The New York Herald Newspaper, February 16, 1860, Page 3

called the Moniteur published a letter frovg Emperor siihe French, by which he replied to “4 tether. from us, ‘and in whieh we carnestly entreated D' 4 1, rv with bis powerful patrons’ ip of Paris the integrity and inviolability of the tem; power of the Holy See, and to release 4 from a criminal re- vetion. In hie letter alluding 14 gcertain counsel which he had before given ta us on |, which bave rebelled against semen of the inces mighty Emperor advises us, to renounce the possession those same ly ns Nag guch a renunciation a8 the only remedy for the present disturbed state of affairs. Fach of you, venwra’le brethren, perfectly underetan thai the remembrance of the duty of our bigh cl ndt a!low us to Fomsdn silent after receiving that Without avy ®slay we hastened to reply to Emperor, and in the apostolical liberty of our clared to hivn clearly and openly that we coul way adbere to his counsel, becaure it carried Rurméeustable difficulties on account of our d ‘of Une Holy See, and also on account of actor and the rights of that same See, w1 to the dynasty of avy royal family, bu ‘Atcthe tame "hime we declared we could ‘what ie not ours, and that we oould perfectly comp that the victory which would be given to the revol habitants of the Emilia would be a stimulant to mizion of similar attempts on the part of the native: reign perturbators of the other when ‘witnegs the success 2 ctl bugis Feee isi £ ; the solemn oaths which bind us; without exciting and risings in the rest of our 5 wil injury on all Car holics; the rights not the introduction of certain very did not omit to observe that his what men, with what the recent ‘attempts at rebe! plished at Bologna, at Ravenna and in other towns, while the great y people remained stupifed under the blow of this rebellion, which they did Latins yl and were not disposed at Grin! ow al ee CA very serene ror thought Previnece to be abdicated by us on account of the seditious movem nts which have been there excited from time to time, we opportunely Li that this argu- a § moe beth in the et ee a rope elsewhere, ‘and there is no one who could therefrom draw apy legitimate argument for lessen- ug the possessions of a civil government. We have not omitted to remind the same Emperor, that before the war in Italy be addressed to us a letter very different from his jast one; and one which gave us consolation and not af- fiction. And as, from some expressions in the letter pub- Kished in the above pamed journal, we thought that we to fear that our rebellious proviaces of the Emilia were already regarded as removed from our Pon- tifical domination, we hie , in the name of the Chureh, that in con: of own welfare and utility, he would put an end to our Actu- ate1 by that paterpal charity with which we must watch over the eternal salvation of all, we reminded him that every one must one day render a strict account before the tribunai of Christ, and undergo a very severe judg. ment, and that bean 3 one ovght, on that account, w do energetically everything in his power to merit rather the activo of mercy than that of justice. ‘Such are, among others, the thiags we have said io re- sponse to the powerful Emperor of the French We be- heve it to be our duty, venerable brethren, to inerm you of wis, in order that you and the whole Catholic universe might jearn more and more that we, with the assistance of God and contormably to the obligations of our very worthy minister, are making every effort aad omitting n to courageously defend the cause of religion and of justice; to maintain intact and inviolate the civil power of the Roman Church, its temporal pvesessioas and its rights, which pertain to the whole Catholic universe ; also to guarantee the just rights of other princes. ppon the succor of Him who has said be opprested on «arth, but have faith, I have co the world” (Jobn xvi. 83), and, *, those who suffer persecution for justixe” (Math v.10.) We are ready w fol- jow the illustrious staps of our predecessors, to imitate their example, to undergo the severest and most biter triaie, to sacrifice even life itself, sooner than abandon in apy manner the cause of God, of the Church and of jus- tice. But you can casily , venerable brethren, how bitter is our grief on bebolding 10 what a detestable war our most holy religion is a prey, to the great detriment of goule, and to what storms the Church and the Holy See are gudject. You comprehend also how great is our anguiech on learning the peril of those souls in our provinces troubled by revolt, where piety, religion, feith, honesty and morals are deplorably weakened by pernicious writings. Let you, above all, venerable brethren, who are called to share in our solicitude, aod who have taken in hand with eo much loyalty, constancy and courage, the cause of religion, the Church and the Apostolic See, continue to defend ‘that same cause with ‘still more heart and zeal, to inflame still more each day the faithful entrusted to your care, in order that, under your guidance, they may not cease to employ all their efforts, all their zeal and all their thoughts for the defence ot the Catholic Church and the ly See, and tor the maintainance of the civil power of that same See, of that patrimony of the blessed Peter, whom it is to the ‘in- nquered with His most efficacious succor; ‘His Church; that He may arise and jud; in His pity He may enlighten with the enemies of the Church and of this See, 4 descend to bring them back by His all powerful prudence, to the path of truth, of justice and of salvation. ‘And in order that God, being invoked, may the more easily give cer to our prayers, to yours and to those of all the faithfal, let us ask, above all, venerable brethren, the suaTragee of the Immaculate and Most Holy Mother of God, the Vir , who is the most tender mother of us all, our most certain hope, the efficacious and the pillar of the church, whose patronage is most next to God. Let us implore, also, the suffrages of the Dleseed prince of the apostles, whom Christ our Saviour conetituted tbe corner stone of our church, against which the gates of hell shai! never prevail, and of Paul, hie brother in the apostolate, and of all the saints who reign with Christ in heaven. We do not doubt, venerable brethren, taking into consideration the rare piety and the priestly zeat which distinguish you, that you will hasten to conform to our wishes and requests; and in the mean- time, as a warrant of our charity you, we alfec- tionately accord to you, venerable brethren, to all the clergy and laity confided to your the apos- tones Sleneing! coming from the di of our heart, and joined with our wishes for all real felicity. Gtven at Rome, at St. Peter’s, the 19th day of January, 1860. Of our Pontificate the 14th. REPORT OF THE MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR ON THE LETTER. Simx—The Univers was the organ of a religious party, whose pretensions were every bes # becoming in more direct opposition to the privileges the State. The in- ceseant effor.s of this party tend to dominate the French clergy, to confound the religious opinions, to agitate the country, and to undermine the fundamental 3 on