The New York Herald Newspaper, October 18, 1860, Page 2

2 THE SECOND AMEBICAN REVOLUTION. | Seward’s Abolition Programme for Lincoln’s Administration. GEMS FROM HiS ORATIONS IN THE WEST. PHE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT. Failure of a Satisfactory and Soothing Policy on the Siavery Question, and Necessity for an Oppe- site Course of Conduct. The Decrease and Diminution of African Slavery in All the States Besolved Upon, The Question to be Settled in Que Single Administration, An Exterminattog War of Races—Ballets for All or None— Ballots for All or None. Comparative Effects of Slavery and Freedom. DERISIVE TREALMENT OF SECESSION THREATS Rae, Res nee Benator Seward, i 4 recent political pilgrimage to the North nd in the many speeches which be made, commencing with his elaborately prepared one in Detroit, and ending with his extempora- peous one in BullfMlo, appeared anxions to impress wpon all who heard and read them a few le ading fdeas; and hix paramount object undoubtedly was to force Mr. Lincoln into the adoption of these Sdeas, and compe! his administration, iu the évent Of the snccess of the republican patty, to make them eat features of its policy. Although Mr. Seward showed his great superiority over other demagogues and ble freshness whic! mpeeches, and although each ¢ have been reporte eat its appearing to be in the s a repetition of what said before @@ of them dominated eor less the menta which Le desired to instil in the public mind and have incorpors.?d in the policy of the re These were, firet, the new dogma of re of the conflict between labor—between aris- rich and deteriorat- the ¢ jans, in the re and publ e and = free } a labor and racy—between 1m jous and upon f slavery omumunity, as sofa edom. Thyd, the inevit pre ie the introdact tates and Territories, and of ult i ry ere it 1 and absurd chara zard to the perpe nm of Southern St he re more slave ly extingy Fourth, the delusive threats and fears in r the Union or the sece Fifth, the manif forb all conttguous territory on this contineut; and sixth, the transfer of political power from the sea- board and Middle States to the new States of the All through his political haran: sto the head waters of the M slar sippi, these spec alati ons formed the lead Mach + speech ed, little as repetitions h and original as be, he neve tsight of th prom ed them in some on all occasions. So, analyzing the hes of Wm. H. Seward, it is worth while all a hie mind, but ot to make extracts from them, and to enable our readers t tand and « iate thoroughly the new p -y is to b forced if ol n party are to have tbe control of the ext four years. And first as to THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT. Oar reade 1 to be reminded that this dogma of W 4 was first enunei ated at Rochest summer of 1859. Since then igin of the phrase has been variously gecribed to the black republican candidate for President, to a political newspaper of Richmond, and bak rs andlaw givers of antiquity. Bat whether to Mr. Seward does or does not be- " Jong the paternity of the plirase, he certainly is the @reat apostle of the idea embodied in it. Read bow, in bie roit speech, delivered on the 4th of Beptember, he describes the existence of this con- ict in various parts of the confederacy:— jh is not eatiefed [ts marees want @ trade, avd an ¢ The South , e not Te masses, by whatever m: and at whatever cost, desire the establishment Protec Mon of tlavery ia the Territories, #0 none of States may fail to Decome slave States. Fast is discontented wi febery, manufacture and navigation; and the West is Ympationt onder the operation of a national policy hostile to {i#_ agricalteral, minicg and sosial Gevelopements. What government in the world but oara has persistentiy refused to improve rivers, construct har Dore and establish lighthouses for the protection of ite commerce New and anomalous combinations of citizens appear; in the North, jartify ing od instigators of civil and servile war; in the Soath, & means for the dis ruption and dismemberment of the Ceton. It is manifest that we are euiering i the respect ani confidence of fo- reign States, and that disorder sud confusion are more ant ameug ourvelves now than ever before. * * © bave undersiood that Joba Quiccy Adama, the purest und wieert statesman | ever knew, died despairing of s peace/ul solation of the problem of slavery, ou which he was fo intently engaged throughout bis public service. If we may Jadge from the absolute failares of Mr. Van Boren, Mr. Polk, Mr. Pierce and Mr. Buchanan, in the re- iT have mentioned, and if we take into consideration the eyrtems which Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Benton, Mr. Ony And Mr, Websler sewers 'y recommended, and which Rave rabsequently failed to be adopted, we may porbape Gonciude that the difmuliiea of retalishing @ satiafartory end sching polity Aave overtaled even our witest and frost eminent Katemen. They certainly have been neither Hmoapabie bor selfish men. No age or eouniry bat boon y public characters of greater genius, wis- om and vi ° . ° si These views of the char fare by Do means newly con ra of modern parties edou my part. Io thet and extensively excitiug cebate in Congress, in the | 1850, which, overruling the administration of Gen. Byer mbt the two then dominating parties ato « Compromise at the time solema!y pronounced final, irre- youabie and cterna), bul whiea was nevertheless scat tered to the wiade of heaven only four years afterward, ‘the creat #latesman of Kentucky denowncet party spirit ae be ners it to be raging throughout the country, as ant with the immirent and intolerable dieastere of e ar and nat! dissolution, 1 ventared thea to repty that, in my bambie judgment, twas net @ contct of partis tha! we tien were hearing and tering, but if wu. om Oe 0 rary, the agony of distracted parti, a conculion @ frm the tec! marrow foundations 2 both of the great parta, ond of all the parties of the day—founda'sont (hat Nad teen laid im compromises of natural justice ant amon righte—that @ neo and great question, a moral Lerrien, Zenecending ‘he too narrow of existing par had artten—that the public conscience