The New York Herald Newspaper, October 18, 1860, Page 6

Fay * NEW YORK HERALD. DITOR AND PROPRIFDOR. OFFICE WN. W. CORNKA OF FULTUR anD NABHAL Bits, wy sent by matt seh?! De at tne ot received ax muboor conis porcopy we #1 8 per Tae eee HERA. VOLUNTARY CORR. e304, solictted from any Iv pond anuy Be . Me, 291 AMUSEMENTS THIS KVENING. NIBLO’S GARDEN, Booms at THR SWAN. WINTEE GARDEN, Broadway, opposite Bond sireet.— Guy Maynening—Bovga Diamono. Broadway.--Masxs axp Faces— BOWERY THEATRE. Bowery —Moog tx Oauironmta— Lissaty Kovs ov '76—Pxusxovteo Durcmuas. pe saeee THEATRE, Broadway.—Puarina Worn KE, LAURA KEENE’S THEATRE, No. 624 Broadway — AlLEEN Anoow. NEW BOWRRY THEATAK, Bowery.—Waitace—Asrao- | DEL—Cakkek OF 4 FIREMAN BARNOUM'S AMERICAN MUSEUM, Brosdway o Bvening—Josern axe His BAKTUKEN—LIVING CURIOS Ties, BRYAWTS’ WINSTRET Bonixsere, Sonce, Dance 663 Hrondway.—somas, HALL, SHEET, New Yor, Thursaay, October £5, 1860. from Bremen 34d inst., mo ing, and the t a late hou of the news by been pul paper, letters and Ce xtract. It is Napoleon bh send reinforceme Rome, so as to inc he corps of occupation to | 24,000 men, thus indicating his determination to preserve to the Holy Bee the Eternal City, and those portions of the Pope's dominions i by the Papal and French forces. P i nad made a short stay in Ire- land, vi al of the principal cities and towns. The weather in that country is reported to be quite favorable to a good harvest. From Italy there is not much to add to our for- mer news. King Victor Emanue! was expected at Ancona, Austrian alarm ison the increase. Na val armaments have been ordered to the ports on the Adriatic, and several classes of the Hungacian military force have been ordered into the field. The lights on the Venetian coast have been extin- guished, to prevent Garibaldian agents from mak- ing soundings at night, as they had been doing of late. By the arrival of the steamship Saladin at this pert we have of Kingston, Jamaica, papers to the Oth inst. ever, conta perhaps still oce fternoon, where ts by a bod, wople thronged the of the royal 1, to catch a glimpse Beg ality fix ned upon the indi { John V ner pleaded not gui y was very conside low and other re ation of the Commis. | informed sible for they w any by contract lishing the b ving ommunic atic nouncing the t : get rid of itw way t be to ex rail road agents from Cast Pardy and Lowe we only aggravate the ev referred to the ( namber of emigrants arrive 1.063, which makes the number «ince January 1 261, The conunutation balance isnow #7,770 Beef cattle yesterday were very plenty, and pri were slightly lower, except for strictly pr h were comparatively scarce, and in some wh ealized a slight advance, The range was & fe. a Ojc., and the general selling prices from Tie. @ Sjc. for ordinary to fair, Milch cows were unchanged. Calves were steady at previous rates. Bheep and lambs were very plenty and 2s. a Ss. per head lower, Swine were also in abundaat supply, and jc. fc. lower, sales rasging from 6c. 0 6fc. The total receipts (incinding those at Ber- fret Hil) are 5,711 beef cattle, 128 cows, 617 veals, 15,144 sheep and lambs and 14,302 swine, ‘The reported ccourresce of Killing frost in the cotton | region of the South led to greater Grmmess in priges yeu. | torday, while tome holders withdrew their supplies from market. The etock In this port is becoming retuosd, aud hence sales are leas than would otherwise be the care. ‘The transactions embraced between 2100 9 5,900 bile part bs tranaite, closing firm om the asia of 1140. for witdiing oplands Flour was in more active demand, a ito Improved males, aod the market for al) grades closed with firennees at the fell prices of yeeterday. Wheat was closing frm and at foll prices Corn waa activo and . Pork was in fair comand, mees at $18 814% @ $18 BT}, and a $l4 60. Suvare were Qrm and advance of yo a Ago. Was Rua The ealea reached about 4,000 bbds. and 4,000 wt rater given in another cotumn, Coffee was A of 2.642 bags Kio wus sold, to come bere from Bamptcu Rada, at p t Freigh's were firmer aad uite eotive, Among the engagements were 150,000 raln wud 10,006 bbls, flour to Liverpool, with to Loncon, at rates g!veu in another place. frm, w th Cutale Calaniations Exhausted—New York tv the Rese The heavy majorities rolled up by the repub- Kicans in the late Penrsy!vania, Ohio and In- diana elections settle two important points— first, that all pre existing calculations of @ pos- sible balance of power against Lincoln outside of New York are exbausted; and second, that from the moral prestige of these late elections, nothing but the most generous