The New York Herald Newspaper, December 15, 1860, Page 2

2 ——_—_—_—_—_—_— —_—————————————__ ‘Raucotm had neither the reeord nor th: + teemen. Hokling sentiments even th se of Seward, he was indebted to «tr eurity of his position fora giompb Known competitor. Ry th epntation of @ yore. odious than tho comparitive over bis better ok’ness and ability with doctrines of the ward advocated ba SC aan) ths tore » conflict,” be had | Optic a character so infamous, that even Diack wknd ape ‘net hazard the use of his name. ‘To td a candidate of the same principles less pio- riety was the great work Co be performed by tNp Chicago Convention, ‘That duty was successfully disci @ged im Whe selection and nomuation of Mr. Lincoln, eal aud solem’ deca sentiments which re- to this hour with r even modifica- ’ Son by himself. Ta the pamphlet copy of his speeches, revised by himself, and cireulated throughout te V dential canvars by his supporters, we find the following nequivecal declaration of his views and feel- dyoot of slavery :— I did not even sax that T'dexired that In course of ultimete extinction. #0 there nebd be no longer any dit y be written down in the great spec have always deated slaver Vilonist. Thave been an oltt line whig. but I have abways been quer about the introduction of ‘the Nebraska bill heved that e ef ultimate extinction. Ye are new tar into the Gfth year since a ated with theavowed abject and an end to slavery agitation de} n has nat only not ceased inion it will Lend passed. Tbelieve this @ure permanently aif slave and hal the Unicu to be dissolved; I do not expect Dut J do expect it Will erase to be divided; one thing vr all the other. Either the op Will arrest the further epread of it, and pl publio mind shall rest in the belief th whimate extinction, or 1s advocates will pu * ib beowme alike lawfulin all the Siav mew, North as well as South Commenting on this, he afterwards sai na foolish now, it that. Touiger any me e shoal in Congr ber slavery show ite of the Drnd Seott di sion, I no man 4s good other mat naenable righ eertain i ‘and the pursuit of happin nts e consent of the governed. so much to our aneis derived fram the consent of master and slave is, The master not only the governed, tanto, & Wiokation rhs the seve with for himself, ve: Allow all and equal voice in the Life of la government. — Ho. at, an 1 in Chicag’ we find slave confident promise of Wnder the operation of at Lenpected would dake place. coln prtge 2 0, during the last If ttt . I think, as tnch as any abo. Thave always hated polley was initie putting that po- but has consiantl ot cease until a cris house divided ag. .nst overnment ¢ tree, i en- I do not expect the house to it will bec nents of ee it whe ash it forward till es, old as well aa T made a ‘one, perhaps. Id come up on a mwohibited in anew Ter- would vote that it enough to govern f Be a republl- ays (—that all men are are endowed by their Creator with t among these are life, liberty that to secure these rights go- re instituted among men, deriving their just this time merely to show, that ‘faith, the powers of government are ‘ow, the relation of nut his consent, Be governs him by « wet of rules alcogesher ditferent from those whiten tie preser! this princt le: ihe governed an nd that only in self Journel, the State organ of the black repub- Bean party of Minis, on the 16th of September, 1856, Mr. Lincoln said :— - That central idea, in our political opinion, at the beginning was, and undl recently couunued to be, quality of men. And, although it was Always submitted patiently to, whatever $uequality there seemed to be as a matter of actual necessity, has be all men, fs constant working equalit: again be able, not States, as States, are equal; nor yet that all 1, better declaration thas all men are created eitize e Anelvdisig bow equal in, in hi 8, Mr. X should like to know if pende ch declares that al ceptions to it, whe speech at Chicago. neoln said:— , taking the old Declaration of Inde- prisel, will me other man’ the truth, let u fear it out, Who is so Dold as to fear itout. (Cries of “No, n ‘wr stand firmaly by it, then’ ibbling about this man and the othe ce and the other race being inferic eee 8 Let mut dard that we have leftus, Let w are equal upon mean a negro, why not Tf that de get the statute book in which do it If it not true let. us Let us stick to it, then; let placed jn an inferior poattion—discardi ard all these things steady progress toward the hing be; and, with steady eye, on agurate the good old central The human heart is with ws; ideas to declare that all as on the 10th of it sto us discard all ‘this mau—this race and r, und therefore they the #tan- a dis ‘and unite as one people throughout this land until we shall eure more equal. * * * * Licave Derty wil! burn in your bow: B doUds that all men are created free and eq up declaring that all thon platform—hat Jedicial decisions, negro equality, and eourse, the ultimate extinetion of sh doctrines, however, are left to inf Lincoln is concerned, as we see he has the plainest and clearest lang 5 eeeded the boldness aity of Giddings, or the inf the knowledge of these fucts ation by the republican Iation which bas been ¢ weem that Mr. Li ‘or his election. Th deetrine lity, when in js indebted to their ncerity of men are createt u, hoping that the lamp of li. ‘ms until there shall no longer ual, declarations Mr. Lincoln has covered the en of slavery, disregard of as'a matter of None of these so far as Mr. avowed them in “y his disavi pressed to the ation? Ihave quoted, is too les which an endorsed by nes and principles of the rk. ‘ entiments and pri overwhelming majority of the North y heir votes for the man who announced and defended them In thie inquiry into the doct Diek rep we ts which have been ma: announcer te their ablest recognized leaders. Gladly the pawreating recital, but to learn and truth of the case, we must k ever steeped in infamy, or © unnoticed the » the country by Jd I turn from preciate the the whole record, how- ed with falsehood. I ‘affix to these extracts the names of the Senators who ut- tered thet —namer. | Feaders of American politics. ‘Thus, there antaronistic systems are contim Moser contart, and collision results, Shall e work of inte 80 altogether, ere fat the United tates miist and wil, eo. entirely a slavebolding nation, or entirely a Bhher the cotton and ries Acide of South ugar planiations of Louisian Sree labor, and Charleston and New Orleans ‘ate merchandise alone, oF else the Care gret to say, too familiar to al the ly coming Into c I you what thie * They who think it Is accidental, u neces- id fanation, agitators, and Ttisan ind enduring forcea, and it means sooner or later, ‘ore bie free labor