was exp inding with ii, and the green wi'het of gary Combinations were gerne weay ond breaking under the preswure—that it was fet the Rion that wae decaying and dying, at was sp- good, of the fever of party spire, but tha! the two great Parties were smition wilh (he prralyris, fatal tndend to then tales Oey should consent to bn tmmediaiely renewed and Peorgan ized, borrowing needful elements of heal'h and rigor From a cordiai embrace with the humane sptrti of the on Tracing the slavery question down from the petad year 1520, The time bad come to organtre government fas)\y the newly acquired Territory of Loai#ana, on prin that should be appliet thereafter in al! caw ofc eapansion. Mis necessity brought into glaring | , namely, vince he only eristing lion among the Sates wer Avery cardully circumscribed by the ordinance of 1 eromalous institution must nolo be further aroun maled tn De Lowiriantan purchase. Dumanc impalie naturally moved (he country, manely, he Sreedom of humam labor Pot fiatermen qralified for tbe criei# ap. peared, 20 party #004 forth lo eenpert f which was publi- | wealth | NEW YORF, HERALD, THURSDAY, OCTOBER 18, 1850.-TRIPLE SHET. a ne UUE IIIS Sinn Enna 1 starey, and the country, after « temporary glow of f we rte ett’ suveidea iets cold. indifierence, and con promime was made whied divided domain between (res labor and freedom and slavery, # memoral | after a trial of only thirty four years, proved wo | wwe only in ite w slavery, Maile ‘4g | oarante:s of (reedom were found unay ailing and worth. free tistc ry says that the compromle ¢ of 18° was neces- sary to saye the Union from disruptin. Ido not history, por debate the settied @ oral questions of thi past, Ionly lament that it was ‘occessary, if indeed it | was eo History tells us that Ose course then adopted wus wise. | do not controvert it. I only mourn the occar- rence of even one cage, meet rertainly the only one that ever di happen, in which the way of wisdom bas falled to be etvo the wey of »leaan'ness and the of It was in 182, th @, that the national deviation begen. We bayo Course then 80 tpconsuseraisty entered, until hare reached & pownt where, amid confusion, meet and mesual recriminations, t sens alike i - Be o geforwaré or oun We have added ferritory ‘after Territory and roy son after regiov, with the customa- Ty boldness of feebly reewsted coujurrars, not merely neglecting to keep slavery ous of our new posseasions, but aotwally removing ail the barriers against it woioh we found standing at the ‘times of conquest. his we have defied the moral opinions urned the laws and systems of our fathers, and dishonor ed ther memories by declaring that the unequalled and glorrous constitution which they gave us carries with it, Gs ut atiends our eagles, not freedom and personal rijhis 0 che oppressed, but slavery and a hateful and baleful com merce im slaves, wherever we win a conquest by sea or land over the whole habitable globe. ‘ . . ree we in slaves, D 26, ‘compromine , whieh, be effoot- i il ention to say that agreat onght to recontider @ practice of forty years’ daration; but forty yeure of a nation’s life are equivaient to only one year ip the life of an individual. The thought i at jeast copsistent with political philosophy, for 1t @ not more true that wiepce in error } ads inevitably every uation exisis by obedience moral laws which direct iud:vidual hife, that i ite original constitatioa, and it must pually conform itself according to the spirit of tnose My bomble a¢vive, then, fellow-citi n and re establish the original policy of the nation, and henceforth hold, as we did in the begin- pipg it niavery is ondjmut be only @ purely jecal,vem. porary and exer \tiona) institution, confaed withia the flavo Siates Where it already extela, while freedom is ihe general, uor wal, euduring aad permanent condition of society withio the jurisdiction aud under ihe authority of the constitution of the United Sta‘es. I counsel thus for atimple reason incapable of illumination, Slavery, however it may be atany time or in any piace excused, is At Gil times aud everywhere uojust and inbumen ju its very nature; while freedom, however it may be at any time or tp aby place neglected, deniet, or abused, is ia ite ature right, jast and beneficent. It can never under aay circumstances be wise to persevere voluntarily in ex tending or fortifyiug ao institution that is intrinsically wrong or cruel. . * * * . . 5 7 Certainly, therefore, we have no need and no room for African slaves in the federal Perritories. Do you say that We Want more Bugar And More ovtton ind therefore mutt have more slaves and more elave lab / Lanewer, first, that no clase or race of men have @ rigts to demand sugar, cotton or any other comfort of haman life to be wrung for them, through the action of the federal government, from the ubrewarded ad counpuleory labor of avy other class or race of men. I aoewer, recondly, that we have sugar aud cotton encogh already for domestic consumption, and @ surplas of the latter for expor ation, without auy ingrease of slave territory. Do you say that Europe waots more sugar aud cotton than we can Low supply? I reply, let, then, &u- rope send her free laborers hither or tuto Ita!y,or tuto the West Jndics, of into the Fast; or tf it suit taem bet- ter, let them eogage the natives of cotton growing re gions in the Old World, to produce cotton and ugar yolan. iarily end for adequate compensation, Such ® course, instead of fortilying nd eularging the sway of aavery here, will leave'us free to favor tts geadual removal it Will renew or wwtroduce ctvilization oa the shores of the Mediterranean and ihrowgbout the cousts of the Iodisa Ocean, Christianity, more fully developed and better pnderstood now (han heretofore, turns wih disgust aud | are entrenched and established so strong principles, States of America, and ses how Slates ine tederal union , oF ry ciples of democraay. that ea of Northwest and allthe time, to the. ‘this republic the m and Laie, AD aristocracy te government and the many waprivi+ perieent own the laads ged work them, or in which the few privileged own the labor and the laborers work for them. Hbre, then, is the