which’ the relations between the Church and civil society are founded. This war made against our most ancient national traditions is most dangerous to religion, which it compromises, because the French cle: have never sepa rated their respectful submission to Holy See in spiri- tual matters from the duties of patriotism. The reli press had misunderstood the mission of moderation and peace which it had to accomplish. The Univers, above all, insensible to the warnings which have been given it, goes every day to the extreme limits of violence. It is to it we ewe those violent discussions in which | the clergy as for all good citizens. The true interests of the Church, as well as those of DECREE OF SUPPRESSION BY THE EMPEROR. The report is followed by tho subjoined imperial decree:— Narougom, By tux Grace or Gop axp tax Nationa Wit, EMPEROR OF neo FRexcn— : ‘of the Interior, considering egsnis aneres of the 17th February, 1852, as follows:— decree ‘Minister of” the ari chargod_ wih he present decree, which will be in the ‘the 29h of Ji ' the PALACE OF THE TUILERIES om igeerr Buxauxt, Minister of the Interior NAPOLEON'S ishops. We at first doubted whether we ly authorized to publish that document. The w which regulates ear our country with Court this question, and resolves it negatively. DEFENCE—INDEPENDENCE OF THE - NEW ‘YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 16, 1860.-TRIPLE SHEET. Hq too = distractions ever to arise from a passing misunder- landing. But it is impossible for us not to deplore the attitude which has been forced Pius IX. under circumstances when the spirit of conciliation appeared as if it ought to ally itself 80 well with the august character of the Holy . Isit not sad tosee in so graves document as that of which we the eternal cause of the Church mixed up with and by interests 20 little worthy of it, and associated with the fortunes of those princes who, in Italy, only maintained themselves by the arms of dela: sad teal Ook totere Gaara eect ok has Weak? Ta Hoch, ane ck tea roneons kiven 38 Sie wevier of the rere for r the separation of the Romagna is that could not abdicate that portion of his territory without ‘detriment to the rights of the princes of Italy, whohave been upjustly des; of their domains.” Here, then, we have the head of the Church making bimeelf, as in the days of Boniface VIII. and Innocent XIL., the arbitrator of po'itical sovereignties. And, mark it well! this arbitration, which in our day ‘would be the most dangerous prerogative for the 4 is, by pavengt contrast, the undeniable of his dependency ; for, before as the war of Italy, we find Rome bent under the influence of Austria—under that in- fluence which Father Lacordaire so justly considered a cause of decline and fall of the Holy See. We should pity French Catholics who could not feel the sad position assumed the Papacy coming forward to a sole pastes me ae ee te oa fe fer no ‘uge than the baggage Austria. a position deceives the of all those who would have liked to see the head of Christianity re- his political power in his union with at The Emperor thought that it was more advantageous for the Pope to give up the Romagna than to recoaquer it ‘at the coet of the blood o: his subjects by foreign inter- vention. He said so eincerely to the Holy Father ina let:er wortby of the eldest Son of the Churca and of the Sovereign of France. The Pope was at hberty to follow or reject that advice. He rejects it. ‘We are far from contesting his right to dogo, and we ave the conviction that the advice of France will never be turned into menace or conetraint. Thus, then, the duty of France is fulfilled. The injustice towaros ber, however great it may be, will not bave the power to make her desert her task of moderation and pro- tection. At Rome she would still, if needs be, defena the Pope egainet anarchy; but if the political authority of the Holy Father everywhere elee is destined to go through otber crises, the reeponsibility must ndét fall upon the gederous Lauion which has done everything to obviate them, and which will be always ready to grant that trusty support which is ignored to-day. [From the Paris Siesle, Jan. 31.) We only received generday evening, at a late hour, permission to publish the encyclical letter of the Pope ‘This 1s what prevented us from annexing to it the expres- sion of the sentiments with which that document has in- spired us. We are about to attempt an analysis of it wath the moderation, independence and sincerity habitual tous. And first of all we separate from the temporal Prince the spiritual chief of the religion professed by the majority of the French; it is to the sovereign who declares bimeelt the enemy of the principles on which our society has been based since 189, it is w the politician that we are about to reply; it is the manifesto of the head of the pondaanl government that we wish t> judge and appre- ciate. A great war was undertaken in Italy; its object was to secure the independence of a neighboring nation, to main- tain the secular policy of France, who has never permitted Italy to be sul ted to the domination of the house of Austria. For eleven years France, who had replaced Pius JX. on his temporal throne, has been soliciting from the Pope’s free will those reforms that were demanded loudly by the entire population of the Roman States. For eleven years the Pope and his government have refused to listen to — ‘Wieest or ei entrance of our troops, who were going to combat in Italy for the boty cause of vived the hopes of the yoke of the cardinals, domination ‘was supported by the bayonets of Austria. The retreat of the Austrians, by allow’ the Romagnas to breath, has Jogically led 16 the fall of that had been so bain- fully ged upright by foreign force. Instead of submitting to the law of necessity, rius IX. wanted to defend his authority, and the Swiss regiments were sent to We do not wish here to embitter the discussion by re- calling the deeds of cruclty which succeesfully upheld the Pope’s authority In that unhappy town. We Cainghe tle that at Rome, Perugia, and, in the Romagnas, the Papal has om its legs for eleven years solely by the protection As soon as these were withdrawn, the people proclaimed with enthu- siasm the downfall of ibis government. ‘What ought Pius IX. to have done? Yield at last to the repeated advice of France, and endeavor by liberal insti- tations, by secularization and wise reforms, to bring back the provinces that had se; from him. The court of Kome, which mistakes obstinacy for strength, has again resited, and now without bbe of recovering the Ro- ‘magnas she to in , and arm in her favor allthe jute monarchs of Europe. etn im the very heart of France a crusade against the principles of the revolution, caliing them pernicious, adverse to the liberty of the }, to civil society, and to the chief of the State, who given her 0 maby Ped of deference and respectful devoted- ness; she js citing the Em) r before the tribunal of God himeelf, and threatening with Divine justice. Nor is that all: shé is addressing all the bishops, patri- archs, primates and archbishops ‘‘to inflame yet more and more every day the faithful committed to their care, in order that, under