nation. Carolina, and the will ultimately be ‘tilled by become marts for rye | rosea and New York must again be sur- render: d hy tbelr farmers to slave culture, and to the produc- Yon of slaves, and Boston and New York Yoarket for trade Py ated at nd It is the once the bodies and souls of men. compromise between the slave and {rimtence of thls great fact that ren, ‘nuded compromise, when made, vain and ‘The interes:# of the white race demand the ultimate eman- cipetion of all men, Whether What cones wed to take effect, with needful and inst sudden change and disaster, or be , if all that remains for you to Slavery can Moras, mmation shall be wise tons burried on by vio- be thinited to tte present bounds: it ean be ame. Ttean be aud it must be abolished, and you and I ean and must do it eammation will requires ‘and ‘The task is Ume, aud on that pactioalar cecasio roumstance« deternine poms welcome 10 she fugitive w Sad defend him as you would Correct your own err cary as simple and eamy as tis Rg to follow this simple rule of wetion: to do every every occasion what we can, and not to neglect @ refuse to do what we can, at any time, because at t! we cannot do more. * Extend ao \t pre. ordial ir door, imbs at ¥ ral gods. that slavery has any constitutional be re. rantees which may not be released, and ought not to » ished o* You will soon bring the parties * on upon avery . biien | relaimed, and Weer Tenth. te the Sees ¢thia policy into Seward. In what I have F conaideration of the colored fn the distinct clase conviction — that are members See of thet en oved by at Sity, Founded to an fou The ike, wre hes compatible with the manhood, enti tween individuals of such clreamestances In Mageachusetia and in most, if pot all history of man he death, of Johm Quincy "Adam ata bearer Mier 1 desire oly to tay that indict before the great triumphal fasugura. ‘qoverument of tbe United Statee = done, T eannot claim to have acted from any people, as a separate ‘community, ithe individuale of the community, ‘of the country Mr. Kecard. 1s the fret, is trout a ‘and, in every’ orig the ‘that, vir. ry nal other member, We feel, therefore, that the mame commu, ascolor, origin and nine of our institutions and in ory of American libert ‘and oppression must cease, or American y. Ska y must the New England rates the colored men and the’ white are ‘absolutely equal property qualification. I game eecuali!y prevails, Tembrace po say pleasure this cpporvant tion of What einuse of the comstitasion wich te. of i of the colored people the right ‘makes ne, ioquiry abe You will nad Wl vg ynaticn, in lives of all eaten, into of the wind * ted, f vor of /hereqer i exiats under the authority of the constivation of, Crlted Staten We committed. * —Mr. Mir ail men are created eq or bold dominion over, of pre his consent. If all men are created ¢qual Fadil ally exact the arrvice or the labor of Gt his consent The subjugatie Boree, # #6 to compe) invehinta he one ean aber —— all the as in iteclf a f¢ barhariem, hive within itted to the fullest ex ‘and unconditional abolition of ‘davery, the colored is restricted as to the of man right respects the of declaring my eastern horizow ‘Ull he sinks behind the wert gins of ing save ia our broad of this trait. of eiviliza- sla ._ Slat devejopen tvery where, alike in the Todividual and ta be forms 's part, the eapential elements Ynmust be repre. heir facal sphere. of that Tam commit in fa rightfully acquire rty jn, another man, without one man cannot Another man with fone man to another hy rwrehe sobre | the negro NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1860.—TRIPLE SHEET. ! Seward can | the Union be preserved on such terme? Ithink | fought and a glorious victory achieved. ‘The dela a an oat ~~ aaeieameaineea fo ag IM ed tn Tey mend ple diol Cee ame the Unie ‘we must be just, and carry | Convention fur a tingle week to pase tho ortenes. of tee cA! Min’ re “Jase and acund; but assuming the | common demain, Dut to exercise that power for his exely. | of Presidest Lincola? Can it stay his arm, when he wields | out in Fest that the plarform-ot | the seticy of the othe, atng sd chilling tnfuenoe upon Fe Noe Cadre and of madons ‘the “Agne | #icn fem shat common territory, 1 A Ey sentinneat whieh Desai a | principles ade forth al thas I wtate, but I recalect lately | of the movement everywhere wil teehee rete c! property on slaves falls to the ground: ferame who sequal | 9. That the admission of more slave States into tho | strenthen the anti-slavery sentiment which brought his | principles sets forth all stete, hat 1 rections ely | of the metvomens ove de to live bile'r, ceunot be the owperor property of that other. | Union is rendered a moral if nota physical impossl- ty into existence, and which alone can preserve it | reading the She Senator from Ilinole, Mr. Tram | snother eins, to 207 _thelt new diesemeniaed, Het you answer that the tonstutudion Pepe im | bility. rom early and certain dissolution, Can it prevent the | bull, made in the bee tinea, "te | mesh. Bele Rant nen ond are: Faves It would be suifelent, then, to reply that thie consti. | "To appreciate the full import of these doctrines and | use of that patronage for Durpoes of or. | spoke of the great triumph—the election oe teeing of bis. school, ‘hough red by delay ; and aro {gag gblication must be wold, bechuse it is repugnant to the | principles uf the biack republican party, they should be | ganizing in. the South a band of iste— | anid it had one great object. One great thing had } of bi ia rough with more unworthy parpose, its written ip the constitution of the United in vio- | looked at in connection with the constitutional rights | the material around which black republicanism | been accomplished by victory—i w bal il to hide their pe ge manly attack, use thie one baw, e imed b, hopes, during his four years, to gather an organization im | that slavery should never be extended another foot | veil to ity, and from a r er Te earn, eee eee tenes ieee | Ce am ar by, Sememnern SURES, They are | bopet, Coe er eee this jaro a ine | ee of tis country. In ‘addition to that it, | discharge thelr misses. it I trust they wil orice ths *e. You blueh mot ai these things because they ere fami- | briefly:— Sou © honorable Senator from | armor harmless ‘and Tid) as bourehold wor dar. Seu . 