were filled by illiterate negroes. ‘Tel! them when you go there that in times past you were told that the good men of Georgia assemt at her capt tai to inaugurate her government, these inen whose names | have mentioned to you; but never in all the history of this State was any man, be he good or bad, placed in that chair, with those insignia of oftice, but in response to ‘the voice of the people of Georgia, I care not, gentlemen of the North, mUli- tary and civilians, with what prejudices you con here; I cai t how passion has been iflame ‘These are solemn truths, and it is your duty honest nen to tell the iessage I this day give you. ‘Veil them that on the 4th day of July—a day memor- able In the history of your country—a day honored and celebrated by the good men of the land—Ceorgia was summoned by the party who now rules her destiny to assemble in 488 convention at her capital. You were he and saw that scene, Go, | ask itas afavor. 1 will humble myself ‘so far as to beg that the truth may be carried trom Georgia and spread broadcast among your people. You witnessed that assembly, It was a mass meet- ing of the radicals of Georgia. T'wenty white men were there, and probably ail who deserved the naine of white men, outside of spectators, did not reach quite a halia dozen. They were a motley crowd of negroes. They spoke of Georgia. They thanked this beneficent legislation that had brought the great blessing upon the land. Men stood upon that platform who had been honored by Georgii and addressing that assembly of dark faces an kinky heads, with not one white man scattered, here or there, calling them “my couutrymen !?? Weil, if they are his countrymen, let him and his countrymen seek some more congenial climate. Africa is open to him, and not knowing Joe as well as ido, the people of that continent might bid him come, Go; geatlemen of the North, and teli your people that there was assembled in Georgia—this great and noble old State—that crowd ! and # more respectable one works on my plantation every day, because they work for their daily bread and meat, and are respectable compared to the set of worthies creatures whom the radi- cals of both Nori .and South pretend to call the people of Georgia, Tell them that that was the people in wh hands aud under whose control you left this nobie old State when you turned your back upon me to seek your own homes, and then tell them that on the 2od of July there was another as- semblage calling themeelves the peopie of Georgia. Come now and stand here by my side, Lwantyou to cast your eyes over this vast assembly. Come and look upon those daughters of Georgia, and, gent e- men of the North, teil me—you have hearts, you have souls, you have in your own States mothers, wives and sisters—! ask you to come here to-vay and stand upon this platform and look upon our mothers and sisters, and wives and little ones, and teil me in your heart is it right and just and proper? Does your own heart dictate it, that those women and chiidren ought to be under the dominion of those negroes tha: assembled on the Fourth of aur if there is one a in your heart—if there is on singie throb left to beat for the people of the South— come and look upon this picture. Around them you see old men, denounced they have been as rebels, but from their youth up they have lived in Georgia. Their neighbors Know them, respect them, esteem them, love them. Ought these men to be placed under that negro douunion? Ought these mea to be required to’bow their necks to the yoke which oppression and despotism have prepared for them? Oh, men of the North, as ye travel homeward, t men to expect it? Pardon me if I upon it. I want to expreas it, and I urge it upon you until there shall exist in the heart ‘and soul of every son and daughter that walks and breathes her pure alr and lives upon her py soil this conviction, that these men of the North—these Chicago men—these men who call upon you to vote Grant and Colfax, and that Grant and Colfax, who have endorsed these things, are neither worthy of your vote, your respect, nor of your coniidence, much tess of your Kindness and hospitality. My friends, they are our enemies, I state it in cool and cali de- bate. If they were our friends they could not doubly Wrong as; and if there beat in their bosom one single kindly emotion for the people of the South they would never have made this public declaration to the world of your unworthiness and the contempt Which they tcel for you, Enemies they were in war—enemies they ‘continue to be in = In war we drew the sword and Ese them deflance; in ce we gather up the manhood of the South of constitutional equality, ed geneting acouna and gathering aroun pt el men of the North as well as the South we hurl into their teeth to-day the same defiance and bid them coine on to the struggle. We are ready for it if they are. But, my counteymen if those are the feclings whieh rise in our bosoms in reference to these men of the North—these men who have no bond of union with you; these men who never trod ‘upon your soll unless {t was to plunder and to rob; these men who know not these women and these children; these men who have never worshipped at your altars, who