great problem: Is4bere bay apes ‘that in the United States the citizen will not be owner of the land which be cultivates? Disguise these iasues now before the poo- ple as they may be disguised by the democratic party, S4ill it is perfectly true that if the resistance of this peo- ple to rlavery were now to cease, the African siawe trade would be renewed, the le, tired with a hopeless re- sistance, Would become indifferent, and once more Afri- can slavery would become the disgraceful trade of the American ileg. The Southern States choose slavery in- Btead of freedom, and they have to drag out for yeare— yet not long, not so Jong ag some of you will live, but still Bo long that they will bea drag and a weight on your movemgnie ipetead of lending you aggistance—they bave got to Arag to the end their systom of slave iabor. At Dubuque he declared that The national policy on the subject of labor had been for the lest forty years erroneocs, faiso and tending to ruin, end that it must be reversed, Our potters said he, 's the reverse of that. It is to ciroumsoribe slavery and to for- ‘and extend freedom. (Appiause.) 0, what pleasure shall I bave in telling the people of Kansas that, while falee or timid, they rescued the stancard of freedom, expelled the intruding alaveholder, and established the freecoa of man on the pisins of Kao- ean. The question to day is the eternal question between the few privileged and the .many i ‘ween aruiocracy and democracy. lt is the samo ques- tion that is to-day upheerieg: Eonar ‘gad lifting the throne of the Austrian Kaiver from its the samo question that bas expelied the tyrant of Napies from Sici- ly and driven bim to seek refuge in the fortress of Gaeta 1. is not only an elernal question, but @ universal question; and the foreigner knows that it is but another form of the ‘ irreprisaible conflict” that crushed him out an exile from his native land. * * * You may on violating the sanctions of justice and the impulses of humanity, bat at Jagt vature userringly vindicates the right and punisbes the wrong; apd wren she docs come with ber punist- ment abe comes in terror, revolation, anarchy aad chace, In a very curt speech which he made at Min- neapolis to anextempore gathering, he denomi- nated the present political condition of the coun- try a8 a revolution, and said:— That forty years ago there appeared a necessity for the great political revolution that was now going on. He bad bud bo doubt of Ite ultimate suocess, because he believed (bat that success was an imperative peceesity. He bad, therefore, never saffered aimeelf to be discouraged, even in the darkest momente, because be knew that a reaction as certain and ivevitable in the flood’ and ebde jitical opioion ag it was in the Goods and ebbs of the Miseieeippt. The cause of truth and of virtue was ever acvancing—ever going forward; aud if, guid he, tam able to read anything of the signs of the times, that revoluiion is now on the very eve of @ suceestful consummation JIn his great speech at St. Paul on the 18th of September, Mr.Seward represents the Ruler of the universe as taking part in this irrepressible con- flict, on the side of the abolitionists, and says:— Certainly, since we can lay so little claim to having produces ihese results by our own work, or wisdom, oF virtue, what could it have been but that overruling power which, by ite higher law, controls even th perverse wills of men, and which means tbat this ehal! be hence forth end forever, as it was eetabiisted in the — a land, not of slavery, buta land of freedom. (| . Fetiow citizen, einer ip one way or the other, whether you agree with me ja atiributing it to the interposition of Divine Providence er not, tnig battle fas been fought, thie victory has ben wob. Slavery today is, for the Grst jime, not only powerices, but without influence in the American republic. The serried ranks of party after party, which rallied under it to sustain and suppor it, rom the employment cf force acd piracy as a era tle eveatooa and plaasible polttoa ~ ik ‘tle evagions and plassibie political thence oie have hetev.zore been brought foto the argnment for an extension of sl@very have at last beea found fallac: and frivolous. It ig upavaling now to say that th'e government was made by and for white men only, siace even slaves owed allegiance W Great Britain before the Revolation equally | with white men, ®hd were equally sbacived from it by | the Revolution, and are not only held 4 vader oor Iams, but are also subjected to taxation and | actual representation in every department of the federal | government. No government can excuse itself | duty of protecting the extreme rights of eve: | bettg, whether fureign or native born, bood or free, whom it compulsorily bolds withia its jurlastetion The great | fact 1 bow fully realized that the Africac racg hore is a foreign and feeble element, "ke the Indians, incapable of | assimilation, but not the lees, therefore, entitied to auch | gaze aud protection aa the weak everywhere may re quire from “the strong; that it is @ pitiful exotic | unwieely god unnecessarily transplanted into our dela, | | apd which it unprofitable to cultivate at the comt of | the desolation of the native vipeyard. Nor will the arga- ment that the party of slavery is national, and that of freedom vcctiona!, apy longer avail when 't i fally ander- ftood that, eo far as it ie founded in trath, it is only @ | reenlt of that pervereion of the constitution which has attempted to cireumscribe freedom, aud to make slavery upivereal throughout the republic. Equally do the | reproaches, invectives aud eatires of the advocates of | slavery extension fail,e:mce it fe seen and felt that trath, | reston and humantty can work right on without facati- crm, abd bear contamely without retaliation. | covasel this course farther, because the combinations of slavery are broken up, and can nerer be renewed with suncesr Any new combination must be based oa the principle of | the Sputhern democratic faction, that slavery is iabereat ly juet aud benefcentgand ought to be protected, which can no lopger be tolerated in the Nortn; or eee on the principle of the Northern democratic faction