1. That the constitution of thie United States recognizes | sidious warfare upon our family firesides and altarst | we have sean. letter from, the bo anle Senator tems = ae San ele ae bot the Fasmeti that by se tata ae car ee ee ts, te epurious judgment | the institution of slavery as it exists in the fifteen South- | True, but over-anxious friends of the Union at the North, | Wisconsin, Mr. Doolittle. I will have Shot Ue lediod & |i ovar ae ‘of Bou! will Boat aily than we can reconeile the people to its usurpa; | (ve aU faithful dat over confiding men at the South, may catch | ly, in which he commences by saying that it a indeed s | over any part of South Car the ‘The people of the United States never can, and they never 2. That the citizens of the South have the right to go | «at this Congressional majority strawy but it will only be at triumph; that it has settled forever the q ray request epoiatinent rea : tak ale with ie 16¢ territory; that slavery shall not be extended into the | committee to examine tho accounts of the Executive De~ Will, cecept principles eo uneonstitutional and so abhorrent. | with their slave property into the common Territories of | to w “ gg bold or bows tment, and to inform you that 1 have no further com. Never, never. Let the court recede. Whether it reoedes or | the Union, and are enti to protection for both their ‘the facts and considerations which I have endeavored Sesitanign SF eae Se a or “ee ee ee oad WM. m 31 reorganize the court, and thus reform its political | persons and y from the general government | to bring to your view present the. ‘ety of resistance, | cious; neither by . Fudian invasions, nor by mr on i. Gist. tfnliments and practices, and bribg them into harmeay WHA | during its Tersftorial coodition, on the part of the South, to the election of Lincoln ina | decrees of courts, nor by congressional slave codes ; but PROCEEDINGS OF THE LEGISLATURE. he constitution end thé law Fem. ear, 3. That by the letter of the constitution, the | very different light from ‘the mere question of resistMig | that the territory now acquired, or to be hereafter | ihe interesting bills introduced in the-@eniate of Similar extracts from the same and other equally high | owner ofa slave is’ entitled to reclaim his property ia | the election of a President who hus been chosen in the | acquired from Mexico or Great, Britain-—throw. authorities might be produced to an indefinite extent. 1 any State into which the slave may escape, and teas v1 | usual and constitutional mode. It is not simply thata | ing bis eye all over opportunities of acquiring | South Curolina, in the sitting of December 8, were tha have confined myself to Senatore—men high in authori- fund under the | comparatively obscure abolitionist the insti- | territory, seeing we could only acquire it from ty, and who brirg to the support of their doctrines un- questioned evidence of the sanction and approval of the people they represent. All of these Senators have been endorsed by re-election to the Senate, and by elevation to other posts of honor and distinction. Some, if not all of them, are indebted for their position and popularity to the very avowais upon which Iam commenting. It is worse than idle to say that the people condemn these coctrines, end that they are the extravagant ebullitions (f excited partisans. This is impossible. Otherwise these sentiments would not be repeated and reiterated, imand out of season, by these Senators, and always with more than usual emphasis and bitterness as the time for their re-election approaches, Nor would State Legislatures continue to return them to Congress if the people did not approve and sanction the ‘doctrines thus innounced by these chosen to represent them. In the other branch of Congress the black republican representatives bave gone even farther than Senators in their abuse and denunciation, not only of the institution of slavery, but of slaveholders. No language is deemed too harsh—no epithet too coarse—no denunciation too er, W the estimation of these men, to be applied to the people of the south. The official record of ress ds filed with the most inflammatory appeals, not only to the people of the North, but to the slaves of the South, inciligg insurrection, stimulating revolts, encouraging arson end murder, and denouncing slaveholders as pi- rates aud barbarians. Ishall not stop to make quota- tions from these speeches. It is only necessary to open any volume of the Congressional Globe for the ‘last few S, and turn to the ‘h of any black republican on the subject of slavery, and you Will find ample evidence of the truth of the statement, To such an extent bas this habit, on the part of mem- hers of Congress, of abusing the people of the South gone, that a citizen of a Southern State cannot visit the capitol of bis country and linger for an hour in its halls during the session of Congress, without cree language and epithets applied to himself and section of the most offen- sive and insulting character. The venerable men of all sections, who served in Congress twenty-five and thirty years ago, listen to these discussions or read them in the papers with equal astonishment and mortification. I will not pause to comment upon this state of things, but will Proceed with iy inquiry into the principles and objects of this party, Whilst these announcements are being made in the hails of Congress, and by those who have been commis- sioned to speak for the people of the North, it is not strange that the public press should be filled with simi- entiments, only clothed, if possible, in more vulgar language. I simply allude to the fact, without intendi to weaken the argument by bringing to the witness stand the lower order of black republicans, of the class of Webb, Wentworth, Greeley, &c. They simply do the bidding of wiser heads. With them it is thrift.” With the others it’ is sentiment—passion—power; and the fact that #0 many instruments can be found to do the menial work is only evidence of the extent to which fe a and principles have taken root in the popu: x heart, There is one dogma of this party which has been so so- lemnly enunciated, bot. by their national conventions and Mr. Lincoln, that itis worthy of serious considera- tiem. Jallude to the doctrine of negro equality. The stereotyped gp of the declaration of indepen- dence, that “ail men are born equal,” has been perverted from its plain and truthful meaning, the basis of a political dogma which strikes at the very foundation of the institution of slavery. Mr. Lincoln and his party assort that this doctrine of equalit: es to the negro; and necessarily there can exist no such thing as property in our equais. Upon this point both Mr. Lincoln and his party have spoken with a distinctness which admits of no question or equivecation. If they are right, the institution of slavery, ag it exisis in the Southern States, is in direct violation of the fundamental principles of our govern- ment, and to say that they will not use all the power in their hands to eradicate the evil and restore the govern- ment to its “ancient faith,” would be to write them. selves