never communed with the good | men and women of your State around that altar erected to the living God—if these are your feeil towards strangers in blood and a. association What can be your feelings twoward men of Georgia who travelled these hundreds of miles to meet these men at Chicago, who sat upon the bench with them, who went into the council chamber with them, and who there joined thelr voices and united their hearts in pronouncing that the men whom they have left benind them—the men ot who had honored them overmuch, who had iifted them from the lowest dregs of society aud elevated them to the highest ofices of honor, profit and trust? What say, you of such men who went to Chicago and there,” crouching at the feet of our enemies, deciared that these good people of Georgia deserved the fate that had come upon them of being put under the ban of negro supremacy? My countrymen, don’t think I speak harsh words be- cause I say nara truths, I speak of those delegates speak ofthem in un- to the Chicago Convention, red terms, spread these truths broadcast, aud when you receive acordiai welcome into your own homestead, and that wife and mother and daughter impress upon Tet lips the kiss of affection and love, remember, 1 eg you, remember the mothers and wives and danghters of Georgta. If you cannot feel for them in that hour, then the spirit of love and affection has departed from you, never amain to be reclaimed. Tell them that in the midst of ali this desolation, in the midst of all these wrongs that there was not in all Georgia a singte daughter that bowed her head to the yoke. Teli them that our brave men stood submissive at the point of the bayonet. ‘Tell them that kindness and generosity would have won back tue allegiance of their heat but all the bayonets that ever were made in the American Union cannot drive manhood from their breasts. Tell them that these men were brave and generous to the iat, at ing their enemies, loving their friends, and, even if it nad been necessary, from the scaffold they would have hurled detiancé into the teeth of their oppress- ors. They would have welcomed every noble and generous heart to the South witha cordiality they extend alone to those they love. Tell them, more- over, Georgia has a home for every true man of the North. She has a welcome for every trae man that ‘Will come to live among us and Wit us and be of us. But she has neither a true welcome nor @ false hos- pitality to offer to those who come to wrong and op- eens them, and when you have told them all this, Hl them that in Georgia there was but one Voice, one licart, one soul, one spirit, When you turn your back upon the State, looking through wil her length and breadih, upon her mountains, in her valleys, in her cities, in her towns, along the public highway: in the pub- lic and private he toy yon dont’ Vieave behind you one single white radical advocate of the Chic: piatform Who Was worthy of the respect and cont: dence of a gentieman, And when you are asked by your people what are the views and sentiments and ipl nd of the people of the South, do us the Justice ‘0 provonnce the charge that we are hostile to the Union and the constitution, and that we desire to re- hew the bitter conflict through which we have just passed, as false and unfounded. ‘Yell them that when you heard the people of Georgia asserting their Claims to perfect eyuulfty in the Union under the con- stitution you could not find it in your heart to deny the justice of their claiins, and that the effort of the radical party aa m ited in their Congressional legislation and affirmed in the Most offeusive shape in their Chicago plattorm should not find among the honest and true men of the North either an advocate or an apologist. Tell them that you believe itto be wrong, and that if they shad been among us and witnessed what you have Witnessed they Would unite with you in jemniny Re inlaw . oan nies, things ‘have done to as, them ple of the ready ani anxious for the restoration oF perfect “harm and Fight in assigning tim the status whick Ne fies tolen for himself? If n ough it is that Kind of ot eis, nd Tous fg) the doctrine. Let associate with thet buat white men of this eS voice says “Amen.”) verberate over your mountains, leys, from your da ~ Conciliation whenever the terms upon whi restoration is offered are and honors: ble men can accept—that they fang for bas it ie of tous & must not be inked with ‘isnohorsand the pee im your mouths to day, f b+ you to present. ln f AN APPRAL To THR Fellow citizens, I come to-d nthe a of toler. ance. I want to bury in Geo bitter: ofthe past. You and I have dimered for years—since the hour in which firet raised in the public meetings of my ove . Eoome ‘9 present you a platform, present candidates | Se vera es true man in Geo! iol with me in Come, if you have gone far astray come back. The doors are wide open, wide enough, broad enough to receive every white man in Georgia, unless you should discover him coming to you cree; and crawling under the Chicago platform, there should be no mere: bins have~ dishonored themselves and sought to di or you. Anathematize \. wen pale of social and political socie! ea Nobody will envy them, and if they are never taken reaoh forth out of the gully until T hand to them up they will die in their tet oe all others red tak bare ate ut reconstruc ion, J could not were wrong. We differed in reference to seonaeaoee amendment, I ons you Were still further from the path. But, come now—come, re- trace your steps. You si upon the bank; you have taken the last step you Can take and recover lost ground. Come out from among this Reople. 