and eaergetic aw on the part of all the conservative ele mente of New York can avert the revolutionary | contingency of a black republican President | in the place of Mr. Buchanan. | The revolutionary reauita of these late elec- tions, from the Deinware river to the Wabash, | bave creaied a very general surprise on all | sides; but there are abundant causes within tor a satisfactory explanation. The work airly commenced with the democratic re- | peal of the Missouri compromise in 1854, from which we may date the commencement of the procticel disintegration and destruction of the democratic party. Hence, but for the dis- tracting element of Know Nothingism in 1850, the opposition would bave buried the democracy in that campaign. As it was, ihney were cply saved by tbe State pride of Pennsylvania in reference to Mr. Buchanan. But the krowledge acquired in that campaign | by the republicans of the secret of their | strength was not thrown away. On the con- | wary, they have employed it with unflagging industry ever since. This secret of their power | is the slavery agitation. | A powerful auxiliary in 1856 to “bleeding Kansas” had been furnished in the exciting antisiavery romance of “ Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” and these things, with the deplorable pro-sla- | very outrage upon Senator Sumner in the Se- nate chamber, and the political consequences | thereof, broadly suggested to the republicans | their future programme of operations, to wit: a moral, religious and politica! crusade against | the slave system of the South as a diseased ex- crescence upon the body politic which must be taken out by the roots. And so, in resuming their work for 1860, after having fed the anti- slavery prejudices of the North for several years with the sufferings of “ Uncie Tom,” the border ruffianisms of Kansas, the sasault upon Sumner, “the Lecomptcn infamy,” and what not, a more enlarged and systematic distribu- von of political anti-slavery documents was commenced. Conspicuous over all others among these re- publican anti-slavery documents was the in- famous Helper book, as 4 deliberate, statistical and argumentative onslaught upon Southern slavery, representing this institution as the fruitful monster of crime, degradation and de- cay among men, communities and States, with an array of facts, figures and reasonings utter- ly overwhelming to igaorant minds prepared for the poison. This book, under the endorse- ment of a bundred republican leaders, has bcen sown broadcast over the North, to the extent of a quarter million of copies. Next to it, in the matter of circulation, we may enume- rate the last ferocious abolition speeches of Sumner in the Senate, and of Lovejoy and others of the same character in the other branch of Congress. Altogether, we dare toy that a million of dollars would not cover the republican contributions expended in toe distribution of weir autitlavery documents, agents and orators in Pennsylvania and the Western States during the last three years. These labors of sectional hatred and alienation have contributed their full share to these re- | cent republican victories; bat they would have failed had the democracy at Charleston or at Baltimore been guided by wise and honest men, instead of knaves and fools, It is to the | folly and koavefy of the managers -{ the de- moralized democracy at Charleston aad Balti wre, operating to distract, demoralize aud di vide the conservative forces in Pennsylvania, Obio and Indiana, that we must charge the dis- mal results of these late elections. But it is ugb now to know thal those States are lost, aud"that New York must come to the rescue or he country is lost. Taere can be no mis- | taking the drift of a republican administration, it we look to these means and agencies of sec | donal agitation which will bave brought it,into power. It must fulfil its pr ; it must act ws i( bas agitated; it must practise what it has presebed; it must even aggravate the war be- tween the two sections, or its fires of agitation will go out and its party will fall to pieces for the want of political capital. We know, then, that the election of Lincoln will be the signal for sectional discords; for acts of political rebellion and scenes of violence in the Southern States; for widespread politi- cal, financial and commercial derangements, from which New York, the city and the State, will be the first and principal oufferer in business affairs, These things will follow the ive election of Lincoln as surely as the pet bank i} were ‘ollowed by the ter- expansions of 1835-6 rific Onancial revulsions of 18 So greata