their,conduct, they may not cease to use all their efforts, zeal, and thoughts in defence of the Ca- tholic church and the Holy See, for the maintenance of the civil power of this same see, this blessed Peter, which it conceres all tect,” Neither ig that all. The Pope takes upon himself to de- legittmacy, the power of the de- throned princes; in a contest against his subjects, against ics to pro- I a ce, he rs himself that fhe shall faucet all the kings, Uithe governments ac- knowledge the same principle. ti pepe pick fede, ho in the warse a. wi a va a would fain rekindle thee odious wars, the sad F iH F iE [ iy fis Hi 3 z F 2 E es 17 3 H 3 .3 g i & i a8¢ 5 g BS a 8 8 5 separate foreve! should always treat with the if be had two hundred then, the Pope not be accused of weakness. of all the Roman Catholic States covers his a neparation from, nota dignsem- | due jo his sacred character—with the blow to its . This Derment of the Roman States which they effect. is absolutely in error, This political question interests in the Holy See, since concerns its own Now, who,in a matter of sovereign, is it give a decision than ten that te Fope : any tomy oral power ro 1D the of the ireh. his inalienable domain, or we ‘must admit that there at least ho is the fret and the sole defended the Pontifical sovere! Malt in the (waditional policy Since the Constitutionnel cites the pe wi thought poral ‘was written on his di tion de 1682:—‘* We know,” it says sees fiefs and manors as legitimate! rights as other men are masters 0! even know thas these things, being por alighted from the church wi sacrilege. We willingly See and all the church on the fact corded to the the sovereignty of city of Rome and of Lah ghiggt Hed hse shoo more freely in all the world the power of the Apostle’s office. and pray that God may be pleased to provect and terve the sacree patrimony of St. Peter.”—(Part 1., 1) How then can the Constitutionnel dare to say, afler havivg invoked Bossuet, that the encyclical letter of the 19th January is an abuse of jurisdiction? “nn iieele, in a few words, has found means t sult the rowful comp! a religious war cry, a the ‘cle addresses to Catholics a w which present circumstances give rare apropos and mar- vellous facilities of replying. consecrated to A ‘the 4 eps OPINIONS OF THE ENGLISH PRESS. WHO WILL BE THE LUTHER OF FRANCB AND CALVIN oF IraLy? ee (Jan, 30) Correepondence of London News. } ben, at the inning of the month, the Univers, iv Published the Fope's speech agaiost, the ‘Emperor, 11010 publi e Pope’ peror, ou that it had made up its mind to brave sq} * Tea blow Res now come; and tt te evidently ercek at the Pore himself, the occasion chosen for the suppression ot the Univers being the publication by that journal of nix Golivess’ encyclical letter of Jan. 19. The Constitutionnel, whose preent editor, M. Grandguillot, delights to koey. up the fiction that he acts upon his own independent judg. ent, gives out that it “asked itself” whether it was le gally authorized to publish the letter, and resolved the question of its own accord in the negative, on acconut of article 1 of the concordat. The Presse, however, Yell the truth, which is that M. Billauit’s interdiction against the publication was accompanied by a refe rence to this article, which runs thus:—No bull, brief, re ecript, dccree, mandate, provition, signature serving as a previgion, or other expeditions from the Court of Rome, even altbough on!y concerning private individuals, sbal! be received, pubhibed, printed or otherwise carried into ex@uticn without the authorization of the government. This very strongly worded clause has been a dead letter ever since the restoration, and is even now no furtner acted upen than for the purpose of establishing the right. The Constitutionnel tells ve that the ‘‘moderation and to- lerence”’ of the administration has not thonght fit to insist vpon such an absolute interdiction, and that yesterday evening itand a'l ite contemporaries were informed that they might reproduce the pontifical letter. It is curious that the Moniteur, which took the lead in publishing the epeech atter M. Billault had given himself the trouble to keep it ont of the journals, has not yet thought fit to notice the letter, the task of replying to which has been delegated to M. Grandguillot. This gen- t'emen, after the usual formal professions of respect for the head of the Catholic church, says that, in the present instance, tbe Pope has departed from the limits aseigned to his juriediction by the memorable deciaration of 1682, to which Bogsuet attached his name. ‘The concluding sentence cf the article in the Consiitu: rionnel, is a manifest recommendation tg all the Pope's sub- jrcts outside the walls of Rome to throw off his yoke as soon ‘as porstle, and is 80 understood by the Presse, which, however, observes satirically that the Constituéions-1, not- withetanding frequent disayowals, continues to speak as if it were authorized by the French government. This is merely the old story. M. Grandguillot, as every body in newspaper circles well knows, does speak from official ingpiration ; subject only to the condi- tion of submitting to be repudiated when conven- jent. His declaration, coinciding with the idea of the pamphlet that the Emperor will not maintain the Pope in the possession of any part of his territories be- yond the city of Rome, is bighly important, and will, 1am Bure, be so considered in Italy. A great step been made since the Emperor’s letter, which half iged that if the Pope would yield to his advice and give up the “i jas, the rest of his States should be gua- ranteed. ‘The su; seion of the Univers reminds the Presse that in 1852 the Univers alone, of all the Paris journals, hailed with enthusiastic approbation the enactment of article 32 ot the organic decree of February 17, by which Louis Na- leon armed himeelf with the power to extin; any wurnal whatever at his will and pleasure. “Thus,” says the Presse, “the arms which the Univers approved of are folce ina catastrophe which, while t weighs heavily upou ‘8 catastrophe which, wl weighs heavily upon writers of talent, reminds us but too forcibly of the fra- gility of our own existence. The lesson which we would must wrong when LA pe to sapaeewe thelr inteceaas from those of liberty.’’ Gene- rally speaking, the suppression of a journal involves the ‘throwing out of bread of dozens of families who live by it. But in the present cage I cannot suppose that any such dis- treesing occurrences will have to be deplored. The foreign Power for whom M. Louis Veuillot those under him worked will no doubt indemnify his servants and subjects against any pecuniary loes. The Peter’s pence subscribed by deluded Irish Peasants will come in for this Purpose. A8 to M, Veutllot himself, he will probably retire to Rome, and it is by no means impossible that he may shortly be made @ card M. Granier de ac, whose articles since he has had no mission to g| on bebalf of the government, are pe et mr and unmeaning, has one to night in the Pays, which is, in the main, nothing but a weak apology for and weak remonstrance with the Pope, but it con- cludes with the following Gallic bounce:— Speaking absolutely, God has no need of anybody; but for the last fourten centuries he has alwys thought it uscful to empley France for the accomplishment of his designs. (From the London Post (Government organ), Jan. 31.) ‘The publication of the encyclical letter of the Pope, ad- dressed to all “patriarchs, primates, archbishope, bishops, and others in communion with the Apostolic See,” and the eupprestion, following swiftly on its publication, of (the ultramontane organ—the Unives—mark another and still more important ‘in the slruggle between the Pope and the Emperor of the French. How will that struggie eno? Can the Pope suppress the Emperor of the French, or will the Emperor of the French, in pure self-defence, be driven to the attempt to suppress the Pope? Can the Pope, a8 he has undertaken to do, suppress Italian na tionality? or will Italian and thoughttul Catholics as the worst out been offered to their creed? 