The New York Herald Newspaper, January 30, 1860, Page 4

4 Ww, Was ooerty ter. “Under these rrirntations ibe ineatmear ot weaereity id and bw gronter hired serve: Notwithstanding the Massacl ‘im 1780, slavery seoms to have coutinucd for some years ‘tn that The following brie! report of the case of V& Tuttle is appended to Judge Varsona’ opinion Im the case of Winehodon vs. Hatield:— This was an action of nssumpsit for money expended by the forthe #upport and maintenance of Jacob, Suegrdend a pauper. Upon ine general lasue p bese fac swore proved wo the Bamed Scipio, wes repated a negro slave w! Dorn and, accorting to the then Jus tts snitaat of ‘Was the property of Nathan Chase, a: oe Cato’s mother, named Violet, was & 0 fa the sam reputed Sonaition, wnd the greperty of Josep root. gctinO ant Violet were lawfully yuniried G BR = born in Littetup, fanuary 1, 177 enera! option, = alsve, tos property of the suid tinrsrood, as wood, om tho 17th Febeu sry, ut, Tuttle) who retained bim in nan een se a fondant delivered sien to Inbor, the defendant im to | eee apg Littleton, anc left bim with them, to make aay p*ovisiea for him, whereupon the over seers expended the money in his matotenance for which thig Rotion was brought. The Uourt stopped the defendant's counse! from replying avd the ‘ble? Justice charged the jury asthe upani0us opinion of the Court, that born tn inie country, was born free, aud that thedefendant was nt charge- able for his support after be was twenty-one years of aye. It thus appears that slavery ceased to exist in Massachu- Bette. not by legislative action, but by tho opo: na of a judicial decwion rendered in 1796, by which a coustruc- tion was placed om certain provisions of her dociaration of rights, which 18 very different {rom the interpretation | which similar provisions have received in other parts of the confederacy, The clause referred to is im these words :— All mam/are born free aud equal, and have certain natural, owner of his motber. his be was + pat mmalineasio rights; amoag which may. dé Seckoned the gibiut enjoying and defendiug their ives and Ut ‘and thei of neyuiriog possesalug and protecting pro- fine tbat Of sevkig and obisiuing thelr safety and, ppiness. It is obvious, also, that this provision of the declaration | of rights could not have been regarded as necessarily conferring the right to freedom on the slave population ; for, if such had been the opinion geveretly entertained, it would not have remained inoperative for sixteen years. Penusylvavia passed her first act for the removal of slavery, 1st March, 1780; New Jersey in 1784, Connecti- cut in 1784, apd New York in 1788; but these laws were very gradual tu their operation, for the consna tables dis- chee the fact that, in 1790, there were 153 slaves in New Hampshire and seveotecn in Vermont, and much larger numbers im the other Siates. As late as 1880 there wor slaves in every Now Fogiand Stato except Vermont It thus appears ach State has claimed aud exor- cised the right to ts own domestic institutions | accor tip ‘©, without let or hindrance tution was adopted, the the States north of Dela. fourths were found in t was well known to | ears the institation would cease | whole number of ware, was 40,370. New York and New every one that in a fow to exist in ail the Norther At this date, the Al trado existed in fall vigor, and the itaportation of skuves into some of the States was tolerated, whilst in others it was strictly prohibited, under Leavy pen: When, in pursuance of the can invitation given by Virginia to her sister States, to send delegates toa convention, to form a more perfrct unton, that body assembled, thes diversities in the institauions and interests of the Northern and hern States, which it was foreseen would tend naturally attracted attention, | and anxious deliberation. ne slavery question presented | constitution, was in regard to | opulation to taxation and repre- was adjnsted without much de- all parties, in conformity with | din the Continental Congress, pulated that three-fifths of the ¢ counted in establishing the ratio | the imposition of direct taxes. 1 this propositioa stood: Ayoe—Mas- ticut, New York, Pennsylvania, Mary- North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, jersey and Delaware—2.