1 appeal to you in the name of the in Inemo- ries of the the past, in the hopes o! ae ea: Sons of Georgia, come out from among people. I ap- veal ook upon thene faces full of mourning for the and look upon these faces for et that which ast, full of over cannot be redeemed ? ut yet there plays a pleasant smile; @ beam of ho; comes hing from each eye. Let it upon the ali of your heart, rekindle the flames that have almost gone out, and here to-day let all Georgia’s sons come and unite in this great and glorious work. Her ban- ner hangs drooping. Her proud institutions It only in memory. When she was a white man’s government she was proud, honored, happy, pros- erous, Come and at this altar unite with ine, aud, by the grace of Heaven, let us once more make Georgia @ white man’s government. 1¢ is for you to say, by your votes and by your actions, whether the sun of her greatness shall again reach to meridian splendor. id imen, come. Mothers, to your altars and carry your daughters with you. Ask the prayers’ of Heaven upon your friends, upon your fathers, your husbands and sons. Young men, in whose veins the red blood of youth runs so quickly, let the ardor of your temperaments, the pulsations of your hearts, all beat for Georgia. Your old State, the State of your fathers, that holds in reserve honors innumerable for you and them, come! Come one and all, and let us snatch the old banner from the dust, give it again to the breeze, and, if needs be, to the God of battles, and strike one more honest blow for constitutional liberty. Robert Toombs, of Georgia. At the same ratification meeting the Hon. Robert Toombs spoke as follows:— Mr. Toombs, after thanking the audience for their kindly greetings and congratulating the counwy upon the presence on the occasion of so great and enthusiastic a multitude of her best citizens, pro- ceeded to say:—But few uations have wholly escaped the ravages and ruin of war usually inflicted by the insolent and triumphant invaders; fewer still the sterner and bitter curse of civil war. The histories of the greatest and the most enduring nations of the earth are filled with defeats as weil us victories, suf- ferings a3 well as happiness, shame ani reproach as well as honor and glory. Purification, in the ernetble of adversity, in the flery furnace of individual and national sufferings, seems to be the price or the penalty of national great- ness. ‘Through this testration have passed the nations whose power and genius have governed, whose existence has blessed, and whose wisdom still guides and directs the world; through this testration have passed the illustrious men whose 0 have been canonized by ankind, the 0 rs of fortune and the fates, the orites of all the gods, the few immortal names which were not born todie, The heroic straggies of the great and the good, the brave and trae men of the world, in all ages and countries, in the face of the greatest disas- ters and in spite of the greatest dangers, in behalf of home and country and the righis of mankind, are the noblest legacies left by the past to the present generation of men; they are trophies of which poor hamanity may well be proud, trophies worthy to be Jaid at the feet of Jehovah. That is a bright page in Roman history which narrates that when thousands of her most gallant and distinguished youth were slain, ber veteran legions broken and scattered, and the victorious enemy was marching upon her capital, marking their pathway by fre and sword, with nothing to retard iis progress but a stern old warrior and patriot, witose chief resources lay in his unconquerable will, the Xoman Senate met and first ordered propitiatory sacrifices to the gods, und then voted the thanks of Rome to the defeated leader of her armies for now Gespairing oi the repub- lie. From that hour the star of Han 1 “cnlmina- ted from the equator.’ The people imbibed the spirit of the conscript Iathers; courage and hope drove out fear and despair, and Rome was saved, Men and women of Georgia, you, too deserve the thanks of your country for the evidence you give this day that you have not despaired of the repubiic, though despotied, plundered and manacied, your spirits are unbroken, and that you have heart and hope to make new sacrifices, yea, all sacrifices to regain your lost liberties and to redeem your country from bondage. it has rarely happened iu the annals of time that any peo- ple were ever called upon to grapple with so great a crials as that whieh is now impending over the peo- ple of the Confederate States, Aftera gallant but unsuccessful conflict in the noblest and holiest cause for which patriot blood was ever shed—the cause of inalienable rights of man, the liberty of a free people and the sovereignty of the States—at