down self. convicted traitors, both to principle and duty. ‘These principles have not only been declared in the im- corp language of its advocates and defenders, but ve at length found their way into the statute books of ten of the Northern States. Every good citizen North and So@th admits that the constitution of the United States in express terms re- quires our fugitive slaves to be delivered up to their owners, when escaping into another Stato. Congress Law discharged ite duty in passing laws to carry out this censtitutional obligation; and, so far, every Executive bus complied with his oath of office to” sec this law duly executed, The impediments thrown in the way by law less mobs; the threats of violence to which the owner hes been on different occasions subjected: and the ex- pense to which both the rhment and the owner have been put, are matters of «mall consideration compared With the.more pregnant fact that ten sovereign States of the Union have interposed their strong arm to pro- tect the thief, punish the owner and confiscate the pro- perty of the citizen of a sister State, Such are the laws passed by these Northern States to defeat the Fugitive ve act of Congress, and annul a plain provision of ¢ constitution of the United States. ‘These lawe are the legitimate fruits of the principles and teachings of the black republican party, and have, therefore, very naturally made their ce upon the statute books of States under the control and in the hands of that 1 Their existence cannot and should net be overlooked by those who are desirous of knowing what this party will do on the subject of slavery when- ever they have the to act. I call attention to them, net only s* an important item im the evidence I am offering of the principles and objects of the black republican party, but for the more important purpose of presenting a plain and palpable violation of the constitutional compact by ten of the sovere! ties to it. These very States are their demands for unconditional submission on part of the South to the election of Lincoln. The inviolability of the Union is the ic word with which they summen the South to submission. The South responds by holding up before them a constitution barely broken—a compact wantonly violated. That broken constitution and violated compact formed the ouly Union we ever recognized; and if you would still hive ua to love and preserve it, restore to it that vital spirit of which it has been robved by your saer hands, and make it ‘what our fathers made it—a Union of good faith in the maintenance of constitutional obligations, Do this, and the Union will find in all this land no traer or more devoted supporter than the ever loyal sons of the fi South, This, however, the black republicans will not do, ‘ns the facts Tam pow developing show, beyand all doubt or question. In the clection which has Just transpired, the black re- publicans dif not hesitate to announce, defend and justi fy the doctrines and principles which J have attributed to them. During the progress of the canvass 1 obtained copies of the documents which they were circulating at the North, with a view of ascertaining the grounds upon which they were sopeine to the people for their support and confidence. With the exception of a few dull ches: in favor of a protective tariff, intended for cir. culation in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and ill fewer umber of pitiful appeals for sqnandering 8, wi canvass was condocted by the most bitter. and mali to the ae Sentiment of the North. fanction of Senators and representatives in Congress, country was flooded pamphlets and specches hold- ing up elaveholders a8 “barbarians, more criminal than murderers,”’ and declaring unbesitatingly in favor of im- meliate and unconditional abolition in every State in the confederacy where it now exists—doctrines which are the necessary and legitimate consequences of the wai. vertally recognized do of the black repablican par- ty. It is worse then idie to deny that such are the trines and principles of heir party because ali of them have net resched that point doldness and honest! which induce mea te few principles to their logit! mate conclusions, One thing at is cortain: the managers of the canvaes bel that such doctrines Posaind ow | they would not have both (heir time money in giving them such irenlation to the exclusion of ail oanee matter. tr ee Lin. coin in response to such appe@ls shows that these men 1y understood the popular sentiment of their sec. Ton, to whom alone they appealed for votes to elect their candidate. From these be pri — ee the ae ican party I propese to extract aims aad 0 of the iy. It will be borne tn mind that I rely the declaration of their principlet:—1. As male by ir national convention. 2. As contained in the delibe- declarations of their suce 1 candi. their most leaders in Under the the el 5 repu jects announced wo, honewed and the Senate of the United States. I invite attention to the foll prop sitions, as the plain and legitimate objects to Be carr: cout to the extent of their power: — 1. That slavery mora), social and political evil, and that it is the duty of the federal government w prevent its extension. 2. That slavery ie not sronqnised by the constitution of the United States, and that the federal government is in bow’ ise Committed to its protection. S. That property in slaves if not entitled to the same yey atthe hands of the federal government as other property 4. That so far from protecting, it is the duty of the fe- deral government, wherever ite extends, to prohi- bit it; and, therefore, it iw the duty of Congress, by law, to prevent any Southern man from going into the com- mon Territories of the Union with his siave ‘b. That slavery is euch an evil and curse, that it is the duty jaf aye | one, to the extent of his to contri. bute to ite a extinction in the U States, 6. That there is euch a condict between slave and free lobor, that all the States of the Union must become either | slave or free: and as all black repubiicans are opposed to sinvery and slave States, theit policy and doctrines look to all these States becomming free, as not only | the natural but desired result of the “irrepressible cou- fict.”” in slay te jive of his equality, as well as ent canctent faith” whieh Mr. Lisoola says a vio lated in the present relation of master and slave in the Fouthern States. the reecgniged duty of the general government to protect the latter in the enjoyment of ail their rights of propery” and would expecially be required to protect their citizeria frem any set of confiscation in the common Territories of the Union, it would be the duty of the eame genera! ge the general and State governments are constitution to