that flavery te indifferent and unworthy of fevers! protection | which is ineufficteient in the South, while the nat! mind hae actue ly pasted tar beyond buih of these prin | cipler, and is settled tn the conviction that slavery, wherever and howsoever tt exists, cxuels only Wo be regretied and deplored Loounee! this courre farther, because the necessity for Aretura to the old national way hay become at last abeolime aud imperative can extend slavery into new ‘Territories, and create new slave States, only by re- opening the african slave trade—a ing which, by destroying all the existing values of the slaves now held | tm the country and their increage, would bring the Norta | and the South into complete unanimity in favor of that return. Funally, 1 coungel that return because a staiesman has been designated who possesses, in an eminent and most tatiatectory degree, the virtuce and the necestary for the leader tn #0 great and @ ment; and I foe! well assured that Abraham Lincoln will not fail to reinaagy constitutional policy in the admin iatrati ramen’ sucressfully be cause the republican party, after ample experience, has i last acquired the courage and the constancy aecessary t)sastain him, and because ! am satisiied that the peopie, At last fully convinced of the wisdom and neccesity of the prop sed reformation, are prepared to sustain and give it effect. | _ In Lansing, the capital of the State of Michigan, | Mr. Seward addressed an immense assemblage on the 6th of September, and in the course of his | speech thus illustrated the same general idea: Slavery and freedom cannot exist in the same State; they are incompatible; there ts an “irrepressible con: | Set’ betwees them. (Lavgbter.) latroduce wery and you expe! freedom, introduce freedem, aal slavery will sooner or later die It has been always my policy to take care tbat every new State should be a free State, avd I will favor af long at T ean, withia the limite of Comatitotiopal section, tae decrease and diminution of African slavery in all the States. (Appianse.) That is the whow question, If I am wrong, then { am egre- giourly wrong you may abandon me and my alterna. tives. if 1 am wrong in pronouncing slavery iaexpe- dient, you willof course accept it. When dd you ever or eee of & State peopled exclusively by freemen Y danger at home or arond? Is there a slave State, or a State that ever was re on the contigent of America, and which still going with » few pikes aod spikes and epears, alarm and terr.[y the oldest aod proudest, and once ibe greatest and jeading State in the federal Union, with the panic of in. sarrection and civil war. It comes back to yo. in every State Kentucky expels the free maa woo defends (ree dom within ber limita, abd Teonessee subjects to the stake and forgot the slave who aspires to freedom, not from feclitgs of crucity, but from alarm for the safety of the State And what do we hear from Texas now, but that tbat pew State, etl) newer than Mich'gan, bat baving, as fhe thought, tenfold the elements of wealth and Firength and preeperity, is convuited with panic Deeuse of slavery bel Trenghh jnbo debate among @ portion of ber cvtizent/ it you will ase me, what bare you to do with this? why interfere in that subject? why not adopt the opposite policy of non-intervention, aod jet these who like slavery bave it, and those who like freedom hive freedom’ 1 wil answer yoo very simply. You meiotats now « standing = { gout Often thousand men, ao! a standing navy whic! * very large, thoagh not very eficieot. Cas any man | (ol me what we maintain them for? Do we main’ them to keep peace in the #tate of Michigao, or New York, or Massechuretts? Do we maintain ag army aod navy to Keep out civil war among ourselves in the free States? | Notatail Do we maintain this army and nary to defend | U8 sgainst foreign States’ There is not a nation on the | face of the earth that dare atteck any one of these free States if they were ail separated and disunited from the Coon, Not ome. (Applacee.) There if no each thing, | then, a8 danger, and yet we are keep ogan army and mary for what! fh order that elavos may not essap? from tho | Flave States unto the (ree, and that freed or cmancipated | Degroes to the freo Stake may not enter and latrotace | Civil war into the slave States, and because that, if we | provoke a foreign onemy, the Southern fromtier t# exposed to Invasion from Eogland, France and Spain. Tunt ia the whole object of our army'and nary vel eot, thea, a Tight to say that I would rainer have go army aod no | navy! That I would rather not wriog from tho freemen of | the United Stater money to sustain the army aad navy, | which ia their very Infeecor corrupt pudlic virtae? Cer | tainly; that a my duty as a patriot . . . | You, thea, come to the great question of the irren-ess bie | condict between and slavery. Thos who think that @ nation cam be wite and proparous and lapoy that retn.oe slates will bare another opportunity at we next | d Presidential election to teoure the machivery by «hic ean be dope, On the other baud, ai! of us who 4 tm Unie great civic contest, on which the o rid are met, will then find thy care that wedo pot #u'Te: erences among Acmir wtration wil! settle this question Guaily acd forever. his speech at Madison, Wis, Mr. Seward ow the tendency of Baropean govern ments Was to reduce the arieto oe and to fall A opon de ratic principles. He said:— © if lb tbe Old World, when governments and empires i or muy other cause to divide us, aod one single | | faaded to bea Christian, the American are broken and dirsolved under the preasare of the marck—the great and powerful march—-of the Americaa ple, determined to reetore freedom to its original and fae position in the government, For the firet time in the history of the Uuited States, no man in a free State can be bi to vote for slavery. The gover tof the United States bas not the rower to mers =oad @ or & zeduction by which to make torupport slavery. (Applause ) Thie battle is fougbt, aud this victory is won, provided Uhat you stand determined to maintain the great repub- licap party, uoder Sis great apd giorious leader, Abrahams Liveoin, ih inaugurating {ts principles