The New York Herald Newspaper, December 16, 1860, Page 1

THE NEW YORK HERALD. WHOLE NO. 8865. UNDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 16, 1860. SOUTHERN RIGHTS IN NEW YORK. Meeting Merchants, Statesmen, < Politic’ans, Clergymen, Lawyers and Editors on the State of the Union. Appointment of Three Commissioners to Go to South Carolina. Speeches of Hon. Daniel 8. Dickinson, Charles Conor, John MeKeon and Hiram Ketchum, Res Rey ke. A meeting of many of the prominent gentlemen of this . city, merchants and others, was held at the office of @ gentleman in Pine street yesterday for the purpose of ‘consultation and counsel with a view to the adoption of such measures as would tend to restore peace and har- mony to our distracted country, The meeting was held fm a lige room of the new building $2 Pine street, oppo- site the office of Mr. Lather’s, where it was originally de- signed ¢o take place. The apartment was crowded to its wimost capacity, and yet the meeting was exceedingly select and comparatively private in its character, no per- non being admitted except the gentlemen to whom the following note of invitation had been addressed :— ‘ red, decnaing’ i tho duty of lp Dean Sin—The unde ming it the duty of all pae brtotic cath crisis like the F rapveed to do what they can to provide a way of eacupe from the calarhities which threa‘en ‘ws—not to say are already upon us—respectfully request you fomect a nuinber of other gentlemen, to whom this circular will be ent, at the oflice of Richard 'Lathers, No, 83 Vine sireet, on Saturday, the 16th inst., at twelve o'clock, for con- sultation and mutual counsel, with a view to the adoption of such measures, if any can be'devised, as will tend to Beal the Present dissensions, and restore our once happy country to Peaceful and harmonious relations, The answers to the en- Closed letters will be read at the meeting. A large number of those who had been invited were Present, while from others, whose engagements precluded their attendance, letters explainining the cause of their . absence were received and read to the meeting. The fol- Jowing is a list of the gentlemen to whom invitations ‘were sent, many of whom were present, and their names ; will accurately reflect the character of the assemblage:— Jobn J, Cisco, Jobn Kelly, ‘homas Slocomb, Governeur Kk: mbie, George W. Clinton, R. G. Horton, Aaron Ward, Wm. B. Clerke, Jame: ‘Thomas Tileston, Isaac Bell, J James Brooks, ' Thos. E. Davis, al Phe Stephen Johnson, Samuel D. Babouck, pes “te Soun A, Stewart, James M. Brown, Sam'lG. Courtney, Com. W. P, Levy, H. F. Spaulding, Stewart Brown, james E. Shaw, R dwell, Robt, B. Minturn, Eugene Kelly, Jobn Potts Brown, Henry Griunell,’ Robert 0. Glover, J. Boorm’nJohostea, c O'Coucr, Benjamin Nott, ' George G Sampson, dames T, Brady, James Avisell, Sami. B. Caldwell, Thos, Bacor George W. dward Dod Frederick Fetioo, Millard Filmore, Washington Hunt, Edward Willan Kelly,” A. B. Getty, john Allen, William B, Astor, John B, Higging, Geo. W. Henn! rd Hallock,’ J. A. Greene, Jr., Chas, Comstock, ©. Paige, \dge Allen, Npencer, us Corui Gustavus W. Smit Horatio ere 46% nKer, George E. Baldwin, George Bartlett, rewer, P. W. Engs. H. 5. Randal, Andrew Mount, Danis. Bisson Crilox Cobb, liliam Dunean, ' Israel T. Hateb, Watts sherma N. B. Paine, Richard Sebel, Jeahua J. Heary, Wooster Sherman, Benj. R Winturop, Kilns 8. iiggins, Johm D. Fiersow,' J; W Cpanler, Algernon ». Jarvis, Wan. F. Russell; James Maur . ‘ime H, Kingsley, | Horace Charles Roome, 0. G. Carter, KE. Lucius Hopkins, Jobn M, Barbour, Wm. Duer, AP. E. B. Hart, Solomon G. Haven, 5. M. L. Barlow, Win, Miner, ©. B. Wheeler, "5. F. Butterworth, james D. Mo n, Lorenzo Burrowes, R. W R, H. Walworth, owe, W. D. Parsois, Jebial Read, Edward Haight, ‘dwin Croswell, Augustus Sehell, Wiison G. Hunt, Erastus Broo 4, i Belmont, hnson, ‘sydney E. Morse, Win. MeMurray, Townsend Cox, ' J. J. Roovevell, John Van Buren, Le Grand Capers, AmasaJ. Packer, Emerson Coleman, jas Robinson, Gould Hoyt, F. Tiemaun, Robert Souter, Ed_ot N.Y.Observer, Daniel W. Teller, James Punnett, A. T. Bewart, Wmv. Hiram It was nearly half an hour past the appolated time, when Richard Lathers, Esq., ascended the temporary rom; trum and called the meeting to order. He said:— SPERCH OF MR. LATOR, Guvriewer—By the request of the Committee of Invi tation I rise to call this meeting to order. I need hardly Bay to you how much gratified we are to see #0 many of the venerable and distinguished statesmen, the entor citizens of oar Wed ‘ising merchants and the substantial ed State convened on this occasion together as national men, irrespecti sider a subject of painful interest—the solution of our glorious coufeteracy—to © ‘that fatal period in our countr the prophetic pen of the father of our country so or Bestly warned us in bis farewell address. Our Union has You are fallen a prey to sectionalism, and the terrors of civil war and of fraternal strife threaten to deb e land with Dlood, and to erase from the calendar of nations the land of our pride and affeetions—the land of hope avd of ref+ge, and the land possessing the highest civiliza! in the greatest commercial developement and nat. mal power which have ever blessed the prospects of court tutional liberty. The stern realities before us require exaggeration to bring the danger home to us. Thee are, iti# true, those whose recklessness or deride ‘the efforts of patrictiam as * and the poisoned chalice of sect »be pressed with fatal effect in yy ernal hand allay# and soothes th enalty of their ow i that these whe their reciprocal dui and letter of the constitution, could exeape the “higher jaw’’ doctrines, and be perm the national resources untramme led with sectional «tr fe and unstained with federal infidelity. Youareconvenet s patriots, who can rise above party trainmels, and whese “higher law” can render unto Cwear the things that Cwsar #: who can perform your whole duty to your { Jow citizens of other states, under a sacres fre Bpective of the effect on abstract opinior ment of colored perso py being always limited by your duty, and your e u 8 hot Dew thy hor their righ fo inveigh against U teach whore bw band aggre degren of exasperation titing their preeipitaney we consider their wrongs. All this has part without efurt, and the South, bi under the confederacy, proposes: t i ite ris r * te institut ons t r out of it. We have met to ask them in a fraternal « to panse and consider their duties to that part of thet Northern brethren whose sympathis have always boon with Southern rights and against Northern aggression. \« co-operate with us in bringing back to ite pristine (a ty our commen heritage—the constitation—and ry which are threatened rich and starvation among the poor vate engagements scurities and m with distr pr are while the political organization of the States and of the nation are in daily peril of dissolution. We propus to send a committer to the South, to lay our views before their statesmen and to express our sympathy for their wrongs, and to assure them of our continued ¢o-operat jon and hopes of success in speedily procuring for them that equality which abstract justice, as well as the const ti tion, guarantees to them and their institations. We wish to assure them pot only of our own fidelity to the esn= tution, and our fraternal feelings te all parte of aT Coane mon country, but to inspire them with hope that ¢ evils of abolition have culminated that a returr senre of justice will mark the future legislat) ullifying States of the North. It \* committee whore social position political experience will do credit t and unpress our Seuthern brethren wit ° Of our Co-operation and the soundness ‘ ive men of New York hereiu assembled | ain repeat that the Committes of Invitation feel tint have accomplished much good in bringing tog 1% po illustrious a body of men to consider the ‘thomns before them, and to initiate the firet m: the: part of the kmpire State to prevent, if posaib ture in our national aire. And it is’ with p! have to propose a gentleman to are ide over your deli! 1 ae chairman of this meeting, the Hon. (Applause. ) ‘The nomination of Mr. O°Conor as Chairman, was trailed with applause, which was renewed as that gentierman eax 06 forward and took bis seat upon the rostrum. Mesers Jamo’ F. Cox, William B. ClePke and Oliver G. Cartor were ch fen to act as Secretaries of the meeting. A letter had beon addressed by Mr. Lathers to Henry Gourdin, Feq. . Col. C. G. Mem.ringor avd « rtber et sens of Charleste:®, With seferenog to the preegut critical flee O'Onnor, condition of our public affaire; to which the following ia areply— FROM B, GOURDIN, SOUTH CAROLINA. Cuanumso, Dec. 12, 1860. Ricuarp Laruers, Fsq., York :— My Dear Six—Pardon me for having delayed so long on answer to your letter of , dictated as it was: ¥ motives which are to be respected and appreciated. It would have been answered sooner, but some of the par- ties to whom the enclosure was were absent trem the city when it was received, and I have only seen them within the iast day or two. Mr. Prenholm is still in Columbia, and will probably write to you from that place. “Mr. Mitchell and Mr. Memminger, regarded, as you know, as conservative men, concur with Judge Magrath and myeelf that the course of South Carolina cannot now be changed, and that a visit, under the cir- cumstances, of gentlemen such as you’ name, however great the respect entertained for them by our people, or however highly their motives are to be appreciated, would be without influence and utterly useless for the purposes indicated. Indeed, you must have already seen this, for your letter had hardly been writ ten when Vermont, by a large majority, refused to repeal ber ‘Liberty laws,’’ and the discussions in ess and the tone of the republican presses cannot fail to have sutiefied you how little the South has to expect from any such chabge of sentiment as you inform us is going on with so much Crowne at the North. So far from any change favorable to the recognition of the just claims of the south, they tend more than ever to convince our people that there is no hope for them in the Union, and that their only safety is in beg masters of their own destiny. ‘The sooner the Northern states shall realize this fixed sentiment of the South the better, and it is for the North to decide whether a people, seeking their own safety under the sacred panoply of their own State sovereignty, shall be permitted to do so peaceably. Out of the Union—teel- ing and vindicating their own equality—they will be as ready to trade and to establish with the Northern States as friendly relations as they will with auy other people, or as have existed between them before, but if war is to be forced upon the South to compel ‘her submnission, her condition will be no worse than that which will be ultimately forced upon her by republican rule, Secession, therefore, is the fixed determination of the people of our State, and which cannot now be changed. I would make a single remark upon General Lix’s letter, a copy of which you have been kind enough to send me. It is impossible to separate Mr. Lincoln's election, although in conformity with the forms of the constitution, from the fact that be accepted and became the candidate of ty upon a platiorm of declared hostility to the , committed against the further extension of slavery, by claiming to exclude slavery from the Territories, and looking to the ultimate emaneipation of the siaves throughout the south by changes the constitution, to be effected in yart by preventing »apy increase of slave States, thus rendering» the constitution, designed for the | safety and of all, the smallest and | the ‘weakest of the States in the Union, the | instrument—tbe —_mispamed legal instrument—of our destruction, Mr. Polk, against his own convic: | tions, had to declare that the title of the United States to | the “whole of Oregon was unquestioned,”” because the convention which nominated him so declared it, and, very reluctantly, he was cbliged to bring forward his anti-tariff measures for the same reason. Is it not asking too much of the people of Carolina and the Southern | states to shut their eyes to the great principles involyed | in the election of Mr. Lincoln, and to submit simply be- cause the forms of the constitution have been observed? to lose sight of the platform of principles and policy ¢ which he accepted, upon which he has been elected, and which thé party which elected him will claim that he shall carry out? Tam, my dear sir, very respectfully and truly, your cbedient servant, H. GOURDIN, ‘The following letters were also received and read to the meeting — YROM HON, AMASA J. PARKER, Ausany, Deo. 13, 1860, Irogret that I cannot meet with you On the 15th inst. Congultation should no longer be delayed as to the meas- ures to be adopted by the couservative men of New York in the present emergency. An address from a committee to the people of the South has been suggested—one in the vein of General Dix’s letter ought certainly to produce an | effect. But, instead of that, or in addition to it, 1 think a delegation should be sent from this State toGeorgia, to be present at the Convention about to be held there, to ad- dress the Convention and to mingle with its individual members. As to South Carolina, nothing can probably be cone with any promise of suecess. But perhaps’ the epidemic may be stayed in ite progress westward, If Georgia can be saved, the States lying west of her are in much lees danger. Even if delaying only cau be obtained, @ reaction in public opinon at the South may be hoped for in time to prevent a separation, 1 think the chivalrous teeling of the South will revolt at the idea of abandoning us of the ffort to recover the national admin hence, in view of the fact that we in helpless minorities ai gling to secure the just rights of the § AMASA J.P he ARKER xnetapy, Dec. 13, 1860. x Your eireular requesting my attendance at a meeting 4, on the 1th for consultation and mutual counsel, with a ¥ the ads of measures, ¢al- culated to the ern and Southern scetions of our country to peaceful and harmoniow came to my hands thisday. Iregret my inabil to be present in person at the contemplated meeting; but I cordially concur in its object, and my earnest desire is that measures may be adopted which Will “heal the pre- sent dissene etween the Northern and Southern “y States, and re-establish once more “harmonious relations between them.’’ I can see but one way to attain this de- sirable result, The Northern States must proffer the citizens of the South satisfactory guaran. tees that they shail im the future enjey undisturbed all the rights of person and property, to whieh they are ed under the constitution, and that the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States in relation to those rights of property, especially in the Territories, shall be recognized as correet expositions of the constitu and shail be respected and obeyed as such. Under decisions upon the principles of law adopted there- B, it is apparent that the rights in slave property in the Territories cannot be destroyed or impair- ed by either Congressional or Territorial legis- latic The questions growing out of the asserted right of the owners of slaves in @ slave State to carry their slaves with them into the Territories of the United states, and to hold them there, are merely judicial ques- # wrising under the constitution; and when settled by Judicial department of the federal government, all fur- ther controversy in regard thereto should terminate, and every citizen of the United States, who professes loyalty to itutien and the Upien. should acquiesce ins: otione The citizens of the free States, if they persist ng to full the obligations which the comatit ution will ha Tanner drciine to perform t n constitutional cDligations. But notwithstanding