The New York Herald Newspaper, February 16, 1860, Page 4

4 be got elsewhere, but the consumer must buy them, or go without:— ‘Our ‘principal industry, cotton velvet, will be at once annihilated, and at a moment waoen machinery Was about to give it vast exteusioe. What will become of the thousands of families who depend fer existence on this imcustry? * * * Our hosiery, which ompioys so many Bands, will with dificulty struggle against knglisa 2 OoTtle masutactarers of St Qquentia say:— j When the great brauebes of national iadustry are agi- tated by sad presentiments, and lively apprehensions trouble millions of workmen, and of those whose activity, intelligence and capital iosure the existence of this im- wense class living on daily wages, it is Dot possible that the echo does vot reach your Maj sty ‘The maputacturers of Bervay affirm that— ‘Ao inqniry woulé have proved, wo are convinced, that the prohibitive pyatem ix the only eflicacioas one to pra- vent England, in commercial crises, from inundating us with manufactured aruicles, woich Bbe must then dispose ot ata very low price. ‘Avd again— ‘A fifth part of the English cotton fabrics, oqualling the total of our products of the same kind, {f it happened to divert them to our markets, would suffice for the con- sumption of all France. The resalt woald be the oosing of our estabiishments, ruin for us and misery for our workmen. - | It is the same throughout. Scarcity and high prices form the beau teal of the probibitionists. The Abolitionist Crisis in the United States—England’s Trade in Free Cotton. {From the Loudon News (sboiion organ) Feb. 1 } There will soon be little room for the ordinary com- Plaint from America that their atlaira excite no interest their kindred in Europe. The political crisis im the | United States bas occasioned more remark 1p print, and | occupied more space in the conversation of the day, than has, perhaps, ever been known before withia the expe- rience of this generation, . * * * . ‘The commercial business of the slave States ix conduct | ed through the Northern merchants. At prosent every | reo from the North is regarded and treated a2 an abo | onist, apd Commercial agents are no exception even when they known on tho road. Not on}; pediers all governessea on their way to schools where they, arrested and warped to go hom, and bricklaye: stone mason® divmissed by uight from New and by day trom Charleston, and book agenis im Prisoned and their property confiscated, because thoy soll & “Life of Christ” published in New Ecgiand, but the pes and agents of commercial houses are turned without an order, and with threats, in case of their appearing beyond the frontier. They describe a perfect tion Of Duginess, and they soe no ead toit. More significant than eveujthis is the simultaneous activa of several States about the free negroes. That action is per. fectly absurd, but it is not the iess cruel tothe men, nor the leas fatal ‘so the industry of the South, As the pri sence of free biacks must jer Diack slave dangerous and difficult forte are made to get rid of free blacks who refuse to absent themselves. lo Maryland, some foolish men have actually proposed, as we have seep, to make slaves of 90,000 free negroes, though Maryland bas for many yeara been unfortu nate with its negroes, being unadle to keep them, on the one band, and to make any profit, on the other, of these who remained. In order to obtain some ranction of euch a proposal, the projectors give s sharac- ter of free negroes which 1s certaioly not commonly true ; and whieb, if true in Maryland, coudemne the sta‘e of 80 ciety there. The adjoining State, Pennsylvania, thougn no pattern of brotherly love, may rebuke Maryland’s report Of pegro icleness, sbitliersoess and disrepute. In Phils- deipbia there are blocks of houses and groups of shipping Delonging to Legroes, which show that they are m: otber men ina state of freedom Io Missouri, the Log: lature has decreed the expulsion of ail negroes, under po- Balty of their being sold into slavery. In Mississippi the game process bas been gone through; but the judgos bere and there have remonsirated on the out- rageous character of the act, aod have showa that if such provisions could be executed, the immo diate. consequence would be insurrection on every ertate where a free negro was deposited as a slave. As for leaving the reapective States where these enactments are made, the blacks co it at the moment; jurt as twalve families of respectable white citizens have ijeft their homes iv Kentucky, by command of their neighbors, simply becanse they are of Northern birth or derivation: but the free blacks as a body retuse to leave the country They meetin conventions to confirm their claim of citl zenthip; they provide means of education and general elevation for their clase, and they emphatically and esp» cinily refuse to go to Africa while a negra shave is left in America. This resolution largely affects the prospects of African cotton. No one perbaps doabts of the possibility and the benefitof obtaining almost any quautity of cot ton from Africa; but it must not be expected from the African Civilization Society the American Colonization , in as far as their action depends on the migration of the free pegroes of the United States. They will not emigrate to grow crtton; and they are mot allowed to grow cation at home. Our plans must le formed with-rut regard tothem. were escaping 10 Canada at tho rate of 2,000 a before the present agitation. Those who rematn behind know very well what the agiation is about. If the South could posrbiy forma sep erate con. federation for an hour, there eruld be na effectual detention ‘of the slaves, who would excapein tenfold numbers, sf indeed the protection forth Apparently, the only chaace for eke caekonten and Southern eeccurity and peace is in the Nerthern States putting forth their power to compel the South to keep quiet and mind its b In jthat yease, time might be gained for abolishing slavery in ap ap orderly and safo way. Unter any other supposition there seems no hope. If disanion is @ more threat of the siavebolders, it is a perilous one for them to utter, as they are wholly in the power of those who would then be toa man their antagonists. “If it should take place,’’ says a poli:ician who understands the course of events on the spot, “for all that I can see, the white and black races in the South would go down in ruin together.”’ It is only neceesary, in order to estimate the probabil ties of American cotton, to look at the sum of labor in tho co.ton States. Free labor answere well wherever tried; and if the siaves were freed in orderly way, the pro: duction of cotton might greatly Increase. But {f not, see whattho numbers are. The sivveholders are 350,000; the | primary matter ata lower price. She av | before many yeurs NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 16, 1860.—TRIPLE SHEET. that is manufactured in France, The consequeace of the Withdrawal of prohibition will bo, that thread used in the Mar iifecture of coarée tidditug cloths, that is, those most used by the mass of (ne population, will bo wiimitted, Cot- ton lay is probibite in France exoapt that manufactured by hand, which pays five per cent on the vaing, At present France docs not exvort one-third of the quantity of cotton lace exported by England, When tho duty te taken off the raw materia} ana reasouable autos fare imposed on cotton thread, it is Expected that France, sl'ere certain time, will be able to compete with bor rival, Allnations, except the English, are inferior to the Frenob in this branch of manufacture, in whieb tue teleut of ber weavers, dyers aod priters would, perhapa, have beoured her the first place if sho could bave procured tac Ukewise re Guce the price of transport, revise the port dues and the Various restrictions on her maritime commoros, Shoe ‘must likewise prepare dockyards oo her Atlantic porte to Feceive cotton, ‘Tho cultifauon of cuttou in Algeria will Ikewire produce an excelieut effect. It wil e wth the slave grown cotton of Amerwa, ona tn care of a maritime war she need mot fear Any deficrlty in bringing cotton rato France. THE NEWS BY THE PRINCE ALBERT. | TWO DAYS LATER NEWS FROM EUROPE, Sr. Jouns, N. F , Fob. 15, 1860. The steamship Prince Albert, Captain Prowse, from Galway om the 4th inst., arrived at this port this forenoon. She has experienced heavy weather She has twenty sa- con acd 