into the adwiuit tration of the government, and provided you stand by bum tp his adrupistration, if it shall be, as I trast it a wise Cod justaad good one, uatil the adversary Gnd Out that be has been beaten aud ehall voluntarily retire from the Geld. (Applause. A voice—* We'll do i=") Uniess you do that, there ts stili danger that all that has been gained may be loet, In a speech which he made to the Wide Awakes of Leavenworth be thus illustrates the contest which took place in Kansas:— Freecom ip the Territories of the United States is to all the rest of ue yOUr mistortone that your ory, the thos ire of a conflict, the theatre of the trial of that “irrepres- sible conflict egbter and cheers)—a conflict of miu@ tb mind, voice with voice, vote with vote, of bullet 4ainet bullet, spd of capnon against caanon (Loud aud Vemuituous’ cheering) You bave aquired the edacation of freecom by practical experience. You have the start of all the otber States. If there ts a poopie in any part of the world J ought to cher'sh with enduring reapect, with the warmes: gratitade apd with the deepest i, ateuredly it 18 the people of Kansas; for, bat practical trial they have given to the aysten adopted, but for ine vindicdtion at so much much cost of their highest rights under the one would have gone to my grave a disappoint- —a falae teacher in the estimarion of the American pec (Applawe) Yours ie the thirty.Gret of thirty. four States of the Union which I have vished for the par of Knowing their soil, tt their people. } bave visited, i the course of my lifetine, more Ubree fonrtbs of the civilized nations of the world; and of ‘ali the States and pations which | have seen, that people which | hoid to be the wisest, the worthiest and the beet, @ the people of this little State. (Appianse ) The reagou of it if the old proverb, that ‘Handsome is that handsome does.” lf other nations have higher education, greater refinement, and have cultivated the virtues and retno mente of civilised life more than you have, I have yet to fee the nation or the people that bas been able, in iu Very inception, in \is tofancy, in is very organization, to meet the shock of the aristocratic system which otber nations have been injured or ruine!, to repel all at tacks, and to come out before the world tn the attivade of & people who will not, under any form of 8 thew 4 duction or intimidation, cocsent, any one pe slave, any one to make a riave, any of slave, or any foot of their territory be a ole or by'a map who ie not equal to every man ta eye of the (Applause ) , : Tne following extract is from his speech Atchison on the 28th of September: — This land should not only be a land of freedom—a of knowledge and religion, but it should be, above ali, sland which, a# yet, cennot be said wita trath part of Eorope or any other part of the world, of civil Liberty; P~ Py} of liberty by’ adopting the bever jet obtained in Barope, aud which is only Stained by jearuing it from ourselves—that is, <8 oat cvery human being being necrwariiy born the tubject of a government ts @ member of the State, and hata natural Tight to be @ member of the Stale, aad that ¢ language of the Declaratian of ladependeace, all moe are bora equal and bave inalienable rights to life, liberty and tae parsalt of pum a Some of the Siates were pier oa this principle. They were establisbed a long time ago, and under c.recmatapces which prevented the afoptiva of thie principle. Fur those States, membere our Union who bave beea unable or even unwilling to adopt this principle, | bave only to say that I leave whem free to enjoy whatever of happiness, aod to attaia whatever of pr ity, they can enjoy and attaia with their sys- tem. Bet when Tams called spon. vo epnal govern 1 for a pew State, then I demand the application of the of the Declaration of last resort to defend himself and his liberty, The other 4# that which pute into bis band the bailot, and telle him ip every exigeocy to defend bw rights with the ballot. Ido main that in founding a now State, we have the perfect liberiy as well as the perfect to eetadl ah government which shall secure every maa in bis righte; or rather, I do say that you mast put ‘nto every man's hand—not into the bands of a few—the ballot, or pat into ev: man's band, aad not into the hands of a iow, the , So that every man shall be equal before the Jaw in bie power ae a citizen. All men thal! have the ballot, or none; al! mea shall have the bullet, or none. (Appiause.) Tn that speech from the balcony of Barnam’s Hotel, in St. Louis, in which he upbraided Missoa. rians for tolerating any laws that restrict freedom of «speech and of the press, he made this declara- tion: — Whatever jis in power to doto bring into euacess- ful and practicn! operation the great principle that this government #@ ® government for free men and not for flavers or slaveboiders, and th home of the exile from every iand, In his speech from the balcony of the Tremont House, in Chicago, he said:— 7 Neither you nor! bave any power to dieturd those of fellow citizene in the Foutbern States who maintala ery, apa having no po we bave 1 reeponstdiligy. ‘ented po. fear that rig, and ust! 4 will pot prevail {n thie word, e¢em thou, ibe feild where battise for it are to be fought or where ie Stroctions for it are to De given. Phere Aave been ete of the thirteen Mave States of the oi redeemed by citicene of those Stales themselves without interference or tervention from atroad — All the others tha! remain may be uences of Christianity, to say nothing of poltey, to deliver themselves from the curse from which we have teen saved. Now totervemtion ja the States by freemen is but baif of the motto of the repab! ican p Non intervention by sievrhoiders in the Terr.tories of United States is the residoe (Cheers. Mr. Sewar: ast important ivered at ago on 2 d to the dis iy ‘ery question. ke the following extracts foal our tele- graphic report— He dealwred there was ne enlightened amd honest man who Ww furrender prog m of Rit woah 10 chat (he eet Sawry, and to ome land acourtet With it inio @ land of equal and iderty. Like that Roman. or whom St Paal bad simest per people were al mot perruaded te