the enforcement of this provision; the neral government by positive enactinent, as has been or and the State governments, by interposing no ob- stacle in the way of the execution of the law and the constitution, I decline to enumerate other constitational rights, equally clear, because I prefer to contine myself in this argument to those which have been fully recognized by the highest renee tribunal in the country. No law and constitutlon-abiding man will deny that the rights here enumerated are within the clear provisions of the constitution, and that the South is fully justified in demanding their recognition and enforcement. Otherwise we are asked to pag tribute and give allegiance to a gov- ernment which is Wanting, either in the will or power to protect us in the enjoyment of undoubted rights. . I prehend it is equally clear that the antagonism between these recognized rights and the doctrines and principles of the black republican party is plain, direct and irrecon- cilable. ‘Ihe one or the Fem pry give way. Surely no right-minded man, who admif6 the existence of the rights claimed by the South, will say that she ought to yield. It only remains to inquire whether the black republican par- ty will recede from its position, and thus end the “‘irre- pressible conflict” which their doctrines have inaugurat- ed, Those who indulge the hope that such will be the case are, in my honest judgment, greatly deluded. Tho boldness and earnestness with which this party have avowed their principles—the sacrifices which they have made to secure their triumph—the deliberation with which their position has been taken—the clear and em- phatic committals of their conventions—their candidate, and all their leading men—the solemn acts of their State Legislatures—all indicate, with unerring certainty, that there is no reasonable hope of such a result. I know that there are those who say and believe that thia party is incapable of exercising the power it has ob- tained without breaking to pieces, and they look confi- dently to its overthrow at an early period. It may be ‘that a cool philosophy , located at a safe distance from tho Beene of fen et age he py ibly upon the chances of overthrowing’ a party so utterly unworthy of public confidence; but men looking to the security of their pro- yerty, and fathers and husbands anxious for the eafety of their families, require some stronger guaranty than the feeble assurance of partisan speculations to quiet their apprehensions and allay their fears. This may be the case; but unfortunately for the future peace and se- curity of the South, the causes which ma: to its dis- solution and defeat arise outside of tho slavery question. So far from the question of slavery leading tosuch a result, it is the only subject upon which the party ly har- monizes. Hostility tosiavery is the magic word which holds them together; and when torn topieces by other dissen- ons, hatred to the South and her institutions hiaprodl. f all other troubles, and restores harmony to their distract- ed ranks. On this point we are not left to more conjec- ture; the ltrs of the gy the ten a States affords practic proof of fact. Iu whic! these States did the black republican party lose power in conse- quence of their acts he one the Fugitive Slave law and nullifying the constitution of the United States? 0 far from their anti-slavery legislation being an clement of weakness, it bas proven ia all these States the shibboleth of thei ih. In New York and Pennsylvania, the corruptions of this party were so palpabie and infamous that their own prees cried out against it. Those of the ‘ty who made pretension of honesty felt the shame and umiliation brought upon them; and yet when the Presi- dential battle was to be fought, it was only necessary to raise the abolition banner, and these acts of fraud and corruption were forgotten apd forgiven in the greater and more absorbing feeling of hostility and hatred to the South end her institutions. Shall we — close our eyes to these historical facts, and in- dulge ‘the vein hope that these’ men will play a different part, simply because they are transferred to a new theatre of action? I do not doubt that the black ropublican party will be guiity of similar and greater frauds in the federal government; nor do I doubt that their wrangling and quarrels over the offices and patron- age wll plant in their party the seeds of strife and dis- sersion, which w lead ordinarily to their specdy downfall and overthrow; but I feel assured, by the feach- ings of the past, that the magic word of anti-slavery will again surymon them to @ cordial and fraternal reunjou to renew and continue the war upon slavery, until they shall have accomplished the great object of their organ- ization—'*its ultimate extinetion.”” What are the facts to justify the hope that the black republicans will recede their well defined position of hostility to the South und her institutions? Are they to be found in the two miilions of voters who have deliberately declared in favor of these doctrines by their support of Lincoln? Is the hope based upon the fact that an overwhelming majority of the pe of every Northern State save one cast their vole for the black republican candidate? Is it drawn from the fact that, on the 4th of March next, the chair of Washington is to be filled by a man who hates the insti. ‘ution of slavery as much as any other abolitionist and who has not only declared, but used all the powers of his intellect to prove, that ovr slaves are our equals, and that all laws which hold otherwise are violative of the Declaration of Independence, and at war with the law of God—« man who 1* indebted for his present elgetion to the Presidency alone to his abolition sentiments—and who stands pledged to the doctrine of “the irrepressible conflict nd, indeed, claimne to be its first advocate!