revolution in our political afairs as that involv- ed in Lincoln's election cannot take place without bringing along its train of political and financial disasters. The hopes of the country against these disasters reat upon New York. And bow is New York to be saved? Only by fighting the enemy with his own wea- pors of orgenization, union and untiring ac tivity. Nothing elee will avail. But where shall we begin’ Where else than in this great citadel of the Union—the city of New York? And the crisis requires the prompt collection of the waye and means for » general and concurrent system of organizations, and speakers and do- cuments, in bebalf of the Union clectoral ticket, in every county, township and election | district throughout the State. We want in every hole and corner @ muster roll of the conservative vote, books for new enlistments, and active recruiting agents to briag them up. ‘The republicanr count their expected majority in thie State from the floating rote; but our floating vote ie against them, though it may be } Jost if not looked after at once, This duty ebould be attended to promptly. No time is to be loet. Our commercial Union men of this city should meet, consult and act without NEW YORK H ERALD, THORSDAY, may eave the State and in the defeat of 1 coin they may save themselves. Orberwise, let them prepare fore political and tinancial revolution and revulsion The Sixty-Nintn (iriem Megiment and the Prince of Wales In another columa we copy from the Me'ro- | politan Kecord, Archbishop Hughes’ orgaa, the reeolutions adopted by the members of the Sixty ninth regiment, refusing to parade, in obedience to the order of General Sandford, on the occasion of the reception of the Prince of Wales. The meauing of these resolutions, di- vested of their surplus verbiage, is that the American government and people are bound to wage war sgkiost all the monarchies of the earth, and assist by money, men and arms all the revolationists of Europe in their attempts to overthrow existing dynasties; that no free- dom cau exist under # monarchy; and, lastly, that, as the government of the great grand- father of the Prince of Wales behaved badly to the Irish people eixty years ago, therefore their Milesian descendants now in this country should not conduct themselves as gentlemen, but insult the descendant of George fl, « young man of nineteen years of age, who bas never done any evil to Lreland or any other country. This is a emsli potato business, unworthy of the well known chivalry of the Irish race. The American people had two wara with George IIL, one of which began in 1776, and lasted for seven years. In that war they suf- fered as much as the Irish ever did at the nands of George IIL. Still later there was another war, which lasted three years, ending forty- five years ayo. In both wars the British mo- barch waa defeated. But the American people have now no feeling against the descendants of those who waged these wars; nor is it for the interest of either nation to be upon unfriendly terms. There ir no longer any cause of quar- rel between them ; and Irish-American citi zevs, who have renounced their allegiance to the British government and sworn allegiance to the American government, have no right to drag their own quarrels, mach less the qnar- rela of their great-grandfathers, into this coun- try for the purpose of embroiling it with a friendly Power. American citizens are too mag- nanimous, and know too well what is becoming to them as gentlemen, to resent upon a Prince who pays them a friendly visit wrongs and in- juries inflicted upon their ancestors by one of his ancestors. Accordingly, wherever the Prince sppeared among them he was received in a friendiy manner. In this city he was greeted with enthusiasm by all classes. It is true that there was a great dea} of bungling in the manner, and the old togies who bad charge of the ball acquitted themselves worse than even the Aldermen in the case of the Japanese ball. But the inten- tion was friendly and good, and everybody con- cors in the compliments paid except the Sixty- ninth regiment, who, worse than the famous judge in hell, described by the Roman poet as punishing the accused fret und afterwards try- ing them, condemn the young man with- out accusation, or even the possibility of his being able to do any wrong. Who can eay that he will not be the best monarch to the Irish that ever sat upon the throne, not- withstanding the bad manners of the Sixty- ninth regiment. Very little, indeed, has the British monarch of modern times in his power. ‘The Parliament is “omnipotent.” But it is time enongh to