be republican: but the national roase and judgment bad been perverted The eect of toiorat ng einvery bad been to proxtoce a ny penne eee” and thet weet war the fun of wees ne tn . tives of the people, The people would baye to select reliable as Owen Lovejoy, yet on the first claogor of the slavery drum ey ‘would waver. aud. faiter— would sufier themselves to be demoralized, would then re- turm to demoralize the povple. Tbe cy put to use, Paid be, to retain slavery, is the fear and civil war, The slavebolders bave My Ato) ‘trath fully, and rightfully assumed that slaves the natural enemies of thelr masters, and of course that slaves are insidious enemies of any State that requires them to be heid in ‘bondage; and therefore {i is the settled policy in slave States to suppress freedom of speech #0 far as liberty may need udvocates, while it extends the pee license of dedate to those who advocate the tntefests of slavery. The pecemary cousequence is that there ig no slave State in which. @ ballot is open for freedom, or where a free man is allowed in safety to cast suc. a baliot. If only one side is allo ved to vote in a State it is very easy to sce that that side must prevail. Ali the giave States appear thus to be in favor of slavery, and then they tell you that republicanism is sectional After the jo of the Kausas-Nebraske bill ia 1854, there was but one man left that did not That man, io bis zeal t make big prediction just, was be- trayed 80 far by his belief that he became ultimately a monomaniac and suffered upon the galiows. ,That mai was Jobp Brown. (Cheers.) The tires and only time that ever saw him was when he called upon me after the abrogatirn of Migsouri coupromise. He asked me what I thought of the fatare? I I was saddened aud deeponding; tbat I would orthis country. J saw that @ republic of haman freedom, conservative of the rights of human pature, was the cause of the whole world. (A Votce-‘Amen. ’’) I saw emigration pouring from the East erp States and fro: into the Territories, and | ve when on the bumble, not on the great.’” confess thet it was so. I anid, ‘ trust, not in my coumtrymen, but ia the exile from fo- reign lands. He has never learned to accustom himecif to slavery by habit, and he will save and retain these Territories.”” bd e bd ~ No man ever rejoiced more over the birth of the firet born than I rejoiced when I saw the folly, the mad nets, of the repeal of the Missouri compromise, aud of the rejection of Kansas. I raised a song of joy like the song of Miriam when I announced that henceforth the battle was ended. Fg The battle is ended, and ictory won. ‘by, then, are we asked not to with- draw from the Geic? For the simple reason that if tae victors retire the vanquished will come back, and the battle will pot be won. (Cheers and laughter.) The republican will complete the resolution It clearly perceives it Daaly it needful forces. It bas force in all the free States, aud force, in reserve at least, in every slave State, It bas the right line an Cy—a policy Of peace and mora! suasion—e wiley ar gumen\—a policy, pot of force, but of reason. lt leaves Ube subject of slavery in the slave States to the sare aad responsibility of the slave States alone, abiding by tbe conatitation of the country, which inakes the slave States, on that sulject, sovereign. 1 kaow that the re- publican party will succeed, because it is @ positive aod an active perty. it is the only party tm the sonatry that 18 or cau be positive in its action. Abraham Lincoln re resemis & party which is resolved that no more slaves shall in| om Africa, or carrial from any slave State to the common soil of the United States,” (Cheers) {* * * There ie a time when uations — the settlement of subjects of contection, The time slaveholding States and free States this quarrel. r repressed. We are not tobe forever disputing upon old controversies. New subjects of political action will come up. This contest must be pulan end t. There is only one ee ee party (Cheers ) The fact that it ig necessary Ww be dove is the reason why & will be done. J! canmot be settled otherwise, because i involses a question of justice, of conscience. It is for us, nota question of polity, but @ question of moral right and duty. In our judgment st it wrong to perpetuate by owr votes oF by our sanction, or to eatend slavery — There fore we shall maintain the issue to the last It cannot be a matter of conscience for @ slaveboider to extend slavery. It is only ® question of ap hraceg Men, of what- ever race or are in our men’ Aconrding fo our faith Ovy all have @ natura, to be men; bat in the eefimation of the other party Al slaves are not. men, bus merchandise. It is uh them, therefore, no ‘thing more, nothing Jees, thaa a tariff queation, a ques- tion of protecting commerce ia slaves. us it is @ ques tionof human rights. Therefore, when i is setiled in favor So much for Mr. Seward’s views on the doctrine of the irrepressible conflict. ‘We might muitiply extracts from his speeches presenting the same views; but we have given enough to carry convic- tion to every mind that the object which Mr. Sew- ard has prescribed to himself to accomplish, and which he will prescribe as a rule of action to the administration of Mr. Lincoln, should the republi- can ticket baie 0d is not only the complete exclu- sion of slavery from every foot of the national ter- ritory, but its ultimate extinction in the States where it at present exists. In the language of his Chicago speech, it is a question of human rights— @ question of justice, of conscience, of moral right and duty, and ‘‘we (the republican party) shall maintain the issue to the last.” RELATIVE E¥FECTS OF FREEDOM AND SLAVERY. The second idea which Mr. Seward gave promi- nence to in his crusading mission was that the in- fluence of slavery is pernicious and injurious to the well being of the State in which it exists. He pressed this on various occasions, but we wiil con- tent ourselves with presenting a few extracts under this head. In his Detroit speech he said:— emulation and lence ength aad power. Ignorance, indo- of individuals are always sources of i} nations io their turas Inthe report of his speech