the énd of four years these people found themselves surrendered to victorious foes, Whose armies embraced all colors, and tongues and races of men under the sun, fight- ing under the flag of the United States, The terms which were granted to the vanquished neither won their gratitude nor excited their admiration. ‘The manner in which these terms have been ob- served has even excited the indignation of the brave and the generous whose conduct, cour- age and blood achieved the conquest. Those Whose biades glittered in the foremost rani of the federal army on the battle fleld, witha yet higher and nobler courage scorn the base uses to which the victory has been applied, and now demand that the rights of the vanquished shall be respected, that these wrongs shall be redressed and that justice shall be done, This means peace, honorabie peaco— peace built upon the deep foundations of eternal jus- tice. This demand came none too soon for the pul lic safety. The avenging Nemesis which follows in’ the train of conquest is already confronting the vis Lors in the shape of the radical party. Born in tional hatred; which it has ever assiduously culti- vated; nurtured by the evil pasaions which that hatred engenders, reared to its present dangerous proportions by the lawiessness of civil war and the general disorders of the times, this monster has be- come the great danger to the whole com- monwealth, Its thirst for power and plunder bas not even been fatigued, much less appeased, by its tyrannies, its robberies and its ruin of the South; therefore, to gratify these unholy pasaions it has con- spired to seize supreme power by fraud and force and to erect a military despotism upon the ruins of constitutional liberty# To oppose these dangers the dem cy of the Umited Statea receutly met in the city of New York, and with them also assembled the representatives of millions of citizens, who hitherto claimed no special alliance with that party as a poli- tical organization. men have conspired to overthrow free constitutions; good men have united to preserve them, and under the flag of the demo- eracy invite your Reacher pear ‘The democracy have arraigned this faction before the — inquest of the nation for high crimes and misdemeanors, You are assembled a9 @ part of that grand inquest to hear the charges, specifications and proofs and to give true deliverance between the criminals and the country, The declaration of principles adopted by the Convention has the great merit of clearness and certainty upon all issues which are Nkely to enter into the political canvass. nee out fo uncertain sound. ‘The old shibboleths of lib- erty are ¢zain proclaimed as living principles; what- evel may be lost “the supremacy of the civil over the military power,” “Magna Charta,” trial by jury, the constitution, have survived the conflict of arms andi still live, at ieast, in the heart of the demo- cratic party. These are principles which concern the collective body of the people. I will not attempt on this occasion to review all the questions of prin- le and policy submitted by the Convention to the judgment of the people, but shall confine myself mainly to the examination and defence of the one which most vitally aifects your interest aud the happi- ness of your posterity. We have now but small concern with the questions arising out of the public debt, ex- cept so far as the mode tment may affect the eral industry of the country, and we prefer to eave ali disputed aca with those who con- tracted the debt. one great question whic yaa swallowed up the rest, was the validi a of edicts commonly known as the sional plan of reconstruction. The these measures by the democratic possible. Every democrat in both houses gress had v against them and declared them unconstitutional Lol Mond the eer eer a eres State Legislatu local conventions an form of party action, had stam; them with just condemnation; yet, although the country had a right to ex) it, tle unanimous declaration of the Na- tional Convention that these acts {ition were Ey usurpations, Gnconsittutional, revolutionary and void, sent a thrill ef Joy through millions of and brought countless deren) ml the heads noble representatives of tne fearless and indomitable democracy. The usurpers until then had hoped that bet ce ACCOM) rap gdp grand’ design of the authors of this pyramid And perpetuation of despotic power ia te hands of ane n of despot! ‘or iD is the present dominant faction inthe United States. ‘The dificulties in the way of this it ow wee Rot fully appreeiated, or, perhaps, foreseen - ception. 