360 other pazsengers for New York, tor which port she leaves this evempg. ‘The steomship New York, from New York for Bremon, arrived at Southampton on the 24. The steamship Vigo, from New York, arrived at Queenstown on the 3d. ‘The Lews is meagre, and without special importance. GREAT BRITAIN. Tord Jobn Russell bad announced in Parliament that the goverment could not produce the correspowdaaca relative to the rumored apnexation of Savoy to France, but bo said that Couvt Walewski had assured Lord Cow ley that the Emperor had po intention of proposing the annexation. ‘The British government sent @ despatch oxprossing Satisfaction at this assurance, On the question of appointing a committee to investigate the miscellaneous expenditures of the country, the Minis- try were defeated by twenty eight majority. William Cowper will be Misister of Public Works, vice Fitzroy, deceased. ‘The Hanover cotton mills at Manchester had been burn- ed, involving a loss of £30,000. FRANCE. The French news is coutined to the question of the an- nexation of Savoy. The Pat) ie devounces the efforts of Sardinia to prevent the Sayoyards from expreestog their desire fer annexa- tion. The Bourse was improving. The reates closed on the 2d at 67f. 60c. ITALY. ‘The London Post prominently announces that England and France are allied on the Italian question, and firmly determined that po intervention shall be permitted. It was rumored that the two governments are deter- miped to r coguize annexation to Sardinia as the only true solution of the Central Italy question. AUSTRIA. There was increasing discontent in Hungary, aud mat- ters were Caily growiog more serious. THE LATEST NEWS. Lonpon, Feb. 4, 1860. ‘The London Times’ city article says the funds opened on Friday with great steadinces, and an improvement of an eigthth, which was well maintained throughout the da} Mr. Hutt, member for Gateshead bas accepted the Vice Presidency of the Board of Trade, vacated bygir. Cowper The London Post eays the treaties of Villafranca and Zurich are virtually annulled. The Western Powers have commanded that no armed intervention sball take place in Italy unless it is previously sanctioned by the unanimous approval of all the great European Powers. Practically such @ condition is tantamount to absolute non-intervea- tuoa. COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE. LONDON MONEY MARKET. The money market wac slightly more stringent, and the cemand was very active. Coveols closed on Friday at 9414 9 945; for monoy and accouut. American securities were slow of sale, but prices were unaltered. LIVERPOOL COTTON MARKET. The Brokers’ Circular reports the sales of the week at $4,000 bales of which 11,500 bales were to speculators, apd 10,600 bales to exporters. The week opened with an active demand, puttbid was checked by the advancofa the Dank rate of uiscount to 4 per cent, and the market closed quiet, though steaty The sales ‘of Friday ware 7,000 bales, Inclucing 1,600 to speculators and exporters, the market closing frm at the following authorized quota- slaves are about 4,000,000, ani the non slavehoiting whiter, who are bound hand and foot by the presence of | slavery . but daily growing more restless, ara 8,000,000. | | It ts time we were getting cottem from other places; and by Dhis beme next year we may be werderiny that we did not do it before the great American cnsis ‘ccurred. There has been clear warving of it for above a quarter of a | century. The Fnglixb Turf, DECLINE IN THE BETTING ON THE AMERICAN COLT UMPIRE. (From the Sanday (London) Times, Jan. 29 ] many weeks pastthe American Derby colt, Um- y as seemingly beld his position in the Two Tnonaand and'Derby betung on suiferaves, and the movement Which was mace against him on Thureday last was aot unexpected, although it created some sensation. No canse worthy of credence has been assigned for his de cline, upless it be, indeed, that be has of late beea more cecluted than usual. We were never through thick and thin admirers of Umpire; we have frequently given ex- pression to our opimon that his Goodwood rinuing and his Stockton successes did not establish his title to the position to which be was advanced—more by money than | by merit—in the Derby betting. All gorts of rumora are circulated about Umpire. The Inst report is, that toeach tide of his stable door are chained two ferocious ball dogs, Who are purposely kept on short commons to rea. der them equally reasy to chaw up" a nobblor as to de- youra bone. This statement is widely circulated in all the American papers, aad av English contributor to one of them actoaliy had'the impusence to state that the pre- caution is peceseary, for that favorites for great races in Engiand are invariably ‘got at.’ That Umpire will re: turn to his position is very probable, for, doubtless, a large sum of money will be sent into the’ market from America to back him; Mainstone is, however, now the | leading favorite. An Unfortunate American tm Paris. (From Galiguani’s Measeoger, Jan. 28.] A young woman, apparently about twenty-four years of | age, was yestercay morning: found lying senseless in a pool of blood, in the square Napoleon (Twentieth arron- Gissement). Sbe was conveyed at ouce to the office of the Commirrary of Police, and a medical min sent for. The supposition « first was that an attempt had been made to murcer her, but the doctor found that a vein in her left arm had been opened. He boind up the vein, and restoratives being applied, the female recovered hor senses. She then stated that she bad attempted to commit suicide, im consequcno of her lover, a working maa, having abandoned ber. She said she was an American, but did not state from what part of America she cams. Having promised not to renew her attempt at suicide, she was taken home, The Cotton Trade of France—Its Com- | Mmencement a Progress. The Paris Stécle of the 26th of January contains an arti. cle gtving a hisvorica! sketch of the cotton trade in France, from its importation by the brothers Bowers, of Ghent, in 1800, At present cotton spinning ex ends over the depart- ments of the Ai, tbe Aisne, Aliier, Ariege, Aube, Avey- ron, Basses Alpes, Bouches du Rhone, Calvados, Oorrezs, Cdié d'Or, Doubs, Drome, Eure, Gironde, Haute Saone, Hiaate Viene, Isére, Loire, Loire’ Inferieure, Loiret, Loire et Cher, Lozére, Mancho. Maine et Loire, Marae, Mayoune, Meurthe, Mouse, Nord, Oise, Orne, Pas ‘de , Pay de Dome, Basses Pyrécées, Pyrénées Oriental Rhone, Bas Rhbin, Haut Robin, Hante Saone, Sarthe, Save et Loire, Seine, Beine et Oise, Sete Inferioure, Somme, Tarn, Tarn <t Garonne, Var, Vaucluse, Vosges, Veniée. Cotton cloths | are manufactured in the same departments,and in small Lot ot Toere in the departments of tho Gers, Indre et Loire, Morbihan and Cher. were 2,606 cotton manufactories at work in in the year 1850. Tne spinning mills om: €3,064 workmen, the cotton cloth maunfactories 183,557, apd the mavufactories of {aferior les 23,299. “Tae spinning mills contained 16,301 frames, and ths manufac- tories 113.378. The predaction of these estadlisum-ots amounted im value to only 334,000,000f , which would rive only 10f. worth to each inhabitant, or scarcely four +birts, or six pairs of stockiogs, or one sheet, which is too line for a civilized country, particularly when we coa sicer that a large quantity of the cotton msoufactured in France isexported. The cotton imported annually into France from America, asia, and second haad from Eog Jand, is eatimated at 72,900,000 kilogrammes, value ayout 108,000.000f. Tnis sum is increased by the import duty, ‘which in 1851 amounted to 12,820,000f.,oraboat ancighth | of ita real value. With such. fiscal regulations it was impossible for French manufacturers to compete with English. ae ton wool prepared for spinuing, coming direct fom French oolontes, enters free of duty Turkish cotton imported in frenoh veescls pays 15: the 100 kilogram nes, and in foreign vessels 20f. Inaiao footton is tare SC or 26f., a8 the case 4 be ; that of other ovuntrs beyond Europe, 20f. and 28. When cotton is at all worksd {tis subject to an enormous duty. Thos, immed in sheets pays a ar bes uy ‘and 107 mT gcoording as the shics by which itis im sort od ere French of fore\ fa Rawentton, to threat of No, ‘143, pays 7f. and 7f 50c the kilograms ; cotton twist, 8f and 8f 80c All others, wi hout tistioction of quality or number are prohibited. The orton thread protibited | quiet. Bark steady: | Of the Nineteenth ward, was then elected Js wll that is comprised between Nos. 10 and 143—that is, all tions :— Orleans. Mobile, Upland. Fair. He 74 7% 7116 Madling 12216% 6116 6% The stock inf timated at 595,000 bales, of which 449 0CO were American. STATE OF TRADE IN MANCHESTER. The advices from Manchester are favorable, ket was firm, though quiet. LIVSRPOOL BREADSTUFPS MARKET. Mesers. Richardson, Spence & Co. report flour dull, but steady, at 238. a 27s. for American. Wheat steady and with @ rather better tone; red, 93.6d. a 98.9d.; white, 9s.9d.a 11s.