—or shall we lock for this hope in the whispered intimation that, when secure of his office, Lincoln will Cc faithiese to the pap Age BE ame Poor js jo bis own pledges, or in his emphatic ation of May, 1859, that be would oppose the lowering of the republican tandard by a hair's breadth; or in the public an- pouncement made by Seuator “Trumbull,” of Ilinois, since the election, in the presence of Mr. Lincoln, that be (Lincoln) would ‘maintain and carry forward the 7 ciples on which he was elected,” at the same time ‘up the military power of the United States as the instru mentality to enforce obedience administration, should any Southern State secede from the uy of & more edficieut execution of the Fugitive Slave law, when the Marshal's offices in all the Northern Statca vhall have been filled with Lincoln's abo: two to one, in her Legislature, to Pergonal Liberty bill of that State; or xhall we look for, itn the equality, whic! ‘among its warm. eat cupporters the brightest lights of the ‘black ropubli- can party; or in the solemnly by vention, all other organs of protection of slave property shall never be {OF in fact, that the party is not only sectional in its principles, but rectional in tts mem ip; there- by giving to the South the pror se of euch boon as she hope to receive from black 1. blicané in their newly assumed character of guardians and masters; or in the warning voice of their ableet statesmen, that the decisions of the Supreme Court in favor of our constitutional rights are — to with reason and argument with the more potent and ‘Organization of the court,” by adding a sufficient number of abolitionists to reverse existing ; or in the fact devel the census - returns pow com steadily and rapbaly increasing, Wi; the promise of atl al wi til farther increare, by the ‘sddition of more free, States jon’ and the: brotherhood. of to the cold irony which speaks through their press, of the “ inconvenience” of negro insurrec- tions, arson, and murder, which may result im the South In none of these, nor of Siete fae ee ers before referred, can any- thing found to juetify the suggested by those confiding bai 4 thie boar of ‘ae des. undency, are disposed to hope ; ing from thege intentions fe the pet to the more quiet and ‘ul walks of social and rel} life, let Us pause for a moment, and look to the pal- the Sunday schools, and all the sources of Christian [aSvence, for see cheerlag Ddeam of light. Unfortunate- ly ey pet boy hod aed of majerit earnest appeal for further delay se against him, Lincoin harm. I doubt not the sincerity this appeal against Southern action; dence in its merit only shows bow has best their consideration of the subject. It is true that with- omy en een resent all the But let me ask if that Lg faint and feedle as it is known to be, repeal the tuticral legisiation of those ten nufity ing Bates of North? Can it restore the lest equality of the Soathern | States? Can it give to the South ite comtitutional righte? Can jt exercise its power in one single act of legislation in oor favor without the concurrence of Lincoin, of can it make Chrietiane of Beecher, Garrison, Cheever and Wen. ' Northern bleed? Cap sueb unjust pretensions who - tutions of the South, has been elected President, and that we are asked to live under the administration of a man who commands neither our respect nor }, that the South contemplates resistance even to disunion. Wounded honor might telerate the outrage until, by ancther yote of the people, the nuisance could be abated; but the election of Mr. Linco! far bigher considerations. the solemn judgment of people of ev Northern exception—in favor of doctrines and principles violative of be r constitutional rights, humiliating to her pride, de- structive of her equality in'the Union, and sraught with the greatest danger to ve and: safety T people. It can be regarded in no other light than & declasstion of the purpese and intention of the people of the North to continue with the power of the federal rmment, the war already commenced by the ten nullifying States of the North, upon the institution of slavery and the consti- tutional rights of the South. To these acts of bad faith the South heretofore submitted, though Ker ge | ample justification for abandoning a compact which boen wantonly violated. ‘The question is now presented, whether louger submission to an increasing spirit and pow- er of aggression is compatible either with i honor or her safety. In my mind there is no room for doubt. The is- sue murt now be met, or forever abandoned. Equality and safety in the Union are at an end; and it only remains to be seen whether our manhood is equal to the task of as- serting end maintaining independence out of it. The Union formed by our retin was one of equality, justice, On the fourth of March it will’be sup- jon of sectionalism and hatred. The one of the support and devotion of the other can only: continue at the cost of your honor, your eafety, and your inde . Js there no other remedy for this state of things but immediate seceraion? None worthy of your considera- tion has been su; sted, except the recommendation of Mr. Buchanan, of new constitutional guarantees—or ra- ther, the clear and explicit recognition of those that al- ready exist. This recommendation is the counsel of a patriot and statesman. It exhibits am appregiation of the evils that are upon us, and at the same time a devo- tion to the constitution and its sacred guarantees. It conforms to the record of Mr. Buchanan's life on this distracting question—the record of a pure heart and wise head. It is the lan, of @ man whose is over- wheimed with a sense of the it wrong injustice that has been done to the minority section, mingled with an ardent hope and desire to preserve that Union to which he has devoted the energies of long and patriotic life. The difficulty is there will be no response to it from these who alone have it in their power toact. Black republicaniem 4s the ruling sentiment at the Nerth, and, by the election of In, has pronounced, in the moat formal and solemn manner, against the principles which are now commended to the country for its safety and preservation. As a matter of course, they with sparn these words of wisdom and ‘iotism, as they have be- fore turned their back upon all the teachings of the good and true men of the land, or ele they will play with it in their insidious warfare to delude the South into a false security, that they may the more effectually rivet their iron chains, and thereby put resistance in the future be- and pine, planted by a Uni ‘was wort! yond our power, They have tram] upon the constitution of Wash and ison, and wi prove equally faithless to their own i . You ovgbt not—cannot trust them. It is not the constitution and the laws of the United States which need amendment, but the hearts of the Northern pecple. To effect the first would be a hopeless ander- taking, whilst the latter is an impossibility. If the ap- peal of the President was made to brethren of the two sections of the co , We Tight hope for a different response. Unfortunately, however, black republicanism has buried brotherhood ‘in the same grave with the con- stitution. We are no longer “brethren dwelling together in unity.” ‘The ruling spirits of the North are black republicanr—and between them and the of the South there is no other feeling than that of bitter and iutense hatred. Aliens in heart, no power on carth can keep them united. Nothing now holds us together but the cold formalities of a broken and violated constitution. Heaven has pronounced the decree of divorce, and it will be by the South