3 ‘authors seemed clearly to perceive that no amount of tyranny or torture, rewards or punish- Sti idan ce ee” a Nu . asseo had, femonstrated that experiment in essee had white men who had faltered at the commission of no other political crime recoiled from patricide. It be- its foundation; @ sufficient amount of ignorance, vice and Dauperiam. could not be found among the meanest of the white race to insure its security. These were to be found in unlimited supply among the negro race, Therefore, absolute negro supremacy was decreed to be the corner stone of the Conapeasionsy Plan of reconstruction, the foun- dation of radical despotism. The simplest and most direct road of reaching negro supremacy in the “late rebel States,” and one in entire harmony with the genius of the plan, would have been to have enfran- chised all of the negro aud disfranchised ail of the white race. But it was determined by the assembled wisdom of the party that the plan would in safety what it lost in simplicity and boldness by tem audacity with craft and force with rraud. Hence they endeavored to combine the white and the black elements in such Broponsices as would give color to the claims of assent to the plan by the white without endangering the complete ascendancy of the black race. This was a point of great importance and of some difficulty; all the complex machinery of the edicts was adopted for ita adjustment. . This solution was sougnt in giv- ing to all of the blacks and a limited portion of the white people, ‘he natural rule of exclusion would seem to have been to have excluded the lead- ers of the civil war, the civil and military oMcers who ‘ulded, directed and upheld the government, and he boldest and bravest of its defenders. Such men best olaim to bo inscribed on this While many such names are to be found on it, not a single one was placed there for those reasons. Neither Mr. Davis nor General Lee are excluded by reason of their positions in, or services to, the Confederate States—they are excluded solely on the additional ground that they held office under the United States before the war; the rule being that the holding of some State or federal office before the war, ingredient of disfranchisement. have been considered that this rule would include a class sufciently numerous to preserve negro ascen- dancy at the same time sufficiently virtuous and in- telligent to be unfit instruments of tyranny. But to rovide against the possibility of any mistake on is decisive question of numbers or any other un- foreseen difficulties or omissions which might hinder, delay or defeat the realization of the hopes of its authors, “this plan” was pate: ainst the dan- gers which constitutionally beset ordinary legisla- lation, It was placed under the special guardian- ship of its fathera—the legislative department—and in order that this guardianship might be effectual this department decreed that its portals, ‘like the gates of hell, should be always open’ during the arturition of this monster. Parental solicitude has been fully vindicated by the result. It has cost two extra sessions of Congress and many supple- mental bills to perfect the scheme, Other diMculties embarassed “this plan’ of recon- struction, The President had already declared his opposition to it in able and elaborate veto messages, The command of the military forces of the Union and the power of appointing executive officers, the instruments placed in bis hands by the constitution to insure the faithful execution of the laws, were wrested from him, and he was in eltect deposed. The Supreme Court might be catled on to examine into the conformity of these edicts to the organic law; it seemed reluctant to admit that the constitu- tion was either dead or dormant, and therefore it ‘was not to be trusted with this question; the agents of reconstruction were invested with judicial as well ag executive power, and commanded to refuse obe- dience to all interference with their acts by any civil authority whatever. The courts were closed. Con- esA enacts, expounds and executes the laws, and comes the embodiment of a perfect despot- ism. The apology put forth for these meas- ures by their authors is that “the late rebel States” are not under the United States; that they are conquered provinces, and that, therefore, Congress has the absolute right to govern them ac- cording to its own will and pleasure, without any other restraint except that which may be imposed upon them by the laws of natious. This involves the “proposition upon which alone these measures can be sustained, that Congress is the sole exponent of the will of the conquering people and may rightfully make, expound and execute all laws which they may deem necessary and proper for enforcing that will. Ail the rights to which just war gives birth be- long to the nation. Every nation exercises these, as. well as all other rights she may possess, according to the forms prescribed by herself. Tho rights of the nation cannot be exercised by any one person, or any number of persons whatever, except by au- thority conferred by the nation. All the powers of Congress are derived from the constitution of the United states, aud all of its acts, whether intended to operate within or without its limits, whether over the conquerors or the pumreees rest upon no other legitimate authority, The laws of na- Ulons cannot change the organic law of the con- querors. The organic law of the United States con- jers no executive or judicial power on Congress; its exercise of cither is inere usurpation, binding upon no person whatever. If the will of the conqueror be truly the only law of the conquered peopie the same law requires that will to be legally declared. The ju- dictal tribunals alone have the rigat to decide upon the validity of these acts, wheticror