the just grounds of complaint whieh the slave States have against the citi abs of Ube free States, I think the latter can find a reme- dy for their grievanees in the Union. And J earnestly be pe that every patriotic citizen of the free States, irre spective of hin party associations, will lend his aid’in de- vising measures to accomplish this object, and thus to adjust the alarming difficulties which now disturb the ‘riendly relations between the North and the South and imperil th { the Union. Every proper mea integrity sure calculated t proval and support FROM WASHINGTON HUNT. ro this result will receive my ap- AL © PAIGE. Lockvort, Dec, 12, 1960. Thave just received your despatch ‘inviting me to be | n New York on Saturday. I need not express to you the ceep pain and anxiety with which I have observed the deplorable state of our public affairs. At times it has appeared to me that voting less than Divine power can save our Union frem destruction. Alas! that a nation 80 | biereed by Heaven should be reut and distracted and broken into warring fragments by the madness of human passions. But we most not look on with silent apathy and despair. The question constantly forces itself upon my tind, What is to be done? Can we do anything te avert the mmity which impen f country? We mist danger in the fac nerve ourselves tor the manly discharge of our duty, come what may What can be 4 It i# now evident that we bave ich will compel the two sections to together and agree on anew and friendly under ing, or else they must te and form new tationalities. ‘They must consent to to final settlement of the Whole slavery controversy, remove the ectyect from federal polities, cease cursing on both ‘ and form a genuine Union, or else disunion i@ in. bie, with the which i sure te be bronght to a friendly an in beth sections, animated b; stand in the love their We must rem: n of woe and calamities standing? Extreme men powerful passions, will of any just compromise. But patriots y me that the only solution of present difficulties must be found in a National Con ion—called in the constitutional mode—and that our fh be to secure it, by an appeal to Congress to the lovers of the Union, North and South. Ina patituted, Peamnot but believe a large ma. id finally coneur in presenting a basie of Union which would be ratified by the States and the people, In whatever is done at this time, it is very desirable to have the co-operation of the more moderate republicans, who are ready to sacrifiees their party to save the country There are acme sneb, and I trust that the number wil inerenge daily. It may be advisable li a State Con vention, in the first instanee, to give expression to the national feeling of New York, and ite continued desire to G rve and cheriat the Union of the States, should @ convention be called, 1 will endeaver to be there. I write this in haste, and will only add that in whatever measures you tmay’ at y om ruin, you thay rely on WASHINGTON HUNT. FROM FRANCIS 1. TAWKA, ‘The following wae sent to Mr. Brooks: — New Yorn, Dec. 15, 1960. Fraervs Boose, My Deak Sik—Will yom have the goodness to explain to the gentlemen who may assemble @t the office of Mr. Lathers to-day that events beyond my control will not permit me to be present in person, thoogh I concur with them beart and soul in all their patriotic desires and efforts, Lam sorry t add that private letters whieh have just reached me from four of the Southern States eatisty me that dieunion is inevitable. Yours, very truly, FRANCIS 1. HAWKS, SPRRCT OF CHARLES O° CONOR, pon taking the chair Mr. O'Coxon said — | sincerely regret that it wae not your pleasure to have “leoted some other gentleman to preside at thie moeting ‘1a ‘ene (uNes Jb Je more important sbat we ebowd ox hibit to the public mind accessions to the rights of that rection of our people who have given no cause of excite- ment, . who have done to sunder the ties of affection whieh the people of United States we © once held \gether. I should rather, much rather, that this meeting could be pres ded over by some gentien.., remarkable, if you please, for not having bithert» manifested any interest in this question, or remarkabic, nke Senator Jackson of Connecticut, who Dut yesterday stepping forward from the ranks of the 80 repub: lican party, and placing himself before this country 48 true hearted American, devoted to conciliation, to har- mony, to hokiing ws together, to perpetuating our inte- rests and our Union, preciaimed in the Senate of the United States the dcctrine of peace, and made a manly effort in his high place, separatit himself, as I say, fiom those who were least suspected, and with whom he had been as- sociated, made an effort worthy of the cause and likely to be. bene ial in its influence. (Appiause.) I have no other objection to appear here, save m, indicates the presence of no new champion For Union, no new vindicator of concord, no new foe of causes of irrita- tion and dissension, but is the re indicator—perrmit me to say it—that these who have been always faithful are faithful still. (Applause) From these re. marks permit me to for a moment to the considera- tion of the questions that have brought us together. Gen- tlemen, from a praition of entire seclusion from political interests aud public affairs, 1 have had occasion, not for a week, a month, or a single year, but for a number of years, to peruse with great ‘attention the history of the times presented to us by the action of political parties; and I have seen, as I conceive, during a period of some years’ duration, a tendency in political action” that, in my judgment, necessarily Jed, as an unavoidable cor ion of this Union. Political part ould hever be ed upon ‘moral que e ey are calied. In the phrase “moral” I include the whole circle of religious opinion, And political parties can never be beneticial- » formed ina free State, founded upon the odium and letestation in which one party is required to hold the life, walk and conversation and morals, or the religious cpinions of another, (Applause) It hence follows that when politicians secking for some issue upon which to di- vide the community, select as their point, as their ban. ner, “Odium against Negro Slavery,” they Select an issue which necessarily leads soouer or lat: ‘0 a dissolution of the Union. It was—and no true: philosophy eo ll have been uttered, and I tind no fault with | eXpression—it was necessarily ap ‘ir essible conitict,”” in which cne party or the other must be absolutely sub- dued, so that it could no longer sustain, in any degree, the chntest with the other, I do not think it wagan ‘ir: Tepreesibie conflict” in any of the senses in whieh the term has used, or in the way in which it was, un- ‘erstood by those who uttered it; but it was ‘i an irrepressible conflict. T cannot imagine it to be bie that two distinct nations—and each of these States bs, for certain political purposes, and all the pur of this question, distinct nations—that two distinct nations can live together in one civil government, each entertaining wn utter detestation of the life and morals of the other, And permit me to say in this connection that when I speak of nations Lam not to be understood as referri to the effcotive pelitical ‘ity. The effective polit majority of a State in this Union speak the voice of the State. ‘They are a nation; the minority are a nullity, and they have no voice or power. It hence follows that when the utter cefestation of the life and morais of the people of Carolina have made the basis of a political part; juence, to a dis- | New York, and that political party acquire the ascon cy im the political affairs of the government, these two states cannot live together, except in the reiation of op- preesor and oppressed. (Applause.) The more power!ul will trample on the weaker. Itmay trample on the weaker according to some written constitution, so that there w ill be ne direct violation of its letter, “It