as the only solution which gives to her apy promise of future peace and safety. To part with our friends at the North who have been true and faithful to the constitution will cause a pang in every Bout breast; for with them we could live for- ever, peaceably, safely, ‘ily. , and future security, however, demand separation, and in their hearts they will approve, though they may regret the act. Fellow citizens of Georgia, I have endeavored to before you the facts of the case, in pine and wnimpas- sioned language; and 1 should feel that 1 had done in- Just! to a convictions, been unfaithful to zou i 1 { not, im ‘conclusion, wi = yen against the rs of delay, and impress upon yi lessness woe remedy for these evila short of commen You have to deal with @ shrewd, heartless, and unscrupulous enemy, who, in their extremity, may promise anything, but, in the end, will do nothing. On the 4th day of March, 1861, the federal government will pass into the bands of the abolitionists. It will then cease to have the slightest claim either your confidence or your loyal- ty, and, in my honest judgment, each hour that Georgia remains thereafter a member of oe sa be an of the Union, for you will never again have equality and justice in it.” Identified with in heart, feeling, and interest, I return to share in wi ver destiny the future has in store for our State aud vurselves. HOWELL COBB. Wasumxcton Cyry, Dec. 6, 1860. SENATOR JOSEPH LANE'S SPEECH. * TUR AFEBCH. . President, it is not my intention to consume the time of the Senate at any length, but merely to say a few ‘worde in relation to the eeihepey contin, ‘of our coun- try. We are all aware, Mr. ident, that there is great direatisfaction in this country, and a very near approach, unless something can be done very speedily, to a dissolu tion of the Union, It is not very strange, a8 I look at it, that this condition of things should exiet. It has been truly said that the election of any man to the Presidency would not be good cause for a dissolution of the Union. 1 am red to Say that the simple election of any man to that cffice, in my Judgment, would not be causo for a di that the cause of cormpiaint in the ‘upon which the late ele. have given rise to the ts ‘evious Presidential election ha» the issue been so fully put, so directly made, as in the late one. here was: shall the TS States be maintained—shail the peapic Poco it to go iuto the common territory with their of the people has been that shall not prevail. It is to the Ree oo on — be deprived of ity; that Rot go into the common terri- Cy ae that they are inferiors, and fore us, is it fiseatiataction and trouble? ‘The plat: opporition have #uceeeded in elect , AB Look at it, directly in conflict Tt is directly in conflict with ity of the States; and though it is said that accordance with the constitution, | ‘opinion, that it is Ja viotntion ‘was contemplated by thore jon that & sectional ty, im pearly one half the of the Unicn, upon a platform conflicting with the consti- pee GP a country, should elect a resident. may not retest with the totaoe Othe cometfetion yet, as I i : 3 ite : 3K gE sf i igilal ¢ z i i ei ? jon of it, to their use i otevery E 2 nse 53] qu other side exy that it bode gi penpals tive ure and that of their section. T can see no ruch écclarations. 1 can eee no good sense fraternity, or equality, or good faith in tion of phineipies. Upon what principle rthern eretional portly eet up exclusive clai tory sequired at such Faerifice of Southern i [ - 2 t i i zs i the one or the other shall for ever remain free. He does not stop there, sir. He professes to own a portion of the le of this country—Florida, Louisiana, Texas—to ‘ve purchased them; and that he is going to hold on to them; that they paid a large sum of money, and sacri- ficed forty thousand lives and $10,000,000 to defend hem, and he is not going to permit t to go out of this Union. They cost a price that he enumerates; and he intends to hold them here, and they shall have no lot or part in the common territories of our common coun- try. Will our people in that portion of the country thus spoken of, knowing that the platform of principles upon which that party succeeded in the late election is in con- flict with their og in conflict with the constitu- tion, and with these threats at mectings rejoicing over their success, and the written views of disti ished gentlemen on that side—will they sit stillY Will they submit? Task you, sir, and the patriotiam of the coun- try, will the: panes 5¢ ene faa eg kind of It, ui legradat they ag ne that cannot hereafter be eae Ror shall hwo equally 1c this uuntry, en they shall have equality in this co — Kc |, then they are American citizens or freemen. I and enjoy rights with the other worthy to be called would do anything, sir, to save this Union; but it must be saved upon honorable terms; it must be saved upon the principles of the coustitution. | The obnoxious laws— Jaws violative of a faithful and prompt execution of the Fugitive Slave law—now on the statute books of the Northern States, must be repealed, and such guarantees made as will satisfy every man that hereafter — rights shal) be safe. “I would not advise them to be very ready in accepting promises. are easily made and easily broken. , I say, sir, without such guaranteos a8 will secnre to every portion of this country unques- tioned equality, without such guarantees, as will enable every man of every State in this Union to go into the common territory and take his property and enjoy it while the territorial condition remains, there can be ho peace in this country; there can be no Union. It does not exist to-day. That fraternity, that good faita that honorable feeling and just action that controlled our fathers, does not exist in this country to-day. There must be a change of head, and, I would to God, of heart also. Heaven can work a miracle; it did upon Saint Paul, and I would be very to see it done in thia country, and to aoe the ” Fe ng the land changed, and good will, good faith, honorable feeling jon restored, and then the country would go forever. But while I say these T want it distinctly that I ask nothi gon that she is not entitled to under the constitution; that I would have, and nothing less. And, sir, f say if the South had the numerical strength, and could, action here, or in any other way, deprive the State whic! I rey of her ity, or her rights with the othe States of this Union, I would not submit to i I would haye that which we are entitled to, and 1 on ti would esk no more; but that I would have, and every State of this Union is entitled to it, and ht to and ve it. 5 it, Teent for have now uote it correctly, I will read this letter. It is a beauti- Ei document, $4 