not they are laws, and the power is conferred upon tie President “to take care that the laws be faithfully executed.” The acts annul the powers of these two co-ordinate departments of the government, and are therefore unconstitutional and void, and be- ing void they cannot deciare the will of the natio1 and are therefore equally condemed by the laws o! nations. Itis not true that none but loyal citizens can claim the benefli of the laws of the conquering nation. The traitor can only be tried according to the laws of the peraey. claiming his ailegiance; the pirate, though the declared enemy of ali mankind, can only be tried and punished according to the laws prescribed by the country of his captors. Thus it is clear that if the constitution of the United States gives no rights to the “late rebel States,”’ it certainly places serions impediments in the path of radical tyranny. This effort of the radical party to escape the obligations of the constitution strips them of all pretence of justification for the war. The position assumed by them and the whole war party in the North, was that the Union ‘aa indissoluble by the terms of the compact for any causes whatever, and that any and all efforts to dis- solve it were merely insurrection and rebellion, which subjected all who alded and abetted them to the pains and penalties of treason, and Congress de- clared their objects and purposes in waging war against us in the following resolution :— Resolved, That the war is not waged on our part in any spirit of 0} on, oF for any purpose of conquest, oF for in torfering with the rights or established institutions of these States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the con stiqution and to preserve the Union with all the dignity and rights of the several States unimpaired. This resolution was adopted unanimousiy. It is the only justification of the war which has ever been offered to the public by the government of the United States. It is but a logical conclusion from the car. dinal principles of the war party. If the late civil war was only a rebellion it did not annul the consti- tution and laws of the United States in the Confeae- Tate States. gg, neither Sg et displaced nor suspended. ir exercise was simply resisted by illegal violence, and, upon the suppression of this tHegat violence, they were as much the supreme laws of Georgia as of Massachusetts; they were in ag fall force and operation at the end as in the begin- ning of the war. This theory was universally an- nounced and accepted by the government and peo- ple of the United States during the war and oor aie still adhered to by its executive and {us cial ma —9 acl cae i a eo | punished, but only by the ju of their peers and acpording othe laws of the land. These laws secured them triais—speedy, public, im. lal trials—trials bryery after indictment found tn district where the alleged crimes were vom- mitted; under it confiscations might take piace, but confiscations after trial and conviction, contiscations to the laws of the Ip short, accora- theory the Union was never dissolved; it was y constructed and needed no revonstruc- tion. But the radical party did need it, [ty incoja- pereney, its corruption@its Venality, its tyrahnies, its Treachery to the Caucasian race, {ts patronage of vice and fraud, of crimes and criminals, its crim against humanity ia its efforts to subvert ail the safe- raonal security and to uproot ¢ power in apite of the people. suprem: These recon- eee Lage) Ss Ay a sare — co conspiracy, S ment upon the intelli- = and’ triotism of ple. It ts true the was ious, hostilities had ceased, the juiescenct ie people of the South in the ex- order of thi was complete and universal. ‘The laws of the Un! States were as safely admin- istered and as quietly obeyed as they had ever been before the war; conventions had been called, what are called State constitations were formed under the dictation of the federal authorities, conform to the new order of things, and were ac- juiesced in by the people. Elections had been held, ro thagrth andthe work of oaBniog “praca e 8) cal relations” seemed accomplished. There red to Cd iment in the oul fnetlon this general these rights can only be exercised to the fandament of nh i] * nda- mental ey constibution of the Uniisy aon does not confer these powers upon Congress, that the attempt, by cones to exercise omen imposing Bo obi upoa juerors or the conquered to obey these arbitrary edic' in the next place, te hat Speer ada inquire wi! are ri juerors over con- quered le by the laws ‘of nations. "The asst ion by this ignorant and their still more rant and infamous in the South, that conquest alone places the liv ‘ Vanqulohod sheer either the liberties, honor and of the at the absolute ‘alspoal ol the conquerors, ne other foundation than the baseness and turpitude of ita advocates, and ig a bel on nature and nature's God. It is neither sustained by principie or auther- ity, and ls condemned by all just mem and approved writers upon the laws of nations from Cicero te James Longstreet, and, excluding the latter, there is ‘an unbroken current of authority ost this wicked perversion of public law. To me the exce ie painful