may trample upon it in @ way justifiable by some course of argument as eun- formable to jaw, but it will trample upon the weaker after all. There can be no political society between those whese political wishes in this respect cannot be repre- sented in the government. There can be no relation be- tween the hater and the detested, except the relation of oppressce aud oppressed. (Applauee.) It ie vain to say, “We will give you actual laws.” It is vain to say, “Con: gress can pass no laws to injure the Southern States." Tt is not by litigation, it is not by legislation that the oppression will be effected. It is by the wuseen and potent influence of the Executive department of the go- vernment, and thet influence controls the whole ant must lead to oppression of the South if it is permitted to pass into the hands of those who hate them for the love of God. (Applanse.) Aud, gentlemen, whilst I de- pare eccexsion as much as any man who breathes, whilst deplore secession a8 fraught with the greatest evils, I have lcoked upon it as an inevitable event whenover those who detest the life and conversation of the people of the South acquire the coutrol of the central government at Washington. (Applause.) Not as a thing-that must happen on the instant, but which must pretty soon follow. It is the natural, the necessary, the inevitable consequence; and although I may dislike particular individuals at the south, and believe that they are influenced by evil motives and take advan- tage of the present state of things for the purpose of ad- vancing private ends and aims. 1 cannet find fault with: the South a¢ a unit. Llook upon the South 48 a upi', aud upon the North as a unit. [ do not take account of men at the South who are influenced by bad motives, | do not take account of the men at the North who are in- fluenced by bad or good motives. the reuth as that majority presents the — and interests of the South, 1 lock upon the North as it ie represented by ow ive majority which speaks the voice of the North. “looking at them in this way, [see that there ts an rious poten if the South caunot otherwise itself ogainst the aggressive spirit of the North, a real cers ity for this act of secession. (Faint applause.) Now, ia the seceanion to come? Wealt ‘men seern Tear it Fome bad men undoubtedly desire it. South is full, Lam sore, of men who are anxious to tit, Lom sure that there are numerous well ki Waders who lead for the purpose of leading aright, and lead. ing in the end, if they ean, the multitude who follow throvgh the wilderness of doubt and distnay into the pro- mised jand of Union and fraternity. (Applause) I deem utterly unworthy the observation that the South has of- fended. Asa unit it has not offended. (loud applaese.) Asa unit it has only struggled to sustain iteelf against the rapidly accumulating majority of those who hold thera and their dearest institutions in such « regard that the destruction of those interests and the whole country was necessary. Therefore I say that there ie no fanit in the South, as a whole, and it has nothing to atone fur. (Applanse.) Let us look, then, to th th. And I ask what are we to sy ourse! ye I om myself a native of oh cestors came from ten nearer the pole than the cou: whic Jem a child of the North in every e. Lhave searey ly a friend, I have no correspondence, and Ihave no terests. political or otherwise, in the South, am me « physical constitution that would not permit me to grees further South than the country j So Tean have no personal inte st spected of no persenal interests, or ought n pmon jost pected of personals iews, when I that’ the South, speaking of it we a unit, a* one sub ag one portion of this country, has not offeuded, and only struggled for {te life to keep its ad above the ra advancing waters of (his bluck sea of abolitionism, which threatens to drown it. (A plates.) Fo much as to the South. | Now,asto the Nort Rentlemen, do I stand here toslander it?’ Not at ail, Ail my re all my affections, all my interests are here—my birth was in the North, and my grave shall be in the North, Let no man ruspest me of infidelity to the North, or of going, cap in hand, sneaking, to seek favor of avy deceription from the South. 1 demand nothing, and we écmand nothing from it, But let me say, as te the North, hat Ihave no fear of the dishonest politicians of the North—there are dishonest politicians everywhere. 1 have no fear these who are inated the leader# at the North. There is no source of evil whut T in the North except the honest, consciew tie take of the honest, conseientions people of the North, «ho have drank into their bosoms this dreadful error: that it i their duty before God and mnn, xeoording to world|y honor, to erveh out and to trample upon the m of slavery upon whieh the prosperity of the Sowth and the perma nerey of this Cnion in ite present form depend, (Ap. lavse.) ‘There are no enemies to thie Uuion except the honest, virtnons, conecientious people of the North, wheee action ig to be feared. Let us draw away that soppert, and that thatant thie disturbing, mis chievous controversy ends, and our Union renews its youth, and appears before te as an inetitetion designed to perpetuity and to bless untold millions for an’ (Applanee.) ntlemen, where is our hope? it i# in having of time to look about a» treetively. There is no other no other remedy. The question j* thie: Can we obtain little timer Can we indree the South to believe tn oF continued fidelity, to believe in the practicability of « cemplishing our hopes, and that thus harmony may be rr and such a state of things created by the way of proper guarantees ax will render the South safe within the Union? That is the question. Now, undoubtedly a volee coming from the city of New York will be recognized as the voice of « friend, for here there was not only an effective majority, bute ay papery in favor of doing entire justice to the South, and of ks out of power this dangerous party whese first advent €, sewer= the very name of itt —haa shaken our republic to te founda eee. Con we cttaet little tenet 1 understand the prope sition is that this city shall appeal to the Seath for | oo indvee them, if possi © stay their hand, and endure, if ible, dangers fora‘time. This. certain. ly, I think they ought to do. ‘bere are a grent many safeguards for public liberty in our cmeti tution, There are a great many rafeguards for the rights of oppressed States and endangered interests in our com stitution, and a resort to some one of these, if oar people ond our representatives in Congress would earne unite, might give to our friends at the South assurances that political power cannot and will not be wielded. sven by the Exceutive, or Rxceutive patronage, to thoir de strnetion. And, gentlemen, ean we afford them gumran- tees? 1 think we cat (Applauee.) io the fet place, we nothing to fear, in my jody ment, except from honest men, aa 1 have said before, who been misied and deceived—who have been misled and deceived in a very great degree, not by politicians, but by in walks of lifo—by moral lecturers and Ep mintters of the Gospel, who haye entertaine’—very exclusively, Lam willing to eay—mis taken vicws upon this sulject. taken up, perhaps, vader the influence of excitement and from very improper con duct Cerasionaliy manifested on the part of Southern men im and out of Congress, You all remember that in the celebrated and recent canvass between Fremont and an, when thie identical matter was before uw Pres it wae sid in the newrpm pore, I coubt net with eubstantial trath, thet three her ond pulpite were pouring out their thunders aga‘art slaver¥ @n¢ calling upon the people in the name of the God whem they 40 give their utmoet eflurie to the accomplishment of the object then in view—the election of an anti-slavery Executive. Gentlemen, you will not certainly have failed to observe that during the canvess that we have just passed through the pulpit wis almest