at Dubnqne we find the fullowing:— or the commerce and the feebiest Power of Europe would only have to ap- ply the torch of insurrection and civil bb Le ae | Vo emancipate our slaves, and then we bave, in seif-defence, to form a federal uation with Canada. me following extracts are from his St. Paul eech:— be "now, fellow citizens, we see all around us the re- fulta of that wise policy. Hot tell you what Stater they were. They were the Southern States of the Union. The siz Southora raid —‘ Although the constitation has trade and invited immigration, and adopted the makiog ail the men of the States (ree and oq Will adhere to the system of slavery.” Well, result? You see it in the cities of Boston New Philecelphia You see it in the wheat fields York, of Ohio, of Indiana, of IiMnois, of Wisconsin. fe) tt in the flocks of sbeep in Vermont and sbire. You see it in the cattle that multi; thousand hilie. a i Ee Se Py Sstees 3 4 l i i 5 z infill Fees is Fy E i ~ .) F i i i i i 8 & : Z z s ; z i E i i H 5: i i a 4 = . 5 ; 248933 z : ils. 1 E if ie ae 3 k g2 r i 3335 ; gE 8 ij in > i i : z 2 l ai; it in 5 = E 4 fi H. i tHE * 3 Hy 3 & itm, 33 es He g hl sé i H SE i 5 4 2: es bet = Pr Hi Et 2 i $38 SsF2 ge 23 Fu ie He sf ‘3 a es iE i i i i Fy ? 5: g 7 i é & ae le hE A i; z fi fi #3 i hs 28 Ft might | be as everything and that ery should be invested with all pees, Woy. they have arrested th» march of emanct pation at the line of Peonsylvaaia, and have left the an- Gient slavery still existing in Delaware, Maryland, Vir- North Carolins, South Carolina sud Georgia; and ‘ave added to them some five or six slave States 10 the southweetern aagle of the Ohio and Missiasippl. hat js ail that they bave done. And, on the other hand, this vital principle of the republic, this principle of om and equalty, what has it dooe? It bas abolished slavery In seven of the original States, and has produced new and etropg, and most vigorous and virtuous States | all along the shores of the great lakes and acrogs to the valley of the Mississippi, and it bas established freedom beyond the power of being overthrown on the coasts of the Paciie Ocean, The following is from his spesch in St. Joseph, jouri:— ‘The democratic prinotple that every man ought to be the owner of the soil play cultivates, and the owner of the limbs and the head that be applivs in that culture, bas been ad rough. alread: of the Union, to it is bound Sfteen, It is bound to go throug! States of the Union, for the simple reagoa that it is through the world. In his Lawrence ch he said, speaking of the admission of Mimouti to a slave State:— . ‘The federal govercment secured the slave capital of slaveholders in Miseourt. hig pe! and triumphed, acd frecdom went mourning. country rose and said, with one accord, “ ‘tis welldone. Down with freedom, so ‘as you ouly eave negro capital”? Now, have pped to itquire what capital Missouri had ‘at that time? Missouri bad then 10,222 Africans in boud- e, According t my recoliection—for I was borna tlaveholder, aud have some idea of this thing—they were then wortb $360 a bead, taking babes aod motuers into going that capital in negroce the great compromise of 1820 was made, Missouri and Arkansas given up W slavery, and the march of freedom grrested on the banks of the Mis- souri river. Now, $3,500. large sum, to be gore; butoo person then or ever to config -ate this operty, ey were left tree to sell, There was 09 con- scation of the slaves proposed, as there never was in Mas- sachusetts, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, or Pean- lvabia, #0 Lbat this $3,500,000 was never in jeopardy by the proposition to make Missouri! a free State. But even if there bad been a confiscation, see how small a sacrifice of property was to be made, against the imaenso, the in- calculable advantages of freedom dispersed over this broad, continent, And see how unavailing are the devices and contrivances of men, of statesmen, of parties, or even of nations, to counteract and contro! the great moving opera tionsof the age. Who would suppose that the wisest mea of the South and of the North would b.ve believed that, after the canals of New York and Pennsylvania should be opened, after steamboats should be put upon the rivers, | er the telegraph should haye been perfected, an when the schoolmaster and the Christian missionary were abroad, that they could, by ing Missouri a slave State in 1820, make Kansas a slave State forty years afterwards’ Now the question is all decided, and what have they got? They have got slavery into Missouri aud Arkapeas, and freedom into Kaceas, iato Nebraska, prac. teally into New Mexicoaud Utah, and freedom established end universal over the whole Pacifl> coast. That is what comes of trying to bind up the decrees of Provi- dence in bands of hemp ie or fabricated by burnan skill, Why did itfail? It fi for tae simpio reason , that society has its rights and its necessities. It is just | as that men should move out of Massachusetts, ¢ New York, of Obio, end Indiana, and Iilinois, and even issour!, into the West, as it is necessary that Kassas And other Territories of the West shoald receive them when they come. It is nm that the exiles of Europe ahould have a place where they mi be “per. fectly free” to have no slaves. (Laughter.) He yy tbat the consequence of making Mixeguri a slave Sta! was to divert emigration into the Northwestern States and and 894 that there were people enough now in Kansas ': have mede Missouria great State. But, tals he, Missouri does not want to be a prefers to be a slave State, Tais is a souri, but not by any means a which Missouri in the (rst plac: and then refused—for virtual y she admit her into the American Union. ports on her southern and westera borde: fteps to open a highway from St. Louis Never were the people of any State so suicidal ple of Miasouri. 