condemn him for the faults of Par- liament, if not for hiv own, after he comes to the throne. All governments, whether they are monarchi- cal or republican, bave their good and bad | phases, and for many nations a monarchical form of government is better suited than a re- | publican. Judging from the amount of intel} ligence and the temper and manners exhibited | by the Sixty-ninth regiment, a despotism would suit them best. What a precious republic men of their calibre would make in Ireland. A short time ago this regimeat recognized the Queen of England by asking the favor of being allowed to visit their native land as a regiment, with their arow in their hands. They were politely informed that this was contrary to law. Why are they so uncivil now to the son of the Queen from whom they asked this favor? They mean well, we have no doubt, and will vote against Lincoln; but they onght to have obeyed the orders of their General, and we trust that Governar Morgan will take the ne- cessary steps to disband them and send them somewhere to leara good manners, Tae Rea Work or tae Sannata Comwrr- Tee.—We publish in another column a very curious article fram one of the religious pa- pers—the New York Hvangelist—relative to the spiritual conditioa of the murses in the metropo- lis, by which it appears that with all our churches and Sunday schools, Sabbath Commit tees and Sabbatarians, the practical religion of the adult population is at a very low ebb, and the religious education of the children is grossly neglected. It would seem that out of the 900,000 people comprising the population of the metropolis cnly 200 000 attend any form of worship, and, what is of still graver importance, there are rot less than a buadred thousand children ont of bundred and seventy thousand who never attend Sabbath echool. Now we desire to draw the attention of our very pious frieads of the Sabbath Committee to these facts, and to enggest that here is a frait- ful field for the exercise of their real. Three bundred thousand neglected children, who are growing up around us without any knowledge of Christianity, morality or religion, are to be- come the future citizens of this great metropo- lis; many of them, perbaps, will one day be among our lawmakers and otber rulers. If the Sabbath Committee want to make them- eelves really useful, let them take these chil- ren in hand and educate them. They wi'l find it a far more useful employment than interfer- ing with the innocent recreations of the poor laboring clasees on Sunday, or the necessary avocations of the little newsboys. Coxresstoss or tHe Patapenraia Parss.— The Philadelphia newspapers are particularly savage at all times about the comments of the New York prees upon the City of Brotherly Love. If we venture to say that Philadelphia fe dull village, they are irate. If we hint that New York hae outstripped her in com- merce, in enterprise, in wealth, they abuse us. We summon to-day a witness, in the ehape of ao article from a Philadelpbia paper, which makes humble confession that all we ever eald is true; that Philadelphia, as a commercial city, in gone te the dogs, and that this metropolis is active sad salon large, both here wad to arrive,’ delay. If they are zealous and generous they ' outselling and outbuying ber in her own marts. { | ] | | | OCTOBER 18, 1860.—TRIPLE SHEET. The Duty of the Empire State—What We Have to Loos To, New York has a sacred duty to perform in the comivg political contest, and if it were not for the selfish etrifes of the demagogues who bave ueurped the control of the several party organizations, the Empire State would nobly redeem her loyalty to the whole country at the coming election, But taction is doing its utmost to complete the disaster which it began. It was in the bands of the New York delegation at the Charleston Convention to have arrested at any time the spirit of discord there. Subsequently, at Baltimore, it could have healed the split in the democratic party without any sacrifice of honor or power on ita part. Returning home, the Albany Regency gave itself up still farther to the spirit of revenge, and, emarting uader the consciousness of having committed an irretriev- able error, Dean Richmond, Peter Cagger, and the men who act with them, have as- sumed the fallacious defence that local poli- tices are more important than national questions, and the State of New York a bigher consideration than the whole confederation. In their greed for their railroad spoils, their canal contracts and their petty plunder of the county offices, they forget, or assume to forget, that witbout the Union New