silent upon the subject. The persons who spoke from the pulpit were so few in number that they hav: attained @ most unenviable notoriety, aud will probably be remembered for a century at least for th> distinctive position in which they placed themselves, whilst the pulpit generally was, ag it should generally be upon such Bubjects, silent. Now that was a great im- vement. It showed that a disposition to reconsider the subject had entered the minds of good men at the North, It showed that those who were excited by im- preper acts, by acts of violence, violent speeches, toa feeling of hostility to the South had begun Ww consider their duty—had begun the study of the voume trom which they had taken their doctrines, and had begun to learn that it wee by no means so clear that a Southerner should be punt in this workd and be necessarily con. signed to perdition inthe next. Isay the pulpit was silent. But the pulpit has improved upon its silence 1 trust a million have already read, apd millions more will read, throughout the North, the sermon of the Rev Mr. Van Dyke (Applause), delivered on Sunday last, where, most wisely, certainly, from the attitude in frien stood, in all respects Most justly and unexcep tional ignoring all mere wordly Merrit , ignoring all domination of men or parties, in church, in State, in politics or elsewhere, and plicing himself upon that which is the ‘single guide to faith and doctrine in the judgment and fixed opinions 0! that great sect which he represents—the domi nant sect (the Presbyterian) throughout all the North—the Holy Scriptures of Almighty God, He showed that the poople of the South, if they Wit performed their duties in their stations as weil as weat the North in ours, lived alike as truthfully, be.y and conformable to th precepts of Almighty God, and of eartlaly morality as the Dest men at the North. (Applause.) First, then, gentle- men, We have shown whaty We bave shown that the which once made itself active to a dangerous end I grant trem pure motives), first it opposed, next it changed its tone cn full consideration; and, Task you, is (bere not hope that we shall live to learn throughout these: Northern States that our duty is to correct our own personal vices, to reform oar own minds and our own morale—to be ourselves good and kind Christians, lovirg and alfectionate fellow-citizens, and if we needs most take cognizance of the faults and errors of other na: tions, and send the firebrand of incendiary documents where we can find no missionary daring enough to go, let us select the he in far distant ands, ‘and not under- take to denounce 8 OUF OWN esti Mable fellow-cit presents favorable tendency in the Northern mind to correct itself, to rec sider its judgment, and to act more kindly and inore c ritably towarcs ‘the people of the South, W gentlemen, there is a pe at Washington can save the people of the South, if they will but firm: unite and reselye to protect the South.” Imean in the Senate of the United States, where the South has a strony voice, and where may from the North are ready to sus tain and support her. " And as to the more distant future, as it respects guaranties and final protcetion to the South, why let ug, in God's nome, if no other remedy can be |, sit down ina national convention and add one see tion to our Constitution. I would not alter one word of it (Applause.) Tam aguinst altering of constitutions, either of the Union or of States, that ' were adopted in times that tried men’s souls—at a time when the fathers of this — republic under the guidance of Almighty Providengy were laying the foundations of the first great free State that ever ex isted. (Applause) I believe that Divine wisdom pre sided over those events and the judgments that were pronounced as to what were the fundamental laws at the close of that contest. 1 believe that every step whereio we have departed from the fundamental laws of that day was a mistake, and that if there be any errors existing at this time’ in our practice, political or otherwise, the only efficient cure for them ‘is to go back to the plat form upon which our fthersstood— (loud applanse)—aud return to the glorious rules and principles written for pesterity by these who fyanded the republic, The gentlemen, T would not have a new constitutic obliterate that great instrument, sanctified by Uh of George Washington, President. Applause.) T would not say to the preseat generation or to posterity that we could improve it by altering one single word or pro vision of it. (Applauge.) 1 would be willing to add— for we have commentators ou the most sacred tbings— I would be willing to add a provision for the parpose of removing disputes by way of carrying out awl more completely and exactly ating — the things that are in it. Now, we are told by th highest authority, by that which we are all, I trust, wil ling to bow to—ihe Supreme Court of the United Statos— tien of Independence and the constitution e that the of the United states were tnade by and for tie free wi Caucassian inhabiting these United States, (Ap plause.) Apd T would add a provision to the constitutic embracing or the purpese ef com i those wi otherwise will net see--that principle, aud that would guarantee complete protection to the people of the South. (Applanee.) 1 will not say precisely in w form that would be added. 1 Wtf not say it, not because I have not duly and fully effected on it aud am not prepared to ray it, but because it may as well be left for reuter men than Ito have the honor of putting it in form, and suggesting the way in which it should be adopt- . Now, gentlemen, there is no inhumanity, there is no aclfishness, there is nothing that men can flad fault with in laying down the rule that America was made for 4 free white Caucassian race and its developement. We but follow the jud, ut of Almighty God when we say “America for ‘be. white Caucuesian, Africa fo the negro, who was born in it, who is adapted to Ite climate, and there, in a physical # can’ best flourish” (Applause.) W if we the principle that this is « fre p republi¢, and uot the home for the free black man ‘the free black man has in his wature and constity. capac ty of beiug elevated to power, and of being civilfved, Christianized, what a ‘empire of free enlightened, independent, powerfal men you will bave in Africa within a century or two! And if they are fit for freedom, if they can enjoy and sustain self-government, that is the way in which beuevoleuce, which from the white man and alins at elevating the black man, can bave its full gratification. And if the black men of the South sball ove day attain their liberty it will be when hundreds of millions of enlightened lied black men, in the full enjoyment of the blessings that we new bave, shall people the plains aud hills of Mrico—when that continent shall have its cities, ite cou bere ihes abd pavies=—while the southern States (Ubi: Union vill be ob!ed to Sustain an unequal contlict or deliver forth to the freedom of their native region the black saves within thelr borders, And thus, if indeed it ve within the eche of Almighty Providence, »= these funeties eecm to think, to elevate this black race, that people will be elevated by their own inetri toentaiity, and in @ climate tmost congenial to ther mental and physical. Gentlemen, I have Jon This, to be sure, isa greet when | speak upon it, that [ too Little or weary the patienc h courtesy to listen Sonth that ¥ must either say alt’ goth of those who may be obi Thave done. We lave m are their friends, We ha’ the strongest form in our power, the assurence of our continued action in their favor, and to concert sue! measores a= may lend to staying the ress of that justifiable discontent. 