€d, Corn firm: ‘yellow, 318.64. a 323.64. LIVERPOOL PROVISION MARKET. Messrs. Bigland, Athya & Co., Richardson, Spence & Co., and othere, report beef heavy,and bayers demand @ reouction. Pork steady: sales of new Alburgera at 88e.6d. Bacon firm and la. higher; market bare of mid- oles, and Cumberland brought 468. a 478, Lard quict at bis.a588 60. Tallow slighty bigher, with a good de- mand: butcher’s, 598. a 608.6. LIVERPOOL PRODUCE MARKET. The Brokers’ Circularfreports ashes quiet at 288 6d.a 298, for pote, and 30s, for pearis. Sugar dull and 6d. a 18. lower for retining sorts. Cottee steady. Rice firm for soft grainy, but heavy for Bengal. Tea very firm bat Philadelphia, 88.6d. a 93.6d: Baiti- tnore, 88 3d. Cod oil, £35. Linseed oil quiet. Rosin dra Cee bd. a 48.60. for Common. Spirits turpentine firm at jd. The mar- HAVRE MARKET. The usual weekly circuiar of the Havre market had not come to band. Williamsburg City News. Run Over any Kittxp.—Yesterday forenoon a man, named Michael Clark, while driviog a market wagon along First street, near Grand street, E. D., was thrown from the top of the load by the wheel coming in contact with a heap of ice and rubbizh, One or both wheels passed over his breast, crushing the man in a dreadful manner. Tho injured man was conveyed into Mr. Kelly’s house, near by; but his injuries were so severe that he died an hour alterwards, Coroner Murphy Summoned a jury, and afer viewing the body adjourned the case, in order to procure witnesses, Deceased was a single man, about forty years of age, and bad been in the employ of James Gahan, of New Astoria, for about two weeks. Deceased has a brother residing on Staten Island, aad it is also believed that he has a sister io this country, Ose or Tae Cancemt Ganc.—An Italian, whose portrait adorns the rogues’ gallery at police headquarters in New York, and who is said to be one of the Cancemi gang, was taken before Justico Fox, in the astern district, charged with shop lifting. On Toesday afternoon about cighteen yards of satinet was stolen from in front of Mr. Maxwell's etore, No 70 Grand street. The person sup pored to have stolen it wag traced to Greenpoint. Officer Myers, of tbe Seventeenth precinct, saw and recoguized | the prisoner a8 one of the Cavcomi gang, and, Keepiog & close watch, soon after detected him in the act of leaviag Mr. Wol'e’s store, and upon arresting bim found a shawl secreted under big overcoat. The accused, who gave his name as Wilham Davis, was committed for examiaatien. City Politics. THE YOUNG MEN'S NATIONAL UNION CLUB. This Club, which was, in fact, in embryo organization Ull last evening, held a meeting in room No. 5, Clinton Hall, for the purpose of permanent organization, George A. Halsey occupying the chair, and H.S Bonnett acting | S# secretary. The number of persons present was small. After the meeting had been calied to order, Mr. Ely P. Norton, of the Fighteenth ward, was appointed viva voce President, and escorted to the chair by a committee of two. Mr. Norton delivered his thanks, Tho Committee on OM- cers then recommended Mr. D. 8 Riddle, of the Fif- teenth ward. Ist Vice Preaitent, and Mr. William Frost, of the Twenty firet ward, 24 Vice President. These gen- Hemen were elected and escorted to their chairs by Messrs. Brown and Halsey. They made spoochos. Mr. Honry 8, Bennet was then elected Treasurer. Mr. P. Taylor, Secretary. The election of @ Corresponding Tecretary w. . oe etn 7 'Y Was postponed till Ir. Geo. A Halsey was then appointed Chairman of the Finance Committee, and a special committee of ive s--4 appointed to appoint an Executive Committec and a Fi- nance Committee. Mr. B J. Brown then announced that a m: 88 Meeting would be held by the national Union men of New York on the 2let inst.; that music, * The Star Spangied Banner,” “Log May it Wave,” &¢., and everything, woald be io keeping with the occasion, and Hon Mr. Harris, of Mary land; Hon Mr. Gillmore, of North Carolina; Gon Joshis Hill of cores Hon. A. D. Nelaon, of Tennessee, and Ham phrey Marshall would be present, and also Jatge Duer and ethers too numerous to mention, would likely be Present. Other gentlemen took Mr Bennett's and, after considerable talking, the Club adjourned. CASSIUS M. GLAY’S STUMP SPEECH. THE COOPER INSLITUTE CROWDED. The Progress of Republicanism Ac- cording to Mr. Clay. His Re-endorsement of the Helper Hand Book. Womination of Mr. Clay for the Presidency, bee, boy ke It having been announced in the public journals that Cassius M. Clay, of Kentucky, would speak before the Young Men's Republican Union, the large hall of the Cooper Institute was well Giled last evening, notwith- standing the sevore snow storm that prevailed. Indood, ‘80 anxious were the enthusiastic admirers of th» orator to hear him tbat a black republican was heari to say on ea- tering the ball that be ‘‘was bound to be on hand if it rained brimstone.’’ Two flags that for one (not for a thou- eand) years bad braved the battle and the breeze during the Fremont campaign were suspended from the walls in the rear of the speaker, while surrounding him were a number cf well known members of tho republican party, among whom we observed ex-Senator Truman Smith, of Connecticut. Casting our eyes over the audience promi- nent democrats could be seen, and amovg them Joho Van Buren, who ensconced himself behind one of the massive pulars. ‘The good nature of the audience was evinced in their diapoeition to pass away the timo before the appearance of the orator of tho evening by making merriment over the most trifling occurrence. A desk having been placed jn front, an individual who was desirous of receiving the full worth of bis money (twenty-five cents having been charged for admission), suggested its removal in language more notable for its force than for its ornateness, for he wanted ‘‘to see the whole of that Kentucky man.” The deck was promptly removed by one of the young men much to the gratification of the audience _As the hour o! eight was approaching, ‘Sit down in front,’’ “ Hats off,” and other equally expressive commands were heard on all sides; but some of the more obstinate auditors refused to comply with the behest and were assailed with harm. lees missiles. Precisely at eight o'clock Mr. Clay made his appearance, and was greeted with tumultuous and protracted cheering, which lasted several minutes. Cuaries T Rocers, President of the Young Men’s Re- publican Union, in introducing the lecturer of the evening, gai Ladies and gentlemen, it is wy pleasant duty to introduce to you thie evening one of the noblest champions of ‘ree" dom in this country—(applause)—a man whose namo alone is sufficient introduction to any audience where free. dom is ioved. Ladies and gentlemen, 1 iatroduce to you the Hon. Cassius M. Clay. Mr. Cray, on rising to address the audience, was re- ceived with renewed manifestations of applause. But be had not been speaking long before the enthusiasm which was exhibited on his entry was expended, for those who expected to bear well rounded periods on the thread- bare subject of slavery were sadly disappoiuted. Tho claims of the ubiquitous nigger were presented in the most commoa place language and with no pretension to orotorical effect; indeed, the iong pauses which the speaker made during the progress of his address were very dis- tressing. MR. CLAY'S SPEECH. Mr, Present, GENTLEMEN OF Tae Repuntican Ui0N, AND Crnizens or New Yorx:—Some time since I had the honor of being invited by your society to address you, Dut the very impaired state of my voice led me to be- eve that it would be impossible for me on this occasion to appear in New York. I was therefore thrown upon the necessity, on a sudden, of falling rather into the old channel of thought to which I have been habituated lat- terly, and which, by the way, cannot be new to this audience, than to present