York ceases to be the Empire State, this city becomes no more a great national metropolis, and the spoils of the rail- roads, the fat contracts on the canals, and all the local plunder, lose that prosperous tide which now flows into them from every section of our pational existence. Impelled by euch petty views, the New York politicians have split up everything in the ehape ot party nominations, so that there is danger that a sectional and fanatical minority will triumph through the division of the great con- vervative majority among the masses. In this state of things the voters of New York must turn their attention to the two great points of the national contest, and save the honor of the Empire State, without reference to the local squabbles of the contending politicians. These two great pointa are the fusion electoral ticket in opposition to Lincoln, and the re turn of ational men as representatives to Congress. The State elections are of nu sort of consequence. In the splitting up of ihe State tickets that naturally results from giving greater consideration te local than to national questions, and the vast amount of cheating ail round that is geing on among the several State Committees and the contending po- litical balls, the united, well organized and well drilled black republicans will probably have everything their own way in local matters out of New York city. The Governorship is fought ‘for merely because it carries the veto power for schemes of public plunder, and thus secures a large share of the spoils. The Lieutenant Governorsbip is contended for because, as President of the State Senate, he nominates committees and secures or defeats the plunder plots. The Canal Commissioner is contested because he has the disposal of profitable con- tracts. We might go through the whole list of State offices and show that plunder is the only principle on which they are divided, and with #0 many candidaies greed must defeat its wor- shippers. It matters not, then, how the people vote on the State offices, for the bargains to deteat the popular will and divide the spoils have been consummated, and all the noise about Kelly and Brady and company is merely Chinese warfare, in which noise takes the place of determined purpose. But if the cliques and corrupt demagogues succeed in so dividing the conservative masses as to permit the black re- publican electoral ticket to win by a plurality, the people can still save the honor of the Em- pire State by supporting national men for Congress. Fifteen true men elected by New York will save the House of Representatives from the danger of a black repnblican minori- ty, and make the election of Lincoln a harm- less event to our national interests. Let every man, therefore, look weil to the vote he caste for the Congressional ticket. If Lincoln should be elected the contest with the abolition theories of the black republican party will rage in the North, not in the Sonth. Below Mason and Dixon's line there will be but one party—the party of conservative self- defeoce. In the North division snd confusion rently solid ranks of the black republicen party. Already are its leaders assuming posi- tions from whence to carry on hostilities against eooh other. The moderate republicans will not follow Seward, Wilson, Sumner and “the Massa- cbusetts school’ of treason and Hartford Con- veation bluelightiem. They are rejecting now the red repubiicanism of Seward and the tocialistio theories of Greeley. Even the advanced leaders of fanaticism, Seward and Greeley, Wilson and William Lloyd Garrison, Suumer and Wendell Phillips, differ radically we to the policy to be pursued when their party comes into power. Look out, then, for the Congressmen; see that the right kind are sent to the House for the first Congress under a black republican President, if he should be elected. Tne Concressionat, Nowmxations—The Con greesional nominaticas for (his city are exciting «good eal of interest just now, in view of the importence of the organization of the next Congress, and we accordingly sent out a num- ber of reporters to collect materials for a sketch of the candidates, which appeared in our co- jumae yesterday. In the haste with which the | sccounts were compiled there was some injus- tice done to the public character and conduct of rome of the nominees, and good deal said | that ougbt not to have been published. We refer especially to the comments upon the pub- lic career of Mr. Mather. Mr. Mather is a skil- ful, intelligent and astute politician, and as | euch has of course provoked much hostility from his political enemies and from rivals in his