1 insist upon calling it 8 (Appiovse.) To stay (he affirmative, tinal setion of Unt justifiable disevntent until we shall have had an opporte- nity of changing the existing state of things, aud reliev- ing the South from the present position of aitnirs.. That i# to say, a party Who believes it # duty to suppress and crue out sia being in possession of political power os it respect» the central government, we may wot be able to contre! that party in particular States, sat within a very short period TRincerely believe we shall be able and | trost we shall satisfy the South of that fact, 10 hurl that party from power, and by united action pre vent ite power of mischief iu the interval. (loud ap- id addressed the Chair a this meeting by measure may teed to arrest be iderate action in the South, until we ean for a redress of their grievances. It has been propesed that @ committer shenld be appointed to repair lo the South to expostulrte with leading men there in regard to this question. It hot euppesed that the action of South Carolina ean be in fluenced at all, but it is believed that the action of th other States may, You bave stated, Mr. Chairman, thet there is a body of conservative men at the So who may be resehed. We hope by a strong fraternal apponi, avoiding 98 far as possible aeetions whieh are Jewlated to produce irritation, to reach that conserva tive bod men. | therefore move that « committee } ' y the Chair to present an address and reeoli tions, if it be thonght proper, and «ach other recominen dations ne may be snited to the preseut crisis, he motion was agreed to, aud the Cheir appointed the following gentlemen to constitute that committee — Wilson G. Hont, Gustavis W. Stnith Jotn M. Rarbour. ‘Thomas W. Clarke James T. Soutter aml. J. Tilden, Benj. Nott, Joun 1. O'Sullivan, John MeKeo Wm. Hi. Asp Royal Phelps, ©. A. Davie ‘Thermar W. Lndlow Stewart Brown, dons McKrox then rose and addressed the meet th. Hesaid, I know not how far it j« proposed by this committee to go. From the remarks made by yourself and by the gentleman who last «poke. 1 suppose that the address is intended for the South. 1 will speak frankly, [have been in Washington several times within the last three or four weeks. I was satistied be re the election that if it resulted in the choice of Mr neolt, that thie Union wee at an end. You may have cheerved that I took no part in the political campaign: I believed that if T made that declaration publicly, it wouk! be anppesed that T had political objects to pro: ro) Hon Jows A. Dix then r follow Stephen P. Russel domes W, Beekman all mote. and Le numunicated that intelligence to my friends Tam satiefied now tthe Union i#atan end. (Cries of No, no,” from Tet. pentiemen hear me, (A voice *) My coun. trymen may believe me when 1 state my conviction. | hope that may: wrong. 1 conversed with a Southern gentleman in Washington, and 1 ; pealed to » het to atir out of the Union in consequence of the election of Mr. Lincoln. Said I, “He has been elected under the constitution; why not sub mit and allow we to Forreet the public opinion of the North?’ The anewer wae, Our reason for leaving t* be. cause Mr. Lincoln has bern elected under the eanstitution Look to the pest. For the last twenty-five years you have been taught to believe that we at the South wore chgeged in criminal conduet. Your presses and your % pits have devounced wa as criminals and felons. You ave declared that slavery shall go ne farther, That peclaratiog baa of laet takeu the form Whe con: stitution. We are M@bnquered people. It is not possible for vs to live in partnership when such denuneiation is ured upon us.’? The work to be done is to be done Bire in the North, (Applause.) There is no salvation for ve unless a blow is struck ia the North. (Applause. ) You, Mr. Chrisman, have adverted fo one symptom of chunge that has been exhibited in tho pulpit. The next tymptom that I would point to is the recent election in Fosten. (Applause.) Another is the recent speech of the Senator from Connecticut, to which allusion bas been made, People to-day do not believe that we are in dau- ger. Let ms make a prophesy, Within the next thirty days T believe that South Carolina will be out of t Union, and by the 4th of March the cotton States w! tollow, (Voieer—*No, no.”) But no foree will be used tewards the South, ‘(Applause.) ‘The first offensive blew will be the commencement of civil war. (Ap plavse.) Mr. MeKeon recommended, on the part of the North, a repeal of the Persoval’ Liberty bilis, the reecgnition of equal rights in the common’ Ter ritories, and the frank admission of the question of property in slaves; and {f that were not done hi pieted the disastrous consequences which would follor the Northern states, I believe, he said in conclusion, we are just opening a great scene, the can tell. 1 therefore appe believe the mass of can part control of the destinies of the country, mean to do right if they can see the right. Upon them rests the responsi bility, We have a minor part to perform, Our duty is bem what we really believe and let thom act as y decm best. Ido not believe that the great Stats of Ncw York, which is indeed a concentration of the whole pewer of the Union, which owes its position to th» Union, will be false to its recollections of the past, and that she will not plunge into the yawning abyss, where she will be forever doomed to infamy, dishouor aud (I fear) end- wess tyranny. (Loud applause.) SERCH OF DANTE 8, DICKINSON. Hon, Danie, 8. Dickinson was the next speaker. H» said—Iam here, Mr. President, without intending to take a in this meeting, because javited, But altbough I ave little faith in anything that can be dome at this mo ment, 1 would not stay away from a meet ted as this has been, and looking to such great and beneficent chjeets, would not stay away if Thad the teat hop that anything could be vecompliahed, [have nothing new to say upon this subject, Mr. Chawsaam, more thas what Ihave said before through a liug course of years Lhave seen t livated which rece shoot up inrank, luxurious growth and overshadow Uh whole land, and {t has finally produced ite erop of t bly poisonous fruit, But let all who would know my tients, read the record of public ‘life. We are upen perilous it beermes the duty of — every patriot—every individual who lovee hia country—to h every energy within his power, for the pury« ‘ting, Lot only the danger that threatens, bu! ‘he ger that is upon vs. In other days Thad the honor to ciated with that somewhat eccentric bat pure and bei elevated patriot, Cathoun—he has gone to his rest and his Ie who looked over this Union with itude searcely legs anxious than that the Suviour cf men beetowed dpon Jerusalem: he is not here pow to tke part in the affairs of the day, and if this Union is to Le dissolved, as I religiously believe it is, jieaven in merey has granted the prayer of the patriotic Webster, that when his eyes last bebeld the sun in Heaven it might not shine upon the fragments of a dis severed Union From New York, and from most of the Northern states, every individual who thought as [did ‘u former times of peril has retired to private life, and their pames supplied, their eeats have been Ll those of diametrically oppos But more true ‘Than Cwear, with the senate at his hee! ‘This union of States did not repose at other times, and does not repose to-day, upon paper laws and paper’ con stitutions, It was founded in mutual friendship and re. gard, aud common interests, and when these fraternal feelings ecae to exist a mere paper constitution is, bt a delugive mockery, In 1840, the act which my friend rewar: who just preceded me spcke of, which was called in com. It per. ot mon parlance, the nine months law was repealed. mitted our Southern brethern who ted the State New York to bring with them their servants and rr nine months ; and yet they were as fully pr they were in the States from which they caine. (hat act was repealed. I was then mmber of the Senat : of this State, and although never dreaming that I shounht be on the national boards of legisiatioun—knowing Littl of this great question compared with what I kuow now, T resisted the repeal of that law