5 the interests of the with thore of govern- filled bim—a Protestant—w: mingled sorrow and pity to behold, but witch, were he a Carholic, he wit- ness with and humiliation, the of : 222 a6 a8 might be at least re- 0 the Cathotis worlt of ‘om which the imperial advice has been “the apostolic liverty of hie advive clashed with his Holy Seo—wun the respect fe : i 2S ait, i = i Dut to UB te Chale wri Very Suradge, indeed, faust bo the leas which this old man ¢ ‘of all that consti- tutes true y in @ supreme and in that pasto- ral pffice w! he en to discharge. Very atrgnge, indeed, his ideas real sacredness of eb I g the objects which the Catholic has atheart. Not asa sheep in the midst of wolves, but as a wolf in the midst ef sheep, has he, on his ; Deen sent forth Ramer and aston- the Christian world, ho tells the Prince, by whose be is prevented from wreaking his cruel will, thaj—“ Moved by paternal charity with which he for the eternal salv: of all, he re- jim that we must all one day render a strict ac- count before the tribunal of Jesus Christ, and be subject- ed Lo most severe judgment, and that therefore we ans allto do the utmost in our power to deserve mercy publication of the 's letter has led to the sup- rion of Be, Univers it journal wag in fact at: mpting to an imperium tn in France. Buj the spirit which the letler waren We aed to the aren of greater things than the ultramontane jour. nal. We know not who may be destined to play the part of @ Luther or of another Calvin in France or modern Daly; forwhom, above all, will be reserved the glory of making Italy Protestant; but the first condition of his success—that of making the pepinsula anti-Papal—seems im a fair way of being achieved by the joint efforts of Pope Pius IX. and of Cardinal Antonelfi, (From the London Times. Feb. 1.] We are now in ion of the whole of the article in the Constitutionnel, signed by M. Grandguillot, the edito of that journal, and in this unpretending shape we fiad a State of great importance, well considered, clearly arranged, logically reasoned , and evidently emanating from the Mt autnorityin France. i Yeaching the Corso, well dressed opie came in numbers from the different streets, and ‘ole the crowd in cryin fan on gain Viva Ni e |”? “ Viva la Frans Viva Pitalia 1? “Viva Vittore Emmanuele !’? Prussian Opinion on the Italian Question. uredly England possessed the right of proposing cer- tain conditions which might not be frend pe the other Powers; but the English government, under the direction of Lord Palmerston, took another course: it entered spon- taneously into private ppiaticns with one of the inte- rested Powers. Was this done with the view of preventing France from fulfilling the obligations which she had con. tracted, or of facili the means of freeing herself from them? We know not; for what is stated as the basis Austria and then upon the rest of Europe, pond t to inka incredible, and we shall not’ believe it until we are forced to do go. According to current reports, nothing less is agitated than the annexation of the three duchies to Sardinia, as well as that of Romagna. It may be doubtful whether this annexation could prevented without an armed in- tervention, and there existed reasons for considering whether it would be advisable to reinforce Sardinia by the addition of Central Italy. ‘The situation of another sovereign of Central Italy re- quired that an arrangement should be made to secure the legitimate interests of the two parties. There appears to have been no question of this in the agreement concluded between France and id. It is said the only object was the aggrandisement which would result to Sardinia from the annexation of the countries annexed, which would swell it out, but which would not streogthen it. But Sardinia ought not to purchase without sacrifices this sggrandizement, which was destined to weaken her. It was not the ancient Sardinia which was to be aggrandized, but a new and smaller Sardinia—Sardinia without Nice and Sawy. The dynasty of Savoy could never wish to purchase aggrandizement at the price of the primitive pos- sessions of her houge; and a Sardinian statesman could never conscientiously exchange ancient and assured pos- seesions for new and uncertain ones. «The letter of the Pope, we are told, inspires re- it, and that respect is to be scrupulously observed. the letter does not. concern matiers of faith, and even 1. matters of faith the Pope is not absolute, untess he conforms to the authority of the canons and is fortifie 1 by the jud nt of the ‘Church. The present question is not a matter of faith, but of policy, and that the Pope has no juriadiction on such a question is proved by the memora- ‘Die declaration of 1682, to which the name of Bossuet is :—(St. Peter and his successors, vicars of Jesus , and even the whole Church, have only received from Ged for things spiritual, which concern salva. |, and not over temporal and civil.’’ Thus, then, the Pope, itis concluded, has been guilty of an abuse of juris. dcition, and is not entitled to that deference te which he would ‘have aclaim in matiers purely spiritual. These tre grave words and of high significance, and announce a change of policy even more complete than is expressed in of the Emperor to suffer no intervention The one the determi between the and his revolted subjects. course might be prejudicial to the tem: Supreme Pontiff, but the other strikes afar deeper blow when it calls in question the ecclesiastical dogma of Papal infallibility. The Pope is not only treated as.a bad Sove- ce in a his subjects by misgovernment, but as ar who a8 gainecl by encroachment powers which the conststution of the church of which he is the head never bestowed upon him. An infaliibility which is to be measured by its conformity with canons and councils sub- mits iteelf virtually to the jurisdiction of private judgment, and is, in fact, no infallibility at all. ‘Since the French Revolution sovereigns of Roman Catholic countries bave been #0 anxious to strengthen their title by a claim to divine right that they have lost that joalousy of the in- terference of the Pope in things both temporal and spiri- tual which was a leading feature in the policy of Ferdi pand and Jsabelia, Philip I!., Louis X{V.; and other props and pillars of the church. Again, we remm4 