own party; and all the difficulties he has ever got into have arisen from that source. With regard to Dr. Bradford, also, one of the candi- dates in the Eighth district, his professional porition is unfairly commented apon. He does not go to Congress as physician—to bleed and physic the members; though heaven knows many of them require a good deal of bleeding, and purging too, to purify their political eye teme—but asa representative of the commer- cial interests of his district, and he is by far the fittest candidate in nomination. We trust he will be selected in preference to the others. With reference to Mr. Herrick he was errone- ously etyled the founder of the Sunday press, whereas the Sunday press was in existence long before he wae beard of We bad experi- ence enough of Herrick in the corporation to justify us in provonncing him wholly disquali- fied for a seat in Congress, Aa far as the other Congressional candidates are concerned we bave nothing to say; but we cannot help re- marking: the fact that while the republicans have very wisely put only one candidate in pomination in each district, the democrats have put up two, and sometimes three, a more stupid and enicidal course than which they could not poeibly have pursued. The Aboliuion Programme ror Lincoln's | Administradon—Ballets for All or None— Ballots for Ali or None. Various eurmises have been indulged in as to the real motive which prompted William H. Seward to abandon hie quiet and comfortable home in Auburn, and to undertake a long, te- dious and harassing campaign across the con- tinent, up to the head waters of the Mississippi and through the parched and arid prairies of Kansas. In his various speeches by the way, wide as was the range he gave to his ideas, he was reticent as to the true object which he had in view. He did, to be eure, speak of bis anxiety to make a pilgrimage to Kansas, which he de nominated the Saratoga of freedom, and also of his having an idea that, whereas the State of New York was eafe for Lincoln, there might be some danger that al! the States of the West were not so. But he did not himself appear to expect that those excuses would be accepted as the true explanation of his political tour, and ‘he rather threw them out for the sake of baffling inquiry than with any idea of satisfying public curiosity on the eubject. And yet it was utterly impossible for him to conceal the secret springs of his action. Whether or not the ideas had resolved them- selves into settled and clearly defined princi- ciples in bis own mind, there is no doubt that they existed, and that to their existence should be attributed the fact of his having undertaken the journey and made euch speeches as he did. Every one knows, and be bas never attempted to disguise it, that he is no admirer of the coun- try lawyer of Illinois whom the Republican Convention at Chicago preferred to himself as the standard bearer of the party in this Presi- dential struggle. It is not unnatural that he would regard with disfavor, if not with some degree of contempt, aman who, without any especial merit of his own, wae taken from the subordinate ranks of the party and promoted over his head. It was not, therefore, out of favor to Mr. Lincoln that Mr. Seward left bis Auburn home to undergo tor five weeks the annoyances incident to an extended political canvass; nor was it thai he might have an opportunity of visiting Kansas. He had a twofold object in view, of far higher importance to himself. He wanted, first, to create an enthusiasm for himself in the Western Statee, which would be at the same time sooth- ing to his own self love, 80 deeply mortified by his rejection by the Chicago Convention, and also aid him materially in insuring the Presi- dential nomination in 1864. His second and paramount object was to bind the administra- tion of Mr. Lincoln, in case of the success of the republican party, to the radical anti-sla- very policy of which he is the great apostle and expounder. It is only in the carrying out of this last idea that his enunciations have as- sumed 6 character of the gravest importance; for iv fis generally assumed, and may be taken for granted, that although Wm. H. Seward has, in advance, notified Mr. Lincoin that the State of New York—meaning Seward himself—will ask no office under him, still his will be the leading genius in giving directioa to the policy of Lincoln’s administration. Mr. Seward, there- fore, bas laid down the programme of national affairs for the next four years. it is well that the country should thoroughly understand what that programme is; and the better to enable it to do