anything novel at this time. I return you my sincere thanks for the honor you confer upon me to-night, and the thanks of our party and the country for your activity and fidelity to the great prin- ciples of republicanism, which were virtually vindicated in 1856, not only in this great State, but by the people of the Union. I come up to this metropolis of the republic in no spirit of personal elation. Here is the seat of com- merce. Here centre all the interests of agriculture and manufactures, and here is the sun of that intellectual light which, through the pross, daily flashca over the continent from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Allah! i} Allah to the freedom of speech and the press. For more than twenty years, relying upon these divine agencies, more powerful than cannon or the sword, I have stood by the liberties of the people and the Union of these States, Thank God I haved lived to see the downfall of their enemies and the triumph of their friends. (Applauge.) James Buchanan was placed in power by.a now confessed fraud upon the ballot box, and by an admitted minority of the popular yote. In vain did he trample under foot the avowed ‘popular sovereignty”’ of the Cincinnati platform: the republicans of Kaneas proved too powerful for government patronage the public purse and the federal sword! Kansas is not “a slave,” but afree State. The elections since show & regular advance of republicanism in all the States; and the election of @ republican Speaker in thé popular branch of the national council proclaims the down‘all of the slave power—which has so long desecrated the name of democrats—to rise no more forever. (Applause ) When Thad the honor last to address you, in 1866, I ventured to say that as “our party had not been advancad by success, 20 it would not be set back by defeat.” What was speculation in 1856 is history in 1860 Many supposed that the President, from his ante- cedenta and advancing age, would break away from tho trammels of party, and be jast and conserva- live. I was notone of them. I remembered the Os- tend manifesto, the pledges which he made to Senator Brown, of Miseiseippi, and others, and knew well that the Cimcinzati platform of non-toterference with slavery in the Territories would give way under Southern presgare. 1 knew avother thing, for lentered actively into the can- vass, that whatever been the doubtful position of the democratic Lory Me pee this great principle of American liberty —while they represent to themseves on one side of ‘the line as devoted to Southern interests and on the other side a8 devoted to freedom—I knew full well that what- ever doubt there might be about their true position during the canvass, when Mr. Buchanan took his seat at Wash- ington, his policy mast be developed, and he must declare “onder which King, Bezonian?’—liberty or slavery. (Applause.) The slave oligarchy began by nen- tralty in the national constitution and government, then equality with freedom, and at last supremacy. I take up the review where I left off in 1866:— DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM OF 1852. “That Congress has no power under the constitution to interfere with or controt the domestic institutions of the severel States, and that such States are the sole and pro. per jucges of everything appertaining to their own affairs, Lot prohibited by the constitution; all efforts of the abolitionists, or others, made to induce Congress to inter- fore with questions of siavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the alarming and dangerous consequences.” What say you to that, democrate? Although you de- clared in black and white that it was dangerous to inter- fere with the subject of slavery, what have you done? Did you not say that it was dangerous to int Answer me that, and let me goon. You are silent. You are condemued out of your own mouths. I proceed:— “And that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happinces of the people and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union.” ‘You condemn yourselves again:— “And ought not to be ocountenanced by apy friend of our political tostitutions.”* ‘nion. and “And, therefore, the democratic party of the U1 standing upon their national platform, will abide by adhere to a faithful execution of the acts known as the Compromise measures, settled by the last Congrees—the act for reclaiming of fugitives from service or labor ia- cluded—which act being designed to carry out the express Provision of the constitution, cannot be repealed or 80 changed as to destroy or impair its efficiency.” “Resolved, That the democratic party will resist all at- tempts at renewing, in Congress or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape or color the atlempt may be made.’’ ‘These were the declarations and avowals of the demo- cratic party in 1852. Now, wi @o they doin 1854? Why they go under the leadorabip of Stephen A. vn when be bad made a report saying that the law of 1826 was sacredly conserved in the compromise of 1850, and repealed the Missouri compromise. Now, I believe they stand condemned by their own language and by thetrown acts, and | have Lere accomplished what 1 propased to do. ‘What was the result of all this? The result was inobedience to the declaration that the people were to be fairly left to choore for themselves between liberty and slavery, they adopted another platform. let me come to that I Bot ineek id what o] in Sarees that year the Cincinnat form Way |. In consequence of the repeal of tbe Missouri compromise, the Northern peo- ple intervened to get their own Terrivory, upon the avowal made in the Kansas-Nebraska bill that the poopie wore to “be left free to form and regulate their domestic inatitu- tiope in their own , Sabject only to the constitution of the United States ’” it notwithstanding that avowal it made, they immediately, as the report of the United Siates Congress showed you, before a le freesoiler or repab- lean had set bis foot into the new Territory, commenced on the border of Missouri the organization of the ‘ Blue Lodges’ to invade Kansas, with the avowed dosiga— peaceably if they could, and forcibly if they musi—to bave that land for a slave State; aad ‘damn the aboll- Hontete, (acy ¥ ould @Boot: Liem Gown as oquacrple,’? as 1 beard & lead) g Cemogret cxpress bimee)! ip Lexington While that couthot was wolrg on, They paseot these ceao lutons im 1866,an0 I wand 7ou to pay & airing atbontion ty theee, 19 comparwow With the other aro%sis : — DAMOCRATO VLATOTAC OF LSD! “Tesolwed, That wo ceitoraée with renewed overgy of porpore the weil -copsidered declarations of foc uer oo Veniionk npom this Feclional issue of demcatic Slavery aut concer ing the reserved rights of the Staiet,?” That alindes to the former democratic platform of 1552, four yearB before It goes on— “7. ThagCongress bus no. power onder the constititton to interfere. with Or control the Gomiatis tmstitutious of Abe severa! States, and that all uch States ure the sole aud proper judges of everythiog appertaining to their Afiairs, wot prohibited by the copstituvon, that ati of the abolitionists or others made to in tuco Don ef +6 to interfere with questions lavery, or take inc! pent steps in relation thereto—tbo very thing thay have been Coing to-day, besides which we have heard thom denouncing every Man that does pot come up to their standard, and calling every man that stands oa ‘squatter sovereignty’ platform outside of the democral party—are calculated to lead to the most alarming aud Cangerous consequences; aad that a!l suoh efforts have Deco an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the fomes and endanger the stadilliy and permanescy oF the Union, and ought not to be countent by aay friend of opr poliens eneeninesy © 2. That the foreign covers, and was intend- Congress ; Unisn, standing op this national pistiorm, will abide by aué adbere to @ faithful execution of the acts kaown a8 the compromise meagure settiea by the Congress of 1850, the act or recialmipg' fugitives from service or labor in- cluded, which act, being designed to carry out ap expreas provision of the constitution, caanst with fidelity thereto bo repealed, or 80 changed as to destroy or impair its 3 ‘That the democratic party will resist all attompts at renewing, in Congress or outof it, the of the glavery question, under whatever shape or color the at- tempt may be Pr ‘Oh peat will resist! That is the demooratic doctrine in 1866 in Cincinnati. Did they allude to it in their late Ken- tucky Convention? Yee, they voted dowa ‘that the democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing, in Congress or out of it, the agitation of the slavery questioa, under whatever sbape or color attempt may be made.” What do they say to that? There is tho Ciacin- nati platform whioh they eschew to- They denounced as treasopable any attempt to renew that agitation uader apy shape whatever. Let moe, however, turn to aaother “4. That by the uniform application of this democratic priaciple to the organization of Territories, and to the ad mission of new States. with or without domestic carey, as they may Sponge ts of all ie, Sees be preserved intact, the ori compacts 01 constitn- tion maintained inviolate, aud the perpetuity and expau sion of the Umon insured to its utmost capacity of em bracing, in peace and harmony, every future American State that may be constituted or annexed, with a republi- can form of yoverpment.’’ But you omit ‘©3. Resolved, That claiming fellowship with, and de- siring the co operation of, all who regard the preserva- ticn of te Union under the constitution as the paramouat issue, and repudiating all sectional partisan platforms con cerning domestic slavery, which seek to embroi the States ana to incite to treason and armed resistance lo law in the Territories, and whose avowed purposes, if consummated, must end in civil war and dissolution, the eft contained in the oI Nebraska Territories safe solution of the slavery question, upoa which the great national idea of the poople of this whole country can repose in its determined conservatism of the Union— non-intervention by Congress in State aud ferritery or 10 the District of Columbia.’” ‘The resolutions of Mr. Gray in the Kentucky Conven- tion, endorsing these resolutions, were almost unanimous- ly voted down. While affecting to renew the piatform of 1856, they entirely ignore that clause which bound the democracy not to interfere, directly or indirectly, with slavery in States or Territories; not only that, but they declared that Dougtas, in stand- ing thus, was guilty of treason and outside of the demo- cratic party. ‘THR UNMADK I8SUB. Well now, gentlemen, I am going to give you a clause that if they had adopted it would have put tho thiug 89 p'aip, that if you gave us Douglass we would catch you; if you gave us Toombs we would catch you; and if you offéred Breckinridge we would catch you. They did not intend the democratic party to know there was such a clanee. AS ® map up our poy op hed man of great good sense but little or po education, would say when reading the Bible, ‘Weil, bretbren, this is one of — if you please, this ie—this is a bad place, and we will skip it.” The cemocratic party found it was 8 bad place, and ekipped it, so that it is no wonder they did not want to go into that same hall, and that the lights were out and it was all dark. Here is what they did The republican, ‘nor abolition party, nor the old whig party, nor the Ame- rican party, nor the democratic party, has ever made an issue upon the resolution passed, and which was in the platform of 1866. It is simply as to the power of the when they become a State. It is a self- lent truth, and they intend you to with it, with the thought that you bagged ‘but you will find that the lion has gone, and that you have put but tbe aee's ekin into your pouch, (Applause.) “Resolved, That we papi ie right of the poople of the Territories, includi and Nebraska, acting through the legally and fairly expressed will of a of actual residents, aud whenever the number of their in- habitants justifies it, tc form a constitution, with or with out domestic slavery, and be admitiod lato the Union upon terms fect equality with the other States.” How frank ‘dat it s With or without domestic slave and be admitted into the Union upon terms of fect equality with the other States.” Who ever thay I challenge Mr. Silvertooth, I challenge Oscar Turner, or even Mr. Speaker Merriwether, or any democrat, to point me out a single reeolution, (rom the foundation of our go vernment to this day, in any portion of the United States, where such has been den: If there is such my reading has been of no account. THE KANSAS NEBRASKA BILL. Take the case now. I have read the platforms and shown they arc inconsistent. But let me tell you what was the clanse inthe Kansas Nebraska bill which they affirmed again and again. It states that the democratic party determined ‘neither to legislate slavery into those Territories”—Ob, no, of course not— “nor to exclude it therefrom’’—what are you to do, then?—‘ but to leave the people perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitu. tion of the United States.’? Now, what do you think of that? 's Dic not intend to legislate slavery into nor to ex. clude it, but did intend to leave the people perfectly free to form’and regulate their government in thoir own way? ‘Is that their doctrine to-day? They say in the resolution they have adopted that the people shall not do any such thing, and if Douglas goes for any such we will see him d——d if ho remains in the democratic party; and Mr. Silvertooth declares he is all ready out of the pale of the democrat church. Let us trace the consequences; like the snake, yearly they shed their skin, but they never go back into ‘the old one; beautiful it is at first, but it immediately returns to duet and ashes. Let us look at the uences, “Here was the formation of the “Blue Lodges’ in Missouri, ac cording to the Congressional report—remember I don’t in‘ene to give any statement upon my own say 80; I ap. peal to history to substantiate alli say. You march un- der your Miseouri hordes £0 formed into the Territory of Kaneas; and although it is weil known, as hist has eee that the republican party was in a clear majority, y force of arms you took down the judges of elections that were appointed legally. They were taken by force, the Missouri forces going out with banners flying and with arms displayed, and the question asked was not ‘Are you 8 judge according to tho constitution and the laws?’ Not “Are you @ judge of election carrying out the declaration of the Cincinnati platforms of 1852 and 1856, that the peo- We should determine upon their domestic institutions in ‘own way?” But ‘Are you sound on the goose?’’ Laughter.) That was what they asked them;in other words “Are you for slavery?” Not ‘*Are you for the coustitutioa and the Jaws, and for the support of republican instita- tions and principles, as our fathers handed them down to us?’ Nol but “Are you right on the goose?’ and if a man did not answer the way that pleased them they caught him by the collar and ejected him, and many who upheld the constitutional tof election were compelled to fly for their lives, and y were wounded and killed, (A Voice, ‘They can’t drive you, thougb.’’ Tremendous Applause.) Having made this division, I will tell you why they can’t drive me. In my own person I am asany other » There are thousands in Kentucky just as comapetent in the use of arms and as courageous as | am. They can’t drive mo, because I stand upon an eternal principle. That is the reason they cannot drive me. (Renewed cheering.) They cannot drive me, because whatever may be the clamor against me, the great mass of laboring men of Kentucky kvow that there is a true vindicator of their interests in Kentucky. Cass. Clay is that man. (Great applauee.) And wheuever and where- ever I may make an — fm theyCommon wealth of Kentucky to defend their rights, although upfortunately they may be oppreesed in their business connections by this power which monopolizes all the wealth and patro pag the South almost to themselves, yet when it comes to an issue of that sort—in the moment when the queatioa is to be determined whether or no their standard bearer shall be stricken down, then laboring men in thousanis all stand around me as you stand around me to-nigat— and it is not safe to take down Cass. Clay. ovate } ‘Where then stood the democratic preas of United States? Aiding and all this treason. [he free eoil citizen from the State of Kentucky, as well as he from Ube free States, who had seen by actual experiment tae glorious benefits of free institutions, and others who had seen the woe of slavery, and who found that the pledgea of the democratic party had been kept tothe word, aad violated in