our Uitra- montace fellow subjects that these things are not written by a Protestant pen, and that this attempt to limit the spiritual as well as the temporat jurisdiction of Rome comes erect from the government of that nation of whore adhe rence to the ancient faith the Pope has most reason t1 be oud. rf Fully aware of the importance of this declaration, and of its historic connection with tbe ancient ame of France, the author of this article proceede significantly to observe that the days of schism and heresy are past, and that there ig no reason to ea @ temporary misunderstand- ing likely in these enligh‘ened days to produce any result of the kind. But nothing shows more clearly how com- plete the estrangement nas become than that any neces- sity should be telt for such aq avowal. SPAIN AND OTHER POWERS TO SUPPORT PIO NON. A Paris correspondent of the London Chronicle, writing on the S0th of January, 83} A strange and up to the preeent unlooked-for complica- tion of the affairs of the Pope seems likely now to occur. From reliable advices received from Madrid, I have every reason to believe that the Queen of Spain, ‘notwith- standing she already has enough to look after, and in spite of the oy ition of her ministers, is resolved to pro- tect openly the temporal power and interests of Rome. ‘The two Pezuelas and the Nuncio are busily forming and concocting euch combinations as would bring about a change of circumstances mach in their favor. Let machinations succeed as they mav, surely they and the Queen also must comprehend that England and France will never, on any Bete tolerate any intervention. The sub- Jects of Pius 1X. must deal with him, and him alone. Spain bas no right w interfere in a matter so totally out ui her province. The Pope is, I am assured, a8 much under Austrian iufluence now as he was before the late campaign. A letter from Turin, in the Paris Siécle, says:— Levers from Rome, the writers of which are generally well inormed, state that the Pope is decided on exciting, if he porsibly can, religious war, by joining with the Bourbons of ma and with Austria The Court of Rome is endeavoring by every means to cause the entry of the army of the King of Naples into its States, that circum- stance would be the signal for civil war between the Italian provinces. Affairs in Central Italy. DIPLOMOTIC CIRCULAR FROM COUNT CAVOUR—ENG- LAND AGAINST A GARIBALDI ARMAMENT. on the question of Central Italy. In this circular Count Cavour observes that the inhabi tants of Central Italy had accepted the Congress with con- fidence, but important events followed which caused its adjournment. The pamphlet ‘Le Pope fet le Congress,” the letter of Napoleon Ill. to the Pope, the speech of the Queen of England, and the h of Lord Palmerston, in the House of Commons, are facts which show the impos- sibility of the restoration of the former rule in Central Italy. It ts certain that the Congress will not be assem- bled for the present. The governments of Central Italy have, under these circumstances, the important duty of giving satisfaction to the legitimate requirements of the people whose dignity and conduct have 20 much astonished Kurope. The go- vernments of Central Italy being satisfied on their part wished also to satisfy those provinces by proclaiming the law‘of Sardinia for poiitical elections. For the present only announcing these facts, Count Cayour concludes by repeating that he will never fail in his responsibility for the tranquility of Europe and the pacification of Italy. "THE GARIBALDI ARMAMENT IN SARDINIA SURREN- DERED TO ENGLAND. In the House of Commons on the Sist of January, Mr. ‘StTaNSFIELD rose to ask the Secretary of Siate for Foreign Aftaies whether it was true or not that, towards the end of the month of December last, a public association, to be entitied La Nazione Armata, having for its object the voluntary arming and organization large numbers of the population of the kingdom of Sardinia, was aah ane by two members of the Chambers, Signori Bro! and Sineo, and the Presidency, with the consent of the King, accepted by Garibaldi; and whether, about the same time, aroyal decree appointing General Garibaldi Inspector.in- Chief of the National Guard of the om had been de- termined upon, and wason the point of being signed by the King; , further, whether, under these circum- stances, Sir James Hudson, her Majesty’s ambassador at ‘Turin, under instructions from the government at home, and in conjunction with the French ambaseador, or other- wise, on the 2d day of January, or on any other occa. sion, protested to the King against such measures, which his Majesty ‘was supposed, of his fown free will, to be about to ooh eating in the name of her Majesty's go- vernment, the good offices * present crisis of Italian alfairs, would be withdrawn if such proposed meagures were persisted in? Lord J. Russsi1—I confess Iam unable to answer the former part of the question of my honorable friend as to what was done in Piedmont with regard to La Nazione Armata I was, however, informed by Sir James Hudson ina private jetter thet there was a plan for baving an armed association in Sardipia, of which General Garibaldi ‘was to be the head, and that Signor Brofferio, one of the Chamber of Deputies, and two or three other deputies, were favorable to the association, and went to General Garibaldi to invite him to accept the presidency. Sir J. Hudeon informed me tbat he had considered the matter, and had come to the conclusion that to have an armed association, not under the control of the sovereign, was quite incopaistent with a monarchy. Sir J. Hudson re- ceived no instructions from her Majesty’s government, nor has the question come before her Majeaty’s government, but I believe that Sir J. Hudson’s opinion reached the ears of the King. General Garibaldi was then asked to reign the i Y this axsctiation, which he did in the most prompt generous manner. General Garibaldi afterwarda wrote to Sir James Hudson to know whether he had given any opinion to the of Sardinia that this association ought to be dissolved. sir J. Hudson answered roe. and ect wor? in his opinion, ina monarchy all the armed forces be un- der the the King. All the forces of the king- dom had previously been under the command of the s0- vereign a8 Commander-in-chief. It was ao entirely pri- vate proceeding on the part of Sir J. Hudson with regard to these questions, and one upon which he received no instructions from her Majesty’s government, nor do I think thatthe French Minister hada anything to do with the matter. As to Sir J. Hudson having stated that the good officas of Great Britain would be withdrawn if the opored measures were persisted in, I believe Sir J. Hudson never made any statement of that kind. Al- to take any ~ notice of stand that this was an entirely unauthorized proceeding on the partof Sir J. Hadson. Lord J. Rueseui—Her Majesty’s government hed never heard of the matter until they were informed of it by Sir in Rome against the Pope's Rule. of the 28th of January says:—On Of the news of the change of ministry at Tu Of the liberal party resoived to get up a de- answer to recently organized by h aaa eensenett oe the evening of the ; but the man