so, we have collated and present to our readers to day extracts from our special telegraphic reports of his speeches ail the way from Detroit to St. Paul, and back to Cleveland. These extracts contain the very pith and marrow of his political conceptions, end furnish reliable data from which to predi- cate the national policy of the next four years. The burthen of the song which he sang from the shores of the great lakes up to the plateaus on the bead waters of the Mississippi, was the ir- repressible conflict bet ween free labor and slave labor. Occasionally he introduced variations indicating that the conflict was one bet ween the (wo systems of aristocracy and democracy—be- tween rich and pcor—between the great and the bumble—between capital and labor—-between the slavery-tolerating people of the United States and the slavery-hating exiles from Eua- rope. In his first speech at Detroit he announced that the North was not eatisfled, and that the South was not satisfied; that the difficul- es of establishing a satisfactory and sooth- ing policy on the subject of slavery had overtasked our wisest and most eminent slates- men—leaving the inference to be drawn that he thought the time was past for trying satisfactory and soothing processes; that a new and great moral question had arisen in the nation which would be fatal to political parties unless they consented to be immediate- ly renewed and reorganized according to the bumane—another word for the abolition— spirit of the age; that the only existing cause of mutual alienation among the States was slavery, and that at last we had reached a point where it seemed alike impossible to go forward or return. This, we preeume, was but another form of expression for the irrepressible and inevitable conflict. After thus moralizing he fulls back upon declamation, and declares that in our policy on the subject of slavery “we have defied the moral opinions of mankind, over- turned the laws and systems of our fathers and dishonored their memories.” And what is the remedy which he propoees’ One entirely against the interests of the South. It is that slavery—which he declares to be “at all times and everywhere unjust and inhuman in its | very nature”—must be treated henceforth as “only a purely local, temporary and excep- tional institution, confined within the slave States where it already exists.” He has made the discovery that the political power of slavery is at an end, and that its combinations are broken up and can never be renewed with suc- cess. No government, he says, can excuse it- rate the ancient constitutional pollcy—or, in out his (Seward's) pro- much less guarded in his was at Detroit. He ap- more closely to the directness of his Rochester speech. He declared that slavery apd freedom could not coexist; that they were incompatible; that there was an irrepressible conftict between them, and that be would al- ways favor, within the limits of constitutional ection, “the decrease and diminution of African tlavery in all the States.” Inconclusion, he made the startling prediction that “one single | administration will settle the question Snally and forever.” In bis great speech at St. Paul he sang pwans over the triumph of abolitionism, de- claring that “tlavery is to-day, for the first time, not only powerless, but without influence in the American republic;” that Lincoln would inaugurate republican principles into the ad- ministration of the government, and that the conflict would be kept up “until the adversary shall find out that he has been beaten, and eball voluntarily retire from the field.” In bis speech at Atchieon he proclaimed the principle of “builets for all or none; ballots for all or none.” Such a wily demagogue as Seward could not possibly approach any closer to the announcement of the beginning of @ destructive and bloody revolution. Men of New York, ponder over these things, Study for yourselves the inevitable logic of these enunciations of William H. Seward, and prepare yourselves to say whether you are willing, by your votes on the 6th of Novem- ber next, to inaugurate a revolution and war of races, in which the atrocities of St. Dominge may be rehearsed, and of which the watchword of the dominant party would be, “Bullets for all or none; ballots for all or none.” @he New York Reception of the Prince— What they Say About it im the Pre- vinces. We have published this morning a few cheerful extracts from the comments of the ru- ral press upon the Prince’s reception in our city. The newspapers in Boston, Philadelphia and elsewhere in the provinces have been vio- lently exercised in their little