fact, late in the day sent to their homes, both in Kentucky, the slave and the free States, for help; and took up arms, and upon every field, and’ by the whole power that God and nature had bestowed upon them, they reeisted the attempt to enslave them. (@heers.) What then did the President of the United ? All the time he, by the forces of the United States, disarmed the republican party, and left them at the mercy of those invaders of their rights. (A voice, ‘That's 90,’’) JOHN BROWN AND HIS RAID. ‘Then sprung up this John Brown. I say he is the legiti- mate ron of the acts and avowals of the democratic party; that they intended to take on of Kansas by force of arms, ‘“‘peaceably of they could, but forcibly if they must,’’ and it was only when those descendaats of revo Jutionary fathers took up arms in their own defence—and Ithapk God there were Kentuckians as woll as Yankees fighting there in that battle for freedom—(prolonged po ee the: ae back can big and now a great and overwhelming majorit ¢ people of Kansas say that it shal) be free, potwithstanding James Bachanan lifta up his impious hands, and, perhaps, praying tbat it may be 80, says that ‘Kansas is as much a slave State as South Carolina.” Is that d ? Ia the name of ‘that God to whom be so impiously appeals, is it so—is it a siave State? Notatall. History tells us that just there began Jobn Brown. How itis I will state, as it comes to me authenticated. To the best of my knowlege and belief, before he shed the blood of a wo mao, ono of his sons was chopped to pleces in cold blood, until from the heat, the exposure, tho the torture of his chains, his brain was crazed, aod he went mad; and his sister, looking upom all these sai cr lamities and ecenes of horror, Was crazed. Theo Won upon the slayeboldors and the invaders of the soil, (Applause). There is the secret of the #hole mailer, as T stated bene do wight—the by gitnieg of this rant ou Vie inta " Joip Lrowa felt that Were was po protection for im in the demoeretio party——that the lawa of Missouri and Kanes gave oo provectian to him, sad that he hed once More loappeal td the Go) of Hoste for defence, and he eprried shak. war om in faoras, in M Virgin. The whole story is t i, was noth.ng but the Faid Of.8 man icjured, by agg Cssians mate upoa bin, and tere proved to bare been begun ane completed by the democratic party theasolves Therefore, T burt back the imputation, nod Listory will etaad by the recor4. ‘That is ailot it The cajumunics of inforiated partisanship Will prove ip tho sequel poisoncd chatte retnening upon their projeoiors, (Cheers) The luresugatiug Senatorial Comtuitten willestablish our innocence amd couaiga our accusers ty morited iniamy ICTRNT AGAINST TIT REPUBLICAN. ‘The demooraume party makes ugaicst us, through the Vico President of the United States, teo Carma! al.ogations. Be saye:— **] charge that the present and ulterior purposes of tho Tepubi ty @ - a oe the doctriae of negro equality into Ameri- can polities, and to parek ie ground Oo: positive legiala- on, bostie to the Scutbers Siatee. «fo exclude the @ave property of the South from ail territory now in the Union, or which horcafter may bo jutred, “ito prevent the admission in eny latiture of another lavehoiding State. ‘ . ‘To repeal tho Fugitive Slave law, aud practically refuse to obey the constitution om that subject. “To refuse w prevect or Duaiah. by State action the epoilation of slave proper wut, O@ to contrary, i See a eileen, skeen ta, hae aie obey the | laws of the Union, in se far as they protect property in | African slaves. ‘Mo abolirh slavery in the District of Columbia. “To abolieh it in the forla, Cockyards, arsenals and other places in the South, where Congress has exclusive juredicnon, “To abolish tho international and coastwise trade. “To lapit, berase and frown upon the institution im are mode of political action, and by evory form of pub- ic Onion. . @ finally, by the Executive, by Congress, by the postal service, the press, and in ‘all other aocossibls modes, to agilale without ceasing, until the States," without eympathy or brotherhood in the Guioa, | worn down by the ucequal struggie, shail be o: i awe a “allegations Renaity pat | Now, geptiowen, these are put | forth. Its not for us to question the motives of the man | who makes them, but I take the allegatious as I fiad | them, and I shail attempt to answor them ta detail. Firat | of all, Lappeai to the courtry aud history. Standing here wpe ane recorded action and the integrity of our previous H character, I plead not guilty of the charges; not guilty on cvery count except one—to that I plead guilty. ON NEGRO EQUALITY, First, we are cot guilty of the purpoze te introduce the doctrine of negro equality ilo American politics, and w make it the ground of positive legislation bos- tile to the Southern Siates. Mark, the crime is here, that we have beet guilty of “‘introcucing.””. Now it is’ well known, #0 far as common rumor goes—we Cannot always judge of the motives of men—that the Dred Scott case ‘wag gotten up by agreement, in advance of legislation, but subsequent to the declaration of the purpose of the democratic party to take pusdeteion of Kangas, Woe did Lot Want any Buch Bubj-ct introduced into politics. Why? Becauae there was alreaiy odium evongh attached to us as being the detoncere of the rights of the uegro agaiust the white man We were called already ‘negro lovers,” ‘end tt was not to our interest to get up an issue of this kind, if we desired so to do, But an agreed case was made, as is reported io Howaru’s Reports. The case came up to tbe Supreme Court of the United States from the United States District Court of Mirgouri, avd although Tam @ follower of the plough, and although he bas perhsps studied Jaw ail his tite, I dec.are that Joha C. Breckenridge does uot understand it. I think I cap present it 60 that a man of the commonest unoerstanding can comprehend it, I will stae the substance of the thing. It was a suit brought by a man of color, called Dred Scott, first in the State Courts of Missourt, where it was decided that Sooit was free; then going up, think, to the Sapreme Court of Missouri, where the decision was reversed and sent back It was taken to the Circuit Court; the pleadings were to this extent: a plea of avatoment was made, Dred Scott bringing an action declaring that, vi et armis, one Sand- ford had assaulted him, and also Harriet Scott, bis wife, aad children, To this Sandford, who is also upon the record, admitted to be—I know not if in reality—a citizen of New York, pleased in abatement that Dred Scott and big wife and ‘children were his slaves, and that, being siaves, or rather, to quote the language as used in the pleadinge, that he was the descenaunt of African slaves, ‘8 man of color, a negro, and therefore he could not be a citizen of the United States; and Sandford calied upon the Court to throw the case out of court; that they had no jurisdiction, and that be (Sandford) should hold, as mas: ter, Dred Scott. So far as the Dred Scott decision became a law of the United States it is simply thas: thatafter the case was twice argued in the Supreme Court of the United States, a majority, standivg five to two, of the Justices, decided that a man of African blood, descended from pa- repts once slaves, cou'd not be a citizen of the United States, and therefore, the Court bavivg no jurisdiction, it wes returned, with instructions to sustain tho Circuit Court. That is whatthey decided. Now, I desire to state that, in my humble judgment, Dred Scott was not the slave of Sandford, anc being a free man of color, accor- dipg to the constitution of the United States, when it was ic, be bad a right to suc, andhada to ve relieved existence of vi ef armis—to from the ; and that was the opinion of Justices McLean and Curtis Aer Jawyer that bas read the dectsion of the Court in Howard’ white reons, a8 for instance women, have not, but that he faa a right to the protection afforded by law; that being a to bold office and yoie—rights which man’ free man, by being carried inw a free Stave and then to tho territory to the ented States by France, be had a right to gue and to be sued. (Applause) He never declared that Scott was entitled to all tbe priviloges of a citzen, but the constitution says “the citizens of each State shall be ontitled to all priviloges and immunities of citizens in the several States; and if Keutucky deter- mines that