to the best of my ability as long a8 Tcould by argumente, as long as I could by fair efforts, and finally, when driveo to it, I resisted it factiously, and kept the majority waiting for nearly a p wight. I received the rewards of patriotic men for ertions on the one full basket of ymous letters of abuse But 1 scorn to of my persoual action. hat was the test ble between the North aud South, and I the restoration of that bill will do more to restore xood feeling and good will than almost an: tis nendment of tI are well enovgh—but it is their exeeution, according to the spirit in whieh they wi that is calles jemanded on the part of the South. They tusis upon the great principle of the equality of the States and they are entitled to it upon every cvusideration that can inflience mon, communities and States. The consti tution makes them equol—the law makes them equal— they are equal in the sight of honest men, and are equals in the sight of God, and woe be to him who undertakes to degrade and trample them down. (Applause.) The south see and feel the advaneu Ss ‘of the North and that new im the national Legislature they are in the minority, y see that in a few years there will be @ inajority of two-thirds against them, not ovly of States, but of representatives of both branches the Legislature, and they well may fear that the rentinent of the entire free States will sweep their institutions away. And hence it is that they take alarm—hence it is determined that they are now, while they have some power and some |, Unlemsathey can have additional guarantees to protect and sustain them, to secede from the Union. They are forewarned, and intend to be forearmed: and unless they can tad safety, security, equality ‘and repose in the Cnion they intend to seek it outside, Whatever fate may await them [know there are thote among us who say that the South do not intend to secede, ‘They say this is an unnecessary alarm; they say they can be coerced and driven back ia position. All that is necessary is firmness. But ath have sven for years these little rivulets of op. m for on the hills and forcing down throu form the black and bitter ws of one great sea of abolition, which threatens to overwhelm and engulph them. 1 have already rked that this Union was a anion of good feeling. a hal union, of equals, of good fellowship, and that he who supposes that these States can be continued as mm y by coerciou—that they can bo fought, defeated, subdued into equal and faithfal mem bers of the confederacy—should go home to his dom -stic hearth and there breed jealousies, dietrust and animosit be tw pledged herself to love, honor and obe other of his children, who has at iclssiludce of life, and the bereay awaited the has er Jet him then attempt to chasti b un limself and the partner of his bosom—she w bin who ie th nm attempt chastixe a State until it shall become a faithful member of the confederacy. All the paper jaws we Lave—all the strength, foree and pow: » army and navy, the nw and the executive power of the government, are all not worth a single rush to compel a toreiain one hour in the confederacy longer than it chocses to remain. If the allegiance of a State ean be eecured to the federal constitution it must be because it believes that it ie ite daty to the sister States upon the great pribeiples of equality, upon which the feteral go Vverpment reste, Will the children of @ common father, who have sat down at the family table ax equals, consent to being degraded by being driven to submission? Let thise who believe that this evil ean be averted, and that gond men, every patriot, set to nent of the wth. The correct th ble renti til it has arrived, in a good degree, point of desperation. The South cares little about the mere election of Mr. Lineoln—they view it aa the developement of a public sentiment, as a last and final lence of the sentiment of the free States. They us a States, not as individual members of the community, a# we look at them as States, and not as individual members of society. They regard this as an ence of public sentiment which has passed beyond their control, and they «ay now that there is no hops for them within the Union and they will sceode. we convince them of j=, that we will not only repeal our obr oxious laws upon paper, but we will repeal the public sentiment that is more pernicious than all. the obaoxious laws of New Englard and all the free States together. (Applanse.) It i# asentiment that has been infused by poli tical demagegues who have gone theongh the land exeeut ing a commiasion of evil; and if Satan himself had been permitted to come upon earth to scourge mankind, he conld not more sucessfully have accomplished bis mis ston than by going through the eountry and preaching detongoguevin abd sectionaliem on the subject of slave: sy—(epplanse)—and whether he did it a8 a po Vitien! demagegue or a ministerial one Teare very little (Applause.) Teall nove each ministers of the Gospel, call them ministers of depraved and vitiated polition Our Southern brothers will reason with \ with them. No amount of finished and eloq will serve us in this emergeney—no finely period in epeech—no resolutions, however patriotic and well pent i considered, will answer the occasion, N Commission of individuals, however elevated, patriot! and pure of record, will be of the least avail, anless th sonthern people are satiefled that they represent th public sentiment, When the conselentious belief of th South can rest on the sincerity of our resolutions, al dresses and speeches a& representing the pablic mind of the North, and net until then, will come and unity. 1 have little faith in anything excep thet which goes towards creat a pare, patriotic, ttle faith in rn elevated public sentiment, 1 tvs ® meeting in this great commercial city, oF in Anything that it can do forther than a# i# an evi derce of a public sentiment, The South ace sure of the fidelity of the city of New York. (Appliur.) It has been true gt all times; it has never swerved with its reat and mighty patristic majority Bot the South we seen that the vote of the country is overwhelming, and renders the city of New York powerless. 80 far as it ie an evidence of the public sentiment of the State and city it will have if influence. Bot we must go further, and most repeal the obxoxious laws on oor statute book: and the repeal most carry evitence that it ie hot for any mere temporary purpose—that it ia not be: canae our pecuniary intercete have been tonched, bat it Abe in evidence that it a retorning public sense, J thet these who would not eee bave been made to Jeol, apd that returning sense aud reason ary ren) and permanent, The free States must be brow! t sp te the consideration of a great public duty. The Fouth have not us, We cannot say they have ever laid finger pon us. They have not invaced our domain. They have not interfered with avy interests belonging to us aa -ov- tes. But they read in our Bewspapers that es have been run off by am underground rail- roed, and they see it set down in derision that one more Southern individual has been robbed of his more slave, instead of having been the compact of the constitution, has been run olf provinees of Canada, They have determined to bear \hings no longer; and it becomes Northern to termine whether they will permit this state of 9 on, or whether they will make one last grand effort see whether this sentiment can be corrected. You can- not send forth a stream by any natural process that wil rise higher than a fountain, The south know it. The; have no faith in addr sses and resolutions that haye their sources in the feclings of the masses of the people. It is useless to say there is no serious trouble. I be- lieve that South Carolina will secede, so the movement of her Con nm can do it, on the 17th or 18th of this month, and events must transpire shortly after which will Dring all cotton States in association with her, and eventually every State which