minds because there were some blunders made in the minor details of the great and ever memorable recep- tion which the commercial metropolis of the Union gave to the immediate repre- sentatives of the British government. Our pastoral cities are particularly savage about that celebrated assemblege of the fossils called the Prince’s ball; and here they are, for a wonder, right. The circumstance is one of such surprising rarity that we seize with avidi- ty upon this single opportunity to—as our Western brethren would say—acknowledge the corn. Strictly speaking, the ball wasa humbug. A greater humbug even than the Japanese ball, about which the distinguished concern of Boole, Van Tine & Co. were 80 sonndly berated. At the Japanese bail there was a jam—at the Japanese bull there was a ge- neral fight for supper, and severa! spirited hand to hand combats over bits of cold chicken and bottles of champagne-—at the Japanese ball the democratic element was strong in more senses than one. Beyond these refreshing epi- todes the Japanese ball was well enough. There were young men to dance, and young women to do Jarge amounts of the mazy with the young men. So it was a balli—a dear one, no doubt, but nevertheless a ball. Now the Academy affair was etill dearer than the Japa- neee ball, if we reckon the cost of each per copita, and the former wes an utter failure. Wall street tried to do the thing trom its point of view, and so the Prince was surrounded by aa- tique dowagers, venerable matrous and gouty millionaires. Everywhere the vulgar arrogance of the mere moneyed mau and woman predomi- nated, This, however, we hold, was in no way the fault of the great public. The great public was excluded from the ball and from the reli- vious service at Trinity. It was in these places ouly that any snobbisbness was perceptible during the whole of the Prince’s sojourn among us. His reception on the Battery by the Mayor was in the best possible taste; and throughout the whole affair the chief magistrate of the city behaved—as nove of the Wall street mag- nates did—like a gentleman. He received his guest with an air in which dignity snd suavity were blended in exact proportions, entertained him with proper courtesy and liberality, but made no fuss about it, and gave him, without doubt, the best possible impression of our local government. Then the outpouring of the popular heart—(the cheers that arose from half a million of people— the order which reigned in the streets—the erand display of the firemen—the parade of our élite regiments—all these were demonstra- ‘ions which no other city inthe Union could approach, and we have the best authority for eaying they were exceedingly welcome to the royal party. As for the Philadelphia and Boston papers, what they may say of us is not of much conse- quence. Itis the old story of the dog and the moon over again. We may, however, take this opportunity to note the fact that the splendid reception which the Philadelphia papers talk of as having been givento the Prince in that city was just no reception at all. Affrighted vy the recollection of the Japanese reception, the Prince was smuggled from the railway sta- ‘ion to his hotel, which he entered like a thief io the night. The rich men in Philadelphia had sot sufficient pnblic spirit and Liberality to sub- cribe the funds necessary to give a ball, (the thing was attempted, but failed utterly,) and ‘oe “reception”—if an operatic performance can be so called—was entirely in the hands of ‘oe manegers of the Opera company. The sham committee grumbled at the very emall expense of two hundred dollars for the decora- tions of the house, and finally refused, it is said, to pay it So Philadelphia may as well keep quiet about this matter. As for the Bostonians, with Governor Banke§a thorough gentlemaa, and au fait to all the proprieties, to engineer the solid men, they ought to do something very fine. If they do eo, we of New York will be most happy to give them full credit for &. Only let them remember Mr. Webster's favorite couplet:— Ye solid Boston, okie d Rem Sos epee Tux Sovra tx Mottoy.—We give elsewhere to-day the proclamation of Gov. Gist, of South Carolina, convening the Legislature of that State for the purpose of electing Presidential electors on the first Tuesday of November next, Besides this, the proclamation of Gov. Gist containa, also, in the citation of purposes for which the is convened, these signi- ficant words:-—“ And also that they may, if ad- visable, take sction for the safety and protec- tion of the State.” This means provision for the case of « President being elected by « par-