1f she remains a slave state, sires to be, then Every tlave State becomes impoverished, people of Kansas, then onl: old, would not give their wealth for thst of Virginia. In Leavenworth he predicted the rise of a it State in the Valley of the Mississippi, and that it might have been, and would have been, if her people had been as wise as they were, the State that lay opposite them on the Missouri river. I do not know, said he, that the State of Missouri will not yet be that At State; for there is@ bopo, there is assurance, that court ‘Will ultimately, tangnt by the iwatruction you are giving her and the example you are Setting her, bee free State. She has soil as fertile, skics as genial, as thore with which God has blessed any por- every free Ten years from y sixteen years z } i i f fl g j rt bit if d if fix ie i! EES i i i : d i H g i 2 5 E ze® x 3 zg 4 ue g EE Fr E : ff ae | a 3 i = 3 3 & iy wrence zis ; i F i ef “2 2 H i #f fly 4 sf ! fi 8 a5? an : rfl Sarg i Ej tee z = ie ans se i: 3B. 5 i i t oF H if i i iF. # Py | i iH # 2 5 i i ; E : i 3 14 : zee E mi &z - H Leet § i i . { it > a 3 3 i : E i { i i f i g i E G i 5FE i E & : i | aH i i : 1 i ii i i i t po esi e{ii a i 53 lis i i i it E ff i i BE u # s23 3 E a E H i H i { H Fi 4 = efforta resign & portion of this | rich, @ climate #0 genial, | instead of white men, | Kaness. Africa has never om i i for 3353 3 i 2 5 ; babite more congenial and are, | have enpposel it poopie uf Africa where shores Pn iy rece—th bine eyed men, tue yellow haired men o . Ee ‘by oppreasion, oon Furope. We are of one family, — ry ip the pursuit o happiaesm, ull pest ing to dition; all seeing to elevace our character. pap po this —. of meu. My ot mt . wo 9 before regions of tia sentiveattin the eet that 3} ai F HUE BE In Cleveland he said:— ‘The point which I do make is, that in the Ter) the United States, under its fiag, no man hasa ri lake a slave, to settle or colonize, on the groun takes him there to be bought or sold, but that must keep him at home where he belongs. If slave in the United States, he must be left where be belongs. Adopting this principle, none men—practically, none but whiie men—will enter Territories. They wiil reclaim them irom their wilder- bees condition, and found there institutions of freedom. Slavery will avoid entering there, us tho devi) woald avoid entering Paradise if the gates were opened for him by St. Peter. (Laugliter.) In his Lansing speech he said:— What, then, are my limits? simply these:—The const!+ tation of the United Stace makes you and me a sovereign over the Territories of the Unived States for their good and for the welfare of the whole people. They are vacant, unoccupied, unimproved, and if they are left exposed to the cupidity cf the slave master and the alave merchand before free men can reach there ta numbers to cover tho Jand with the civilization of the white man, the slave- holaers would cnter tho Territories and colonize them with siaveholders aud slaves. The smallest possible infa~ tion of slavery inw a State bas been enough always to demoralize its whole people, and, strange to » 1S turns them all toto apologists and excasers fv de- fenders of gg Privciple which, I am ashamed to confers, bas the rule of action among tho American people for ferty years. * id ° It is, therefore, ® matter ci the bighest consequeneo whether slavery is voted np or voted down. Be sare, therefore, that you do not give the tleld to the elavehoid- e18 and the siaves before tree men are at lberty and pre- pared to enter it, In one of his Leavenworth speeches he said:— Fellow citizens, you stand on ax important point. You perform for others the office which there was hoae to per- you when you came here. For those who are @ to build up new free States at Pike’s Peak and acroes whe Rocky Mountains, and all the way down to the State of Texas, and all the way up to British America, you siand here as sentinels to protect them and to secure them free paseage to the land of their choice. That is i 2 a! geae getty [ tuch fearful opposition, encountering even the resistance of the federal government itself in all its departments. makes it certain that that high trast will be performed Bu , completely and triumphantly, DANGER OF DISSOLUTION. Mr. Seward affected to treat the question of digs solution as one almost too absurd to talk about, and when he did refer to it at all it was erally in a derisive tone, It was not always 80, however, An responding to an address made to him on his ap~ rival at La Crosse, be said:— Ifwe found you isolated and rate comman! distinct from ourselves, we stiil should be obliged 4 joice in sch evidences of prosperity and growtog great- bess. How much more gratifying it is for aa tad in everything that we see and hear, abundant evidences tat we are, after all, not and distinct ‘Dot distinct of Wisconsin, New Maseach: }, but that we are one mouth Rock at least to the banks of tbe to the foot of the Mountains. It is ‘that enablee us to trample under our feet every thrcat of disunion, every alarm and of the dismember ment of this great empire in the sentiments which you have expr: wustodsy precisely the sentiments which were kindled two bun- dred yeare seo on Plymouth Rook, aad which are spread ing wicer and wider, taking deeper and deeper roots iu the American soil. They give us the sure and reliable guaraptee that under every poss le ‘of condition and circumstance the American people will nowhere for- get the common interests, the common affections and tha common destiny which make them all one people. His regular ch the same evenii jt Gees ERT ee puihalpalig us te toa Sea deration. He said:— Slavery, a8 8 federal institution, is obsolete in this land. Only one argument remains w the . It comes to us loudly and clamorously from the Rome and querulously and timidly from among ourselves. Tt je that if we do not choose to up the contest, ‘of this Uniom ‘mn rains. Union will bo the honorable statee- ‘Well, I w to exam- eubject hich we are me~ mpression is that it far from the et i i f 4 : § ite ! i f a. i § a i i ff i ; il | : i 5 ij i i | t as ite il fe int i 2 z i ij if fs 14 z : 43 i i | i [tes ss 322 § i a 5, ja for, Dnt to federal Union: 5 4 would fold their themeelves, and they olay oe as \iwy bebaved themselves, what would they du { they got out and did ay iBemectvea? W New York should ei? and end py ing them ‘ato national them op ber own well, Those who think ‘nary ence, the Unioa for no Hen of the natore of the bi * they "ve, oF of the obaraciar