anwe-ed, “I cried ¢ live Napoleon |’ and I crya gain, ‘ Long live Napo'eoa |?” ‘The drummers and trumpeters having, #6 usual, com- And how could the English ministry become unfaithful to the traditions of that Englieh ig which has never been abandoned for a moment since the accession of Wil- liam? How could it make such concessions, and adopt the policy of natural frontiers Would Lord Palmerston wish to purchase the liberty of Italy at sucha price? This would be to abandon that very liberty, and perhaps that of Kuropo. Possessed of the of the Alps, the gates of Haly would be in the hands of France, and no aggrandise- went of Sardinia would be capable of compensating her for such an injury. Switzerland would be pressed also on the south by ce, and its neutrality would become ep illusion. The treaty of commerce concluded between France and England js pointed to as justifying these rumors. But what advaniage will England derive from a treaty which will place France in a condition to obtain at a price more advantageous than at present the most important sinews ol war—iron and coal? Ii is not impossible that England has arrived at a point which renders her desirous of yield- ing up her rank in the council of nations, her political position in exchange for some alterations of the taritf. Meesre. Cobden and Bright are not yet at the head of the government of England. TBE GREAT FREE TRADE MOVLMENT. Merchant Saspy u In the House of Commons on the Sist of January, Mr. Lixpsay moved for a select committee to inquire int) the operation of the burdens and restrictions capscially af fecting merchant shipping, and of the following statutes:— The Sth and 10th of Victoria, cap. 93, an act for compen sating the families of persons killed by accidents; the Merchant Shipping act, (1864,) the Merchant Shipping act (1885,) the Passenger act,” (1856,) and the Chinese Passenger act, (1865.) A committee "was appointed, he said, for a similar purpose, upon his motion, last year, Dut owing to the sudden diesolution of Parliament, no re sult bad followed. The object of the committee he was moving for was to inquire into the actual condition of the Britieh shipping interest, which he was sorry to say had for come time past suflered from great depreesion, and to examine generally the cauees of that depression. ‘For his own part, however, he felt that these causes wore 80 ap parcnt that only a yery limited inquiry would be neces- e erase and Differen- tary. He wanted to know what the different govern- ments which bad been in ye bag since 1850 had done to obtain that reciprocity which the British shipowner had a right to expect. (Cheers from the opposition. ) He feared tuat the various governments bad not exerted them felves a8 they might to induce foreign nations to allow our ships to enter their ports on the same terms as their ships were allowed to enter our ports. (Cheers from the oppos'tion.) For many years treaties of reciprocity had existed between this country and the United States, and before 1860 their ships were admitted to our ports on exactly the same terms as our ships were admitted to their ports. Butafter the repaal of the navigation laws our ports in India and Australia were opened to ships of ‘the United States, and in 1854 we threw open the whole of ur coasting trade. The right honorable membor for Ox: ford eaid that he'felt not only sanguine, but perfectly cer- tain that after the actof 1854 the United States would throw open their coasting trade to us. Six years bad passed and the Americans still retained their coasting trade, and stil! excluded our ships. The voyage from New York to California was quite as long and quite as difficult asthe voyage from London to Calcutta, In making it ships were obliged to pase the shores of various foreign nations, and therefore, in its strict technical meaning, it was nota coasting voyage. But the Americans not only maintained that it was a coasting voyage, but that a ship loading at New York with portions of cargo for Rio, Babin. Valparaigo, and the remainder for California, was engaged in the coasting trade from which English sbips were exclude He could only touch upon the loading features of a subject 80 compre- hensive as thie, and, in the Yrst place, be beggod attea- tion tothat of lights. He knew that many honorable members held a strong opinion that, as the shipowners derived the benefit, they ought to maintain the lights. ‘The question had often been discuesed, and it was ex- amined very fully by a committee in 1845, over which the late Mr. Hume presided, and of which the noble lord at the head of the government was a member. That com. mitteo reported that these cbarges should be defrayed out of the consolidated fund, and that the debt incurred by the Trinity House should be undertaken by the public. The noble lord now at the head of the government voted in favor of that resolution. At that timo the shipping. interest, was a protected interest, though he had never been of opinion that it de. rived much benefit from that protection, but if ft was right to recommend the removal of those burdens then, gurely, it was much more so now that our shipping was expored to competition. Surely, if we invite other na- tions to trade freely with us we ought to warn them of the dangers which surrounded our shores, without taxing them for the knowledge. Other nations were far before us in this respect, The United States of America had never charged our stupping visiting their ports a single sixpence for light dues, while their shipping visiting our ports bad paid no less than £234,000 light dues in the ten yeurs from 1840 to 1850. If we redresged this inequality, we should certainly bave a better chance of obtaiaing re- ciprocity from the United States. Mr. Horsratt, in econding the motion, said he agreed with the hon. gentleman by whom it was made, in the in the views with respect to reciprocity to which he had given exprersion, as well as in those which related to the necessity which extsted for the removal of the burdens on shipping and the operation of Lord Campbell's act. Mr. Dicny Seymour said that, while he was actuated by. no spirit of hostility to the motion before the House, he was afraid its terms were not such as to arm the commit- tee with those powers which would place it in a position to set at reet complaints which were made from one end ofthe kingdom to the other. Asto the cause of those complaints he need say but very little, for in the debate upen the subject which had tacen place in May last, hon. members on both sides the House, the representatives of great es well assma!] maritime constituencies, wore unani- mous in their opinion that a cloud heavier than that which the experience of any former year re- vealed then hung over British shipping. He quoted & passage from Mitchel’s Maritime illus. the general condition of the shipping interest, and showing the preponderance of French, Dutch and other foreign ships over British tonnage in the Chinese ports in April last. British vessels in Chipa were unable to hold their own against foreign competition; American, French and Spa- actually e pish rupning ipowners did not , “Ene go back and avail yourselves of your orders in ncil, but look