one, pot that he is any authority upon this subject, but because I would not have him tarnish his own laurels. I ot bis courage, his de- votion to a just cause and regret his errors, It is true that there have heretofore been wars, and such may occur again, where the principle contended for by these conspirators and thetr allies may be justly applied; and I wish to save the exception to the gen- eral principle for the benefit of those whose or: deserve and whose conduct provokes its rigid en- forcement. Such are the rights of war (not of peace) against pirates and robbers and other out- iawa, Whose atrocities mark them as eaemies of the human race and exclude them by the judgment of mankind from the beneiits of the laws of nations. Ww condemnation, what piuiaiiment could be reat enough for those commanders of our armies, hose leaders of our connsels who thus characterize the late war among the States’ Whut lower deep can they find in this world or the next? The laws ef nations, though wanting in the certainty of municl- pal laws by reason of ihe want of aut'ovitative inter. pretation, are still they are the laws of nations and of God—divine laws; the rock of ages is their iden rule is their siandard corner stone and the £ and exponent. 1 x limits to the rights of con. quest and establish rules for the goverament of the conquered beyond which he moot pasa without placing himself outside of their protection. This rule measures his rights by “‘ile justice of his cause and his necessary self-defence.” The world had no need to be told by the wise and good men of Greece and Rome, by Puffendorf and Grotius, Bur- lamargui, Vattel and all other approved publicisi “that he who engages in war derives ali of his j rights from the justice of his cause, and that who- ever, therefore, takes up arms without just cause can have no rights whatever; that every act of hos- tility he commits is an act of injustice (Vatiei, book 3, chapter 11), that all of his victories are murders and that all of his acquisitions are robberies.” ‘That ““t is certain that no conquest ever autiortzed @ con- queror to govern any people “y rapnically.”” (@urla- marqui, p. 11.) That “the most absolute sovereignty gives no right to oppress those who have surrendered;” that “the most absolute com- queror must govern his conquests according to the ends for which civil governinents were eatabilshed’”” among mea. (Vattel, book 3, chapter 15.) That “private property is not to be seized by the victors.” that “all despotism is unlawful, wrong, wicke! and imposes no obligation of obedience upoa any human being: finally, that “resistance to tyrants is obedi- ence to God.’ These are but the teachings of reason and revelation, the clear utterances of nature aad nature’s God, ringing through all climes and all cem turies, and prociaiming justice as the supreme law binding upon both men and nations. Let us uave no more of these treacherous babbiings about the righis of the conqueror from those who dare not deiend his cause, and who seek to cover up their own shameful aposticy by bels on te Denefactors of the human al race, and imputations upon the wisdom, just! goodness of the living God. The rights of the ror being thus shown to be limiter by the justic cause and his necessary self defence, fora moment how stood the question of tween us and our bef ee The federai Congress, from the first day of the war to this hour, has never made any allegation of wrong committed by us against the Vniied States; they pi: their justifi- cation of the war solely upon ti sought to withdraw from the Union. and, we hold, justifiable. Passing oy of not reviving old animosities, the ce ration which we alleged justified and ie it ig sufficient to say that the laws of wat ounded by the Declaration of |) nee, fully Fastitiea the seceding States in establish for them- selves a new and independent government. The crime, if any, was committed by tiose who made war to prevent the exercise of this t, aright clearly adinitted by all parties befure ihe compact of Union was formed. secondly, the States were sovereign and independent at the time of the formation of the confederation, and did not surrender their sovereignty and independenve by the constitu- tion. I do not intend to repeat the arguments on this point, which I have so often made before you. My object on this occasion being ouly to show that we have not commitied any such crimes by with- drawing peaceably from the American Union as should put us under the “banner of tie empire!’ and excinde us from the benefit of ihe laws of nations. ‘The right of each State to judge for itseif of the tn- fraction of the constitution and the mode and man- ner of redress was plainly afirined by Mr. Jefferson in the first of a series of resolviions (rawn by bum and adopted by the Kentucky Legisiature in 1798, ‘The resolution was accepted as a true expianation of the constitution, from 1801 to the beginning of the late war, by the great majority of the American people. It was incorporated in the democratic national platforms from 144 to 1860, and repeatediy sanctioned by large majorities ofthe people. Can it tien be said that, for the ex- ercise of this right thus affirmed and sanctioned by the laws offaations, we are justly condemned to the deprivation of all civil rights, outlawry and chains, and that consummation of aileviis negro supremacy over us? Yet this is the proposition which tue radi- cais and their supporters musi establish before they can justify radical ruie in the South, and their Con gressional edicts. I have thins shown that these Measures can derive no justification, support or apo- logy from either the constiiution of the Cuiied States, the laws of nations or the acts of te people of the Vonfederate States; they stand, therefore, im their naked deformity. open to the indigns! all honest men. Tyranny aud malice exvausied their ingenuity in the conception. Ry the aid of a milit dictator eminently fitted to execute therm through agency reper jones stuffed baliot boxes, fraudule! registries returns they have accomplished their appointed work, A mockers, cailed the constitution of the State of heal pe has been imposed upon the le, Which makes all good government impossi+ le as long a8 it stands, An ignorant and wnprinel led adventurer has been installed under it as the Bniet Magistrate of the State, clothed with imperial power over the interesis and destinies of this peop! who ia already prostituting the power and patron bestowed on him for that purpose, in buying poste of honor and ce. for his eg hy ‘ “Read raj the judiciary, ia rewarding prot fe follow: Crp ne ateempting to intirolaate’ and debauch (he le themselves, in order to perpetuate the faction fo Swhose base measures sone. he owes his eleva tion. All these and many more such wrongs have been inflicted upon you without your consent, Rd consent alone can give the icast validity to these usurpations. Let no power on earth wring that consent from your manly bosoms. Take no counsel of iear—it is the meanest of masiers; spura the temptations of office and goid from the polluted hands of your oppressors: he who holds only ows sepuichre, at the price of these chains, owns @ tage of shame, Ail honor to the national democracy who have risen in their mignt tosirike off these pean vig from = limbs, You, one and s, iat fad ing them, to you ves, your posterity and yo try, to rush to their standard and labor with them = this great work of delivrance and liberty. reel rt ve thrown wide the portals of admission; ting ail past differences of opinion, they invite all to unite in the present great strugwic for the liberties of the people."? Come, unite wiih them. Your coun- try says come—duty says come—liverty says come. ‘The country is in danger; let every freeman hastes to the rescue, The National Bank Sysiru. The Hon. A. P. Edgerton, democratic candidate for Licwtenant Governor of Indiana. in a speeok reoent)y delivered at Indianapy!is, ventiiated the national hank system as follows Kut to aid the treasury in neyol i and sustaining public credit State banking institutions of t over which the national government had, , bo conti were made to sleld to the fin Al and poilti exigencies of radicalism, and compelied to sur- render their independent privileges under state jaws aad to become a part of the fiiancial iniquities of the general government. Undoubtedly (iis was @ coercive surrender in mi wses; bab capital im in these institutions like ¢ every where, dad i ¢ { privieges and we aiuce. The National Banking jaw, alihougn winingly devised in the interest of the banks, did not, 80 Speedily as anticipated, draw into ine system the a required, They al e purty at first Goa More thah Aniicis Tuey concem rated Influence and power in the general govern- ment to aid in overriding ti ity of the States, aa of the old aud succersfil Stake banks were cautious and really unwitng io make themselves the political adherents aad wijincts of every admin- istration, of every party in power. At te end of the year 1864, five hamired and «even bauks had ine vested only $86,782.02 of their capital. Im 1366, the war was over, 1,613 bunks had invested $303,157,208; and in iséé, 1,64: 'yauks hind invested in the government echeme $41/,275,006. The banks having become a part of the radical piau of finance and taxation, must now abide the consequences of 2 Py Judgment apon them, ‘they are @ part stem of fiuance and taxation to wiich @ free people will never submit. The wealth of the country, of which they hold a part, in whntover form it exists, must not be exempt by Hie national eaure from equal taxation by the States for all A age ‘The only security for bank capital is its ent separation from the government debt cy ts no more a foundation for legitimate banking than State debts, and it is unsafe for bauking capital to ‘or control over its business, yo onan capital ESanot be safely twice loaned— Once to the government and then to the customers of the banks. As banks have placed them. fires in nga ata that, ta if radicalian aiT fle hold Upon eo govern — aa oa oy | Ad _ jon must become the su Pree edemnetion. OUT State Convention took de grounds against them, but the National Con vention, for some inexplicable cause, did not sugtats the demand of our people, and, as I belteve, of democracy everywhere, But our demand must be heeded by the goveramont banks,