is aplava Fl Pes? Ee State, and intends to continue such, wil go ak to gether. This is a» certain ax the laws of gravity, ha is a blind man and mad man who cannot see it, All that we can new do to get time to convince the Southern returning sentiment of truth and states; that the honest masses ao — 3 “d pee have misunderstood this irri- ating question, as T believe they have, and uy Consideration will yo back to.” their Pasey as members of this confederacy, and will w ceme back our Southern brethren to the great femily of political, social and moral equals. (Applause) Our constitutional and federal laws, { re= peat, are well enovgh. | Our obnoxious State iaws thould repealed, and in their place a public sentiment should up and borne aloft, as the great law olden times set up the bragen ser- every one who been bitten by will look on it and be healed. (Great applause.) Twill close as IT begun. I did not intend ta wke - in this meeting. I have no particular views bet what I bave often repeated, and my hope is that by this reepcotable meeting a public sentiment may ba drawn out. If it be as just, conservative and bencticial as we believe jt to be, perly so represent it to ’ our ren, and po longer be misunderstood, fully and square in the face, We mast uot pat (oo muclt trust in meetings, in Congress or in le, ; bat if we would rem a kg must gay that however wreng we may have been, hi error we moy have ecnmitted. rm ur con tuct, aud are satished that thern States as wo treated them on the inaugu the government—as pelitical equals. When we have dove that we shall have done our whcle duty, and perhaps this glorious govern- ment may stil! go forward to the fruition Uaat awaits it. (Loud applause.) Hine hercnem said he concurred in the remarks of tha Chai: man upon the constitution of our country, But we should pot think that all was gone because a Preaiieut bad been chosen contrary to our wishes. We had: still Congrées and the Judiciary opposed to him, and he was persvaded that in the ensuing Congress the majority t him would be inereased. The party opposet to blicans came into the contest under cireumstancss at disadvantage. They we is time to organize’and ¢ down any party that should « Fouth fear the republican party will do. (Applanse.) To our fellow citizens, then, at the South we may, we do not want you to place us in a false position, We have given £00,000 votes for the Union and the constitution, and we want you to stand by us in the Union. We can riget this wrong in the Union—only we require time. Give us time and we will show you that it is not true that the majority of the people of the North hate your institutions, (Applause.) The idea that a ity or a section is to give up country, constitution and “nich because they have been beaten in one or two can- vasses—why, it is no the spirit of republica led to our fel- low citizens at the South to stand by the couserv: © of ent, that al oliticniem: ‘ re tive men of the North in this crisis f the sake of the constitation and the Union. true, he said, that the spirit of th» constitution hag violated; but instead of breaking up this govern- ment let us bring the constitution before th» people, and when itis fully understood the South will have fall re- dress under it. (Applause.) The idea of breaking w the Union ovght not to be eutertained. Lot us beavecl our fellow citizens of the South to consider th interests , its Mustrious founders, nd see if we ¢ and keep togsther. And when we have tried and found that we cannot, it will then be time enovgh to think « Tdo not know whether south Carolina is to be rrgia and o y this Union, it is nd the city of Brooklyn. eluded by eayi races, the pec f New York would stant by their brethren hite race, aud he believed ho could say the same of the State, THE RES OLOTIONS, At the conclusion of Mr. Ketchum’s remarks the com- mittee, who had been out in consultation during the de. livery of the foregoing speeches, came in aud reported through their chairman, Gen Dix, an address ant th> following resolutions, which, after consideration, were adopted unanimously. Whereas, the constitution of the United States was to necure equal rights wi lleges to the labor in one State, ed with by the. net of Congreaa ‘such surrender; and whervas, arising out of differences ry, fia acsearle re, Resolved, That the delivery of fugitive slaves to thelr mas- ters is an obligation en, ‘by all good citizens are bound to i cean cf tes oe the execution of the aet of Cr making provision therefor should be prompt repeaied Resolved, That the ea, the Gates Matacere ae cmmon operty of the le thereof; that they are of Tight, and ought to be, open vs the free linmigration of eltt- zens of all the States, with their famil and with whatever Is the aubject of personal owners the laws of tha States frei which they e ; nd slave canpots du rightfully distarbed by federal or the peopie of any such Territory © ten of slavery ip connection b their own: ion, when aro Care wane wv mate. ed, ‘That we pledge ourselves to uphold these prin- the meansin sur power: to east by all precti- efforts a redress of the wrongs of whieh the Southera ly ae and to maintain their equality under constitution, 1a the full enjoyment of all the rignts mad privileges it confers. KResoived, That while we deplore the existing excitement im te to may that there it in Btates, we do not hes just for it. it we earnestly reat our Southern feuuiren y aad \ncousiderate ume may be mo ded for bringin se existing differeners,and that the Union of the Statee—the kouree of ont pooaperity and power—may be preserved and pei petuated by @ restoration of pubic barmoay and mutual con! 7 t How. Millard Pill Hon, @ e. Resolved, That Hon. filers er tn rene a commit: view * his, eaotved, That incase either of the gentlemen named (a the foregoing ree lution be unable to. perform the service for whieh be ie apy od, the Commitee on the Address aod Resolutions be authorized (Ol the vacancy. ‘The following amendment was offered to the second rerolution by Hiram Ketchum, but was rejected :— And that the question of the right* of the people in the Tere thories of the United St fs and ought to be left to the Je4pmcnt of tbe Kupreme Court to whose decision, oa the law Ot the land, all good vtiizens are bound to acqulesee, The following amendment was also propoked by Mr. Comstock, but was rajectod — That inasmuch as differences of opinion eft ta rogard io he cut cent guaranty of those equal rights by the © Astons of tie constitation, all doubt In regard there i to be authoritatively and forever set at rest by aa explanatory amendment (0 the constitution, ‘On motion. it was Resolved, That the address and reao~ lotions, in addition to being published in the daily mews papers, be printed in pamphlet form. Also thet a manuseript copy thereof be prepared and he authorities of South Carolina, with the tine pr blic meeting at an early day be referred to the Com- mittee on Address and Resolutions, with power to take such action in relation thereto and to any other matters pertinent to the proceedings of this meeting a# they may deem expedient ‘The resolution was adopted, and the meeting adjourned, Ob On the 4th of November Rev. Gronar Crory, the weil known writer and preacher, was walking inone of the streets of Londen, not far from his own residence, whem x apoplexy had thus suddenly caused his death. Dr. Croly « cighty years of age, having been born ia Dublin in — of Trinity Oy: rv we native is career in with @ poem in in 81," deoe ng, the art treasures of liteh Napoleon 1. had of Southern ——_. el of the World, an Ai he wrote the trey ot tae’) pride Fhe Gar an un! of King George IV." “Character and Politics,” “Political Lite Cycles of tS hea and Characters cent butte ne to Black wood cdited the bony ae ol Rf enjoyed a wide reputation ax a palpit orator, in Years eeeice a4 "7 = — ween ot ne, Walbrook, Lnden—a Lving presemted to hing by Lord roughasn wved Chanyelir. IV. Z a