at France; look at America; Jook at the system of differential duties to which our ships were subject in foreign porta, all but excluding us from their trade, and say whether something cannot be done to pot us in a'more fair position.” He was happy to see, 80 far as France was concerned, that the prospect was ‘im- proving; the Emperor was disposed to hold out the hand of a reformer, guided by a judicious and intelligent mind. He bailed this as an indication that the time was not far distant when France would be encouraged to follow the example shown in this country, urgea by the remon- strances which the debate of that evening would enable the Foreign Office to address to her, when our shipping would robe, te in the benefits of prosperous commerce, and when golden threads of friendly interchange would be woven into a band of amity. At present we had to with foreign ships, having differential duties in their favor. America excluded us from her coasting trade, covering a voyage of five thousand miles to Sao Francisco. That could not be called, in any nitable sense of the term, a coasting 2 if 80, what voyage from New York became of the that to bo held a const ing trade? The sbipowners said, in the spirit of tree trade, ‘Let america meet us on fair and equal terms, we will throw our Canadian coasting trade; throw xy did not clamor foe something oe escent and paltry when they soug! vast fleld of profiable employment in the American const- pg trade. Their exclusion from it virtually oxcladed them from much of the foreign trade as weil. Ha did not, therefore, ask too much when ho nates thas the Britieh shipowners might go before a select committee to tell their wrongs, and Tet from that tribunal whether their grievances were such as Providence oaly could help to move of a select committee “to inquire nto the ‘ition of the commercial marine, and the of any legal enactments and peculiar burdens SFictog ine memes! explained, that he bad given that notice at the request of a large body: of shipowners who met in the of London {a the month of November last, tnd exprersed his satifaction that Uho rerult of the bulot, by placing the motion of his honorable friend the mem ber for Sunderland Se Sein tie reper. had relieved him from the task which be had undertaken, and the direction of the committee, if it should be appointed, ene aaa bane oie learned gentleman who moved amendment suvecaed; i tartan Gian wire Gui. Ess Mimmaven Goares warranted by the facts, to the vast field of profitable enter. which would be opened to us if we could get a footing the American coasting trade. The real state of the case jaestions pareing , timber duties, and the stamps upon policics, it was, in his opinion, most important ADat the committee ebouid undertake tbat investigation, in order that the cou! te Ly int » The yah ah) 3 scribed how the various acts toshipping upon the interests of that branch of . ‘The Merchant Shipping act{passed in 1854 every previous act ones apy way affected and was, in fact, a codification of the law as it le troduced various alterations and ed of no fewer than 648 clauses, every one of which was poate through committee in the le did not -intend to that act, but he wished to remind the House understood at the time to be an quire further consideration, It was, to tentative. Six years had now thought the ship owners were justified in House to reconsider the act of 1864, with certaining what improvements might bo (Hear, bear.) So with the Passenger act, introduced, not by the Board of Trade, but by the Under Secretary for the Colonies, and ita effect bad been the Passenger traffic out of the hands owners. Of ninety thousand who barked at Liverpool for the United " thousand went in American ships, aud only fifteen thou- sand in British vessels. At the same time, while our ship- owners had lost the traflic, the American shipowners bad gained an additional sum per head for every pamenees conveyed by them. Nor was that all. A vessel up for the conveyance of emigrants was subjected under tho Passenger act to the inspection of an emigration offi- cer. If the emigration officers acted upon any fixed rule the shipowners would have nothing to complain of, but unfortunately they were moet capricious in their ‘pro- ceedings, and a vessel was often hewed and hacked in pieces to suit their peculiar views. Again, take the case of an English ship conveying passengors to Austra- ja. She might, for some reagon or other, be obliged to put into a port on the Bragiiian coast, and might there be found to be in an unseaworthy con- dition and unfit to contimue her voyage. The means of repair might not be at hand, the ship might ‘be condemned, and in that case the captain would be obliged to pass on his paesengere to their destination. He did not complain of that; but if the ship were an American. ship the captain might snap hie fingers at the authorities, and leave bi gers to do the best they could for themeelves. ¢ Passenger act, therefore, did not plece Frglish and American vessels upon the same footing. 4 ish shipowners might also complain of the abtity which they were expoeed by that act. The House would recollect tbat, in the in’ which took place into the circumstances attending the loss of the Royal Charter, an attempt was made to fix upon the unhappy captain the charge of intoxication. No proof whatever was adduced that Captain Taylor had been a man of intemperate habits, and the charge completely broke down. it what was the object of that charge? It was to fix upon the owners the responribility of havieg entrusted the command of the sbip toa man given to intemperance, and #0 to expose them to heavy claims under the provisions of the Passen- ger act. (Hear, hear.) The honorable gentleman con- cluded by exoressing his intention to vote for the motion of the honorable member for Sunderland. Mr. Beniixcx thought it was impossible to overrate the importance of the question before the House, which relate not only to the depregsion of « great interest but to the sources from which our navy was to be manned. Yet, judging from the appearance of the treasury and front opposition benches ope would suppose that the House was engaged ip discussing some matter of no importance what- ever, (Hear, hear.) The conduct of America especially bad exarperated the honorable member, and yet that con- duct did rot appear to be peculiarly deserving of censure. If a wan, wanting to make bargain with bis neighbor, commenced by giving bim a'l he possessed, ani then found that bie friend was inclined to take what was volun- tarily offered to bim and to keep what be had of his own, be had no right to complain. The conduct of his neigh- bor might be worldly, but surely ft was not unnatural, nor did it deserve the epithets +o frecly scattered about by the honorable member for Sunderland. It seems, however, that our government was to demand that rect procity to which we were entitled. If this country de- manded reciprocity from America and othor countries, it was bound to tell those countries what course would ‘be pursued in case the Gemand met with a refusal. Thero ‘would be then but one clear course which he should re- commend, and that was,as other countries declined to