just ta toeping with the principles upon which Mr. Lincoln was elected. saysc— Nov. 16, 1800. Racixe, ee 16, nan Oe crereel we trek eine te eae in ‘over the vie. indeed, a by ‘any means, bor ‘bold, nor under any contrivance, ther border ruf- fan Tnvasiy by Jodie! docrees bor lave fom Mexico or Great frenain fre Awd rom Mexico or in 2. the ity, and not the minority, Mes const! ven, aball determine who Uda of the United and is the first principle in ‘fbey wil hey most aegulee sin the enforce: w ent of Vall consti aiiongh tae for the country, and or intry, We have not purchased Florida to protect our into the Gulf of Mexico, nor Louisiana to control the outlet of the Mi Valley, nor ae | and defended her tH Sh to suffer them now to pene under ® foreign and fon 3 w aay hh a nanigui “se all our foreign relations. Now, here is the modest part of this letter:— cores as rae South, af ee pd passed w' w ns yet re; sd tohear what repubiranizm i enie from ia political enemies, shall learn from him what it really is, and how eanly He hes been miarepresented to, them, every’ considers: American Union, and uiesence in Mr. Lineoln’ DOO: Mr. Linooln that is troubling the country, as I said before, but that he is he eutertains views himself, which are dange- rous te the prosperity of fifteen States of this been ed and elected by @ party holding the views of the tor to whom I have . Lincoln himself, if he were not im such a party, would not be objectionable, nor ‘jews, or had expressed is an “ irre. pressible slave States and free apprehend the result will be . The mo- tien . Fite’ are ; And before it Rees thought it proper to say this ‘ALL. Nov. 10, 1860. To ne Drax ir next oh erage is 5! the the United States as certain. ought, with patience, calmness lastenoad, 16 submit: ‘until he eball also certain. For is no cause for ag exciting events of the alarm which Win inepirea is our duty to resort means, con- sistent to our country, that may in our sober sufficient to insure our fature rafety and protection in any emergency that may trans. pire. Drea b abe ohn represen ree our . ve Our ve Invtreeted to introduer and vote for the following bills in the next Legislature of Kentucky — OA EK, rad oa the Obio river, from mouth of Big Sandy a to the Tennes- nee line on said river. A Dill to repea! all laws on this State a citt- en of a State whose Legislature in a citizen of Ken! State to day june wares, ‘merchandi raised, or tnd providing substantial de zen of this account, or same ie due above ment: ad qatye ove lation to incend! ‘a i cireulation to A bill to make it this State, or to adv: 1 propose speak SOUTH CAROLINA. THR VALEDICTORY MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR GIST. Execctive DERARTSENT, Corvama, Dec. 7, 1860, GesTEEwEN oF THR SxxaTR axp House oF RerResEnta- VER — Allow me in thie, my last official ing word. South Carolina, after earnest but fruitless ictm and tay the Northern H 3 ae H i a ! 5F 2 F 3 45 z A it Btira iftrfl fries 3. # Fe iE i if 2? : : i i 5 E - 7 EH ! aie ii Hi 53 iz i i i i z ? ® vices friends and not until then, ma; ind unite with other 2! ¥ : 38 s Fi & safely seek ites, who have more perfect unien, and rhare with us a commen destiny Fvery sentinel ehouk! remain at bis port, and not rolax a fibre until the great work is completed, the great battle following— A BILL TO PROVIDE POR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF OUR FOREGN DIPLOMACY. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa~ » and by tives, now met and sitting in General Asseml the authority of the same, That on the rat ordinance by @ convention of this State, withdrawing the State from federal Union, the Governor, by and with bentatives of the. grade of Ruvoys ‘Setractdloary sentatives er En Ministers Plenipotentiary to the following countries, who: shall reecive an annual for their services not exceeding the amount specified herein for % is to e@y:—To Great Britain, —— dollars; to 4 BILL TO FROVIDE FOR OUR COAST Be it enacted by the Senate and tives, now met and sitting in General the authority of the same, That State is hereby empowered to steam screw popellers of light Ty equipments, to carry f two with : eg bege to rate of jon now allowed by law to officers marines of like grade in Nhe tary of tas United and for the said Lael wd the sum of —— thousand be, and the same is hereby ‘iated, The following was agreed to" without @ dissenting i} cee Sieekleee epee Xl YOR THE CAVALRY SERVICE. Each officer, non-commissioned officer, private and mt sician, shall provide their own horses, and eball be lowed the same and rations as the fantry service, with the addition of employed in said service. Fee i wed. The commutation of each ration shall be thirty cents. Pr Lo utation of forage for each horse, eight dollars ‘The commutation of clothing for each soldier, per year. shall be fifteen dollars, reer THE RESULT OF JHE ELECTION TO THE soUTH CAROLINA CONVENTION, ‘leston 8) Mercury, Dee. Yor tai niorwation ch oor pone ia tae parts of the State, and also in the other Southern States, we publish below a list of the gentlemen elected ~ . Peed Classification. Each name will be |, 8, ete., according to the number of yotes cast for each Thea i eaptae are the gentlomen elected who have responded publicly and affirmatively to both of the in- quiries of our it ““Seocssion,” touching the course they will pursue ip convention if ‘The; pledged resolutions passed at the last session of the General As- sembly of the State of Alabama, calliug a Canvention iv ‘8 certain contingency in the election of a President of the United States, and calling upon the Governor to iasue his Proclamation to that effect. Governor Moore, of that Governor. J. A. Weaver, Seeretary of Stato, GEORGIA, SRCESSION RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED BY THE Lewis- LATURE. i The following preamble and resolutions were ve ently posred by the Georgia Irgislntare— The grievances now affecting the Southern States must 3 pe reste and destiny of the e this Union sre and must Toma in ee 2 The secession of one from the Union must, more ov Jere, involve and affect all, Therefore resolved, by the General oft Geor gia, That in the judy of this General pany Mate in this Union has the sovereign right to: from the Union whenever she deems it necessary r for her safety, honer or happiness, and that a State ment exercises (his right of secession, the federal bee no right » people on. of sqeary next, she aske the like sympathy and aneiat Cire Crees hee Reena RSTer WEES RS Rereby cars « thet. Uyen their passage, the ayes were 101, nays 27. ATTEMPTED NBORO INSURRECTION IN CRAWFOR counTy. . It is otated in some of the Heoryia Papers that the gros at Hickory Grove and yicir " Crawford cown