the black man cannot hold office in the Com- moowealth,a black man coming from Massachusetts can- not bold office; he is but entitled to the protection of the laws given for the security of his own race and condition. The Dred Scots decision was gotten up entirely by the de- mocratic party, and it was made in 1856, after the clec tion of President Buchanan, and intended to sustain the Kaneas-Nebraska bill. In passing, allow me tw say that we make no issue with the Supreme Court on that subd- ject. We acknowledge the Supreme Court decision to be the law of the land, and deny the ion that we in- tend illegally and tactiously to resist the decision of that Court, and force a kind 0} ciuzenship upon the country with which we have nothing to do. So far, then, for the Dred Scott decision. Gentlemen, time passes quickly, and of qouree I SIPS eo clabocsiely. into the argument upon the other part of which is Claimed to be the de cision in the Dred Scott case—that is, that the law of 1787, firet paseed by the confederation of States, and re enacted by the Houre of Representatives at ils very frst seesion vader the constitution in 1769, was unconstitutional That is the dictum of these five Judges. Well, now, gen- Uemen, just let me state one or two strong points, that every man of common sense can understand. It is the practice of all courts—courts of common law and courte of equity of the United States, and a!l the courte of 1eason, justice and common sense on earth, from the earliest time to the latest day, that when questions come up for Gecision, they decide the main queetion, and that other dicta, that ia, words spoken incideota!ly and not to the main question, are notlaw. There are democratic lawye: that bear me to-night, and they will bear me out this statement, and it is right. Thero are just reasons for it, because, the attention of the judges being bound to the main iene, they must not be held responsible for the incidepta) questions of the case. Now, that ig what Justices McLean and Curtis tell us, and they are, ia my opinion. the ablest judges upon the bench. I think Justice Curtis the ablest judge I ever read after, ana he tells us that when the Supreme Court decided in the case that it had no jurisdiction, then their whole power coased. That ia what this jodge tells us, that is what the republicans say, that is what every honest man, unbiased by political assvciations and considerations, must say. I say it, gentle- men, that in my humble juigment the reat of the opinion is pot law, and in this Tam Garey by some of the very ablest judicial minds of the United States, Not only 30, ‘Dut Justice Curtis shows that the Supreme Court has made to the effect that that come in are not part of the law of the land. Therefore we say, in denial of what the democratic party has said, that it is not the land. Therefore we go upon that subject, not for changing, but rather wo deny that it is law, and we appeal to the country to decide betwoon us. We owe no allegiance to it aa to a law of the United States, but it is yet open for free diecusgion by the people, that they may determine it under the constitution of the United 4. To so much we plead gutity, Now, as tha is an eventful question, let us dwell a little upon it. What were the terms of the confederation in regard to it? Betore it ceded these Territories to the United Statos it deciared that it yielded to them entire Jurisdiction, practi. cal and political, and they did “so nominate itin the bond.”” framers of the constitution of 1789 use this Janguage:—‘The Congress sbali have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting th territory or other property of the United States.”” Practice they exercised the whole power. Now here are combined all the most potent data of lo, exposition :— 1. The intention. 2 lavguage. 3. The practica: eight and six—fourteen times did Oongress act upoo this theory, and fourteen times did they kive the te to the pretended aictum of the five Jadges, that Congress haa no power to aject slavery from the Territories, They deny this ve grant of power by Oongress to prohibit slavery in the Territories, ‘Dpcn the aszertion that the word regulation is nota com- mon term used by legal men when they iatond to confer ppoliticnl poms, That i Deere Si ay ort. Ist us look at that. Four times ore with regard have power to “ Does any demo- crat deny that tbat isa legisiative power? What, uoder it, have they done? They not only “regulate commerce” un jer it, between foreign countries and this, rogalating noes and domestic trade, but they pass tho embargo. Why? Because they had power to make all needful rules and regulations appertaining thereto. In the Territories they have similar power, dele. in somewhat same words. Not only jai they the power to cherish commerce, but ‘they had a right to probibit and destroy commerce itsalf. Certainly that is a legislative power, aad it was exor- cleed under this very term “regulate.” Therefore it is abcolute absurd when the Suproms Court and the demo. cratic party undertake to say that when it was onasted that should have the power to make all needful roles regulations for the Territory, thoy did not dele- gate legislate power; ao that the very language that they claim would sebar a grant of power, is shown by four clauses of the constitution to carry with it that very legis- lative power, ib even extending to the taking of life, fliber- ty and property. Don’t they say inthe constitution that ‘they shall have the power? Suck was the understanding | Jefferscn, Madison, the 4 of the olf framers of the Federa! Oonatitution, of the off Covfederation—of Che framers of the ac of 1737, and sithough the Supreme Court are bound to acknowledges that ail the territory acquired previous tu the forme tim of the constitution was gulject to the cootrol of Congreer, they come to the conclusion that the coaste tien cid not Intend to confer the powcr at all, but ‘bat its very exercise wes prohibited by too consti- tution Gentiemen, there Was & portion of ‘these laais, when the constitution was formed, tatended to be cated tnd it War known by the framerg of the constitution fe wee to be ceded, "Georgia and North Carolina afterward ceeed their territory for the Same reason that Virginia ceced Utneds and fnciana, ant left Congress to pasa “al becdful rules apd regu ations Te the Uerr'tory amd ouher property of the United sae i oe hen can the Court dery the power to act over future cessions, while mitting the power over those already cedad ‘betwee 1780? Where is whe intect—where the limitation in ima. sge—where the practice—where the common sense to BuRtain euch an assumption of political power on the pare of the Court? No, it a usurpation by the jadicary pow- er of legisiative action, contrary to the coustitution of the United States, and in overthrow of the libertics of the HOW HE ORANGED AN OPINION. T always believed, until [ readithe opinion of Justice One- tis, with the old free soll party, that under the constite- that the power to prohibit also carried with it the power to eetablish, and the converse, that the power to establish blavery also gave the power to probibit it. I, tnerefere, yiel4ed up my oid opinion (I know not what others may do), because in th’s dicta of Justice Curtis, if Cougreas bas power Sienply becouse there is no limit put upon it, bas power on ether site; that 1, it has emolpoteat sove- retgp ir, eithough this imited powers, irasmuch as mit Cong: eee in eatab! bas tt, has the right to cetablish or abolirh slavory in the tories. It is, then, a mattor upon which we appral to the covptry for decision. ‘Will you go for slavery or free ton? 1_ believe that to be the doctrine of the black repubtionm party, and that is the whole sum and substance of tae contr between us. Wo with and all spre! terns ail Virginia? Are we to believe that the Virginians are all cowards? No! ‘There is in Virginia just as gatlant bleed os flows in the world. It was sim; ‘bec suse slavery was a weak ixstitution from bagia- ping to this time—thar it was what James Madwon told South Carolina and ety it because siavery is what Mr Randolph told Mr. Everest. We tell you that it isa source of weakness in the State, ard therefore, as patriots and lovers of our country, we say to the eeverel States, enjoy your institation as loug aa rou chooge, but so far ag we are responsible we go avaimet it a}! the time. There is the whole front of our offending, Is n cot right? THR ADMISHION OF SLAVE STATES. Another charge mace ie, that we purpose ‘‘to prevent the acmitsion, in apy lautide, of another siavehol State.’ deny that that i (he platform of the reput cen party, a6 made up in 1866 or as itisto be mase ap in 18€C, an? if you will allow me 1 will refer to the re- cr. I cannot rea ail of the platform, but I give you my word there is no euch clause wm it 1 will read one clause :— “Resolved, That with our republican fachers, we held it to be @ eelf-cvident truth, that all men are endowed With the inalicnable right to life, liberty and the pursuit of bappincss, and that the primary object and ulterior cesign of our federal gowerumeut was to secure these rights to ell persons unter its exclusive jurisdiction mark me now, thal does not apply to States; that oar republican fatbers, when they ha? abolished’ slavery im all our national territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, hberty or proverty, without due pro- cees of law; it bec mes our duty to maintain this provi- sion of the constitution againgt ail attempts to violate tt forthe purpose of establishing slavery in any Termiony of the United States, while the present coustivation be maitained.”” Ip thet part of the platform, I have said, ] believe we are werror. For that reason, in the call of the preeeat convention, We leave out all ‘that which hag “eDCO to the last sentence which Tread. I will read that call te you:— “A National Re 0 Convention will meet at Ohi- csgo on Wednt ‘We 18th day of June next, at 12 o’ciock, noon, for nomination of candidates to be papported for Presidcat and Vice Presiient at the next election “The repubiican electors of the several States, the membere of the people's patty of Pennsylvania, and of the opporition party of New Jersey, and ali others whe are willing to co ‘ate with them in gupport of the caa- Gidates which i there be nominatéd, and who are op- poeed to the poilcy of the present a‘mipistration, to fede- ral corruption avd usurpation, and to the extension of flavery into the Tersitori-s, to the new and dangerous politica] doctrine that of ices charg i be orate et } to an in- eqvallty of Hgts citizens, tad Who wow ta fives lished in this government, even at the expense of its ex- istence, aro fnvites tu send trom each State two delegates from every Cr mal district, aud our delegates at ain to the x pee "J i 'y prevent the extension of slavery into the Territories. There js the matter at iesue. Gentlemen, neither in the platform of 1856, nor im the call of the Copvenuon of 1866, ta there any that the Vico Preaidert alleges that no more slave States shal! be a: altied to the Uatoo— there ia of it, is nota trur aliegauon, and I apyeal to the record, I pea! from the inferences and clgations of the Vice Pree cent of the United Staus to-the country upon subject. Before I yover thle, I ile fe ‘da fore I pass over thie, I will a few words with re- gard to the power that the aurehatier’ claim for the pro- tection of slave property under the constitution of the United States, because that is @ vital question. Gentle- men, with all the inconsistency of the democratic party in 1852 avd 1866, they pever thought of this thing, that s‘avery went, under the constitution and by virtue there- of, intoevery Territory, per se. Never was such am ex- pression made use of, bui they all admitted that no such power exieted in or under the constitution Hence, of course, it waa proper to enact that the peopie of a Terri- tory were free t» legisinie elav: ry in or out of the Terrl- tory. Now, gentlemen, the democratic party is placed in this attitase, that if they them knew that under the com- suitvtion and according to wnat they now claim to be the cecition of the Supreme Court, every slavebolder has aright to go into tbe Territory with bis property, they deceived the people to the detriment of the siaveholder when they lett the matter to. be deci‘ed uvon by the noa- slavenoicers What right bad the democratic party to say that tbey should coufiscate the property of ail tae slave- holders ofaT-rritory and leave their property to the tender mercies of the squatters, who make their way from Gar- may, Ireland, C Maseachusetta and. Kentucky? Mr. Breckinridge, or some of bis friends, answer me, yes or 0, id you intend, when you stood in favor of popular sovereigniy, to confecate ali the property of the siave- hol¢ers ot the United States? No, sir. You did not think that you had a rigbt to carry slavery into the Terri- tay. Thats the truth of the matter. In my opinion, that ia what Srl Ng sg delieved. We say that the belief waa ri Why ? Bécauge all the dicta of all the jurists, from time immemorial, from Grotius to Mansfield—all ju kpown to civilization and fs from es earhest cays ¢ this, declared that slaves were a har property, vplike other property known to mea. bat do the best, English Reporis teil uaF Before, 1700 this was declared, and by the highest Courte of the Crown, outeioe of the House of Lords This was declared by Jord Manefleid, with this dicta, which I shall read to you that I may be understood—in that case when Curran grew #0 elcquent—when he declared that whevever a man stood upen Briteh soil bis chains fell from him, aad “he Stood redeemed, regenerated and disenthralled by the genius of universal emancipstion;’— ‘ The state of slavery is of such a nature that it is inca- pable of belng iutroduced on any reasoas, moral or politi- cal, but only poattive law, Which ves ite force jong afier the reasons, occadion, time itself, from whence it was created, is orased from the momory; it is of patore that noting can be sufered to suppor it but Pesitive law. ‘That. decision bas never been questioned in this country, ‘ubti this pew Jight of the democratic party fell upon ‘4 in the decision of the Dred Scott cage in 1856. I say alt the jurists, all men at home and abroad who profess the Christian religion and odey the equally imperative man- date of progressive humanity, coacar in the belief thas tlavery is contrary to natural law—that nothing but po- sitive jaw can support it Under our constitution we adopted the common law of England: and that was the law of this State end ef others, and it was cecited again and again in the courts of Louisiana and of Ken'ucky, of Virginia, and of jneseee, and ta the other Siates of the Union, I’believe w ception, that slave-y was lo. id could vay, exist by virtue of positive law; and when a citizen Lonisana took his slave to Frances, a despotic government, and bronght ber back, her ap; tion to beveclared free was carried to the Supreme Soar of Louisiana, and it was declared that inasmuch asshe had bears vai ie into foreign territory, sho was free, to all dicta on the subject. ‘Once free and always free” (Loud applause.) it has always been held thas slavery Was an institution of municipal law, and the moment jit was carried beyond the pale of thelaw, that moment the rights ef humanity and the great reason to which all law appeals, stepped in and gave freedom. All have determined in the game way, every decirion bas been in the same direction. ‘THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW. T capnot dwell upoo this matter to go all throngh tho | Siena of Justice Curtis, but there is no argument 1@ does not produce to support the position which | bave laid down as being correct, savo one. That one ts the much talked of and much vaunted Fugitive Slave law, Let me aek you if, onder the constitution, slavery goos what do want me that. S E into the Territory of the United Stats, with @ Fugitive Slave clause? Answel would you not AE ae im your slave property as much in any State of the Union, if it is property theres and yet you stood in convention week after week, and month after month, and since, [ ht say, ‘after year, contending for the rights o° the staveholding com- munity to recover fogitive slaves. Tt was all absurdity to quarrel about s power which you assert is in the constitution, You cannot prove that the con- Cog hai ven the power. It cannot be dona it ie in vai that yout ots Soom against the whole authority and common eenee of ages. Yon now talk of legigiative intervention by Congress to protect slavery tm the Territories. What do you want with it if the constite- tiem Goes not give it? What right have youto it? I there- fore deny , ou the part of the republicsa party, that there ig apy such power under the constitution per se to oarrg ~