meet England in a spirit of fair play ani justice, to revoke all the concessions made by England. Mr. A. Siu thought that the proporal of the honorable member for Sunderland, wi h the addition snggested by the honorable member for Lanaon, would be uccepted by the House. It was becauee he was a believer in free rade that the reciprocity clauses ought, in his op'nion, to be in- sisted upon. In respect to our trade with the United States there was this difficulty, that we were sometimes dealing with individual States, and sometimes with the whole confederation. He held, however, that the British government had « right to insist that the trade between one S'ate and another should be regarded as coasting trade. He agreed with Mr. Labouchere, who. when a Minister of the Crown and a member of that House, said that the notion that a voyage between Malta and England ‘stood upon a different footing from a voyage between New York and California was preposterous and inconsistent. One of the greatest grievances of which the shipping in- tercet of this country bad to complain was the subjection in which they were kept by the Board of Trade. Onr those who were practically connected with the shippi interest knew the absurdities and difficulties to which they were thus exposed, from the whole of which foreign na- tions were exempt. Owners of vessels bad great cause to complain that an examination of masters and mates was obligatory, in order to enable them to command a vessel. ‘The certificate, unfortunately, was no test of seamanship. men who were crammed to acertain extent got the certificate, while thore who were far better seamen were unable to obtain it. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Cave expressed a hope that the euggestion of the honorable member for London would be embodied in the original motion before it was finally adopted by the House, by which means the inquiry would be materially widened. Besides, after the discussion of the previous night on the eappointment of the Packet Service Committee, it was desirable that the objects and scope of the inquiry should be well deBned in the order of reference. Asto the re- ciprocity question, a French ship at Calcutta commanded a higher rate of freight for the homeward voyage than an English one, simply because she had a choice of two desti nations. (Hear,bear.) Again, an English ship went from China to New York and discharged her cargo. She was obliged, if she wished to return to China, to go back pro. bably in ballast. But an American ship going from China to New York, after discharging her cargo, could take a fresh one and goa coasting voyage to San Francisco, which would take her half way back to China. (Hear, hear.) Besides, it was said we could not enforce the re. ciprocity clauees. If that wereo, it was a humiliating consid that we should have provisions on our sta- tute book which were inoperative, and therefore a delu- sion and a snare. He thought that if the government as- sumed a firm, just and reasonable attitude towards other countries on the question of reciprocity we should find them more pliable than we thought they were. He held at all events, that our shipping interest, restored to equal rights with that of other nations, would fear competition with the mercantile marine of no country in the world. (Hear, hear.) Mr. M. Ginson said it wae really impossible for him to touch upon the various subjects which had been intro- duced into this debate, and it would be very inconvenient to do 80, a8 many of the acts of Parliament and measures adopted by foreign countries which had been mentioned wore precisely the subjects proposed for inquiry by this committee. He was well aware that many of those regulations and acts of Parliament were of recent origin; but he did not think that any one was of opinion that they were so perfeat as not to be susceptible of changes which would be beneficial to the shipping interest. (Hear. hear.) In 165, 3,599,000 tons of British shipping were employed in the home and foreign trade; in 1856, 4,000,000 tons; in 1857, 6,211,000, and in 1858, 4,825 242 tons. Such an increase as this irresistibly led to the conclusion that if there were « eerious d pression in British shi ig it could but be temporary, and that we might look rd to a speedy improvement, even if it hed not already begun. (Hear, hear.) The old comparison so otten mase between the number of British ships entering and clearing from the different ports of the united kingdom, and lhe number of foreign ships 20 entering and c 1B out was somewhat fallacious, be- cause in the return of British ships no account was taken of thoge employed in other parts of the world, besween Australia, for instance, and foreign ports. (Hear, bear. But bad the alleged depression been peculiar to Eagland? From a return contained in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury in the United States, it appeared that le there had been an increase in the British shipping em- ployed in the last three years in the home and fo! trade, there had been a decrease in the shipping of United States employed in their home and foreign trade. as. bear.) And if similar returns could be obtained for France and Holland, he had every reason to believe that they would show the same result. These were the figures. From 155 up to the present time 335,072 tons bad been acded to the number of British ships employed in our home and foreign trade—about 10 per cent.—only 66,964 tons had been added tothe number of American ships, or rather less than 1 per cent. The conclusion at which those persons, who, he believed to be fully com} tent to form an opinion, had arrived, and which he him- telf had also formed, was a fluctuation common to all trades and employments. It wou!d be quite imporsible by any legislation to secure to the shipowners year by year an undeviating course of Prosperity —to provide that freights should be sottled at one fixed sum, or that the shipping interest should derive from the employment of their vessels. same uniform rate of profit. (Hear, hear.) The only fair way was to take an average of years, and the progressive increase for the last few years jn the British em; it to give us confidence that the epregron Toda we ta temporary. (Hear, hear.) Thore no objection on the part of the government to an inquiry, but be would be no party to Heys ieee in the order of leading to the idea that it was possible to finda remedy for the — depression by reversing the commercial policy of this country. (Hear, hear.) As far as he could gather, there appeared to be no such desire on side of the House. Honorable gentlemen who had ‘hat side rivalled cach other in their professions rence to free trade, while on the other not orable member for West Norfolk seemed desirous of re- turning to pretection. (Hear. ) From Galignani’s Meesenger, Feb. 1. Destwet sibon our last report, has been 1 | complete rp the esas pf Fa as Lae future ting an end to any commercial undertakings § ead Every one waits until the questions set forte f the Imperial programme shall have been m order to Know exactly what they hope. reat have to far or 13 Ove be as tees ‘business will the Colton velyets of Amiens are mferior to what can