—Elliott’s De: next aspect in which the subject arose was in regard to the auppression of the Airican slave trade: and bero again the subject of difference was settled in « wise spirit | of conciliation and mut mneession The proposition origin'ly reported to te Convention was in these words — The migration or imp States now existing sb: robibited by the le; juty mey be imposed ou progressively to increase and were the subject of g) ‘The first form in which o Wie frai t lation of a. ‘This bate, to the s: the rule pr ‘ion of svc! peraons as the several proper to admit, shall not be >the year 1S), Duta tax or gration or importation ata rate think not exceeding the average of the duties levied on imports, | (Bl- Vott's Debates, vol. 1, page 282) On the 25th of Av Vv was = mored to amend the report by striking out the words “ibe year eighteen hundred ingerting the words ‘the year eighteen hundred ant ¢ passed in the affirmative: Yoas—New Hamp: chusetta, Connecticnt, Maryland, Nortl Carolina and Georgia—i ; nays—New vania, Delaware and V 4 York did not vote op the qu New, Hampatire, Maseach’ ht, which na, South y, Ponnsy! appears ett Connecticut voto to p the period during which the slave trade should be allowed On the question to agree as amended, “The persons ast proper to adm't od by prohibit a in tho afl re jon to the feration on ¢ as in these word ir vice or !abor in ai into another hose ern Y or adopted. all their Jelfbera the constitution. Whe: accompanied is so replete W structive as to guided, that y t patriotic of is obvionsiay ip e Sates, to seenre ad ye pro in In 11 our delive our view that waich ay Atmoriean—t¢ involved our prop exe nee. This | been the insiin her freedo: It is doubtle, ite detaila, accep Convent In counsels, goversel 3 obedience to which es -n cessions for the com ‘The first census wa that time to the prvgont cot sn m and bs Tn 1807 @ law was Passo with the’ provision= th slave trade after scrupulous 3 , im Obediencs to tye mundat» the enacted a law rendition of fagitives trom labor. This a in many of its provisions, but ia cons of fraternit ee aan perv 2 ie of portoas of the Union, in the carlier aud bet Tor aayeet’ republic, no practical inconvenience re- sulted from the imperfections in law. Asa striking ulustration of the just sentimonts which pr tod shortly after the government of the United States went into prac ‘tical operation, your committee take p! to the patriotic action of the State of hat State paarpenet a penal law to yrevent the-sal tra Rogroes and mulattoes out of the Stave. < Se lrarveell et 127.) Bat immediately avon hor a tas om into the Union sho repealed it, bocanss it was sup. 1 ete be im conflict with the section of the coastitativa «ho, United States im regard to the earrender of fugitives i a tabor. 802'the subject of the duty of the States under the | -r ab constitation was referred to iu tho Suprema Ooort or Vermont, and the judges availed shomeelves of the oc: casion to gtve expression to sontiments which deserve w be deeply mpresand on the hearts of tae people of ali | sectiomm “Judge Tyler eomarked:— Wit Petpet io what hoe been obaseved on the eonstite and laws of the Union, | Will obserce that whoere> vie tevdivaigthe constitution of the Unied States, walle be «i nis the wisdom whieh traned it. wili pereeive Astin order | ig the ingress of @ uiuerous peopte, lubvridag a bro ed Merri .er?. anal Qosssastog. fe em ation aaa hebita, | Oa ImMooriwvar guiyeos it was co: | Provisions ia favor of local pre: | eferciag | graphical divisions; and it was at once | Contest of that character was fraught | remove the slavery agttader | therefrom, vat to leave the people thereof! perfectly ‘tom, and #0 to ‘bis or supposed th» whole national bis coustitution, statuie la we and ao be Ines made ‘sof all abanta mm. In {poe OUP adlaiise.ca d's peual act wich Sue’ dan) Slate ware a J vl a bet | emul ‘st the third member of the Peern of ihe 4th artcle of the congittution. of the USited Bites; wea repealed: ard if cases shall happen in whieb our loes! sootimen'e wud feel nj Dinat ibe good poovle of Vermont will, on 8, hit wich eteertulness tothe national constitution and laws Lif wemay wish (2 6Ome particular more cougenial to modes af thinking, yok ee tat be sensible ere produative merous Us 8a individaals, and to the State asou interral part of te Union, Sutiote denntoan Robinson spoke as‘follows:— conctr fully in oplaton with the assistant acne, Teball alway respect constitution aad jaws of ibe ion; and though it my sometimes be @ remetant, yet [ sisi! always render & prompt obed:ence to them, fully se asible that while reverence & copstitution aud laws which favor the opiulons and prejudices of the citizens of other sections of the Union, the same constitution and laws contain also provisions whica are to conatenet under favorabie to our peculiar opinions and udices, and woich Senna eaerenees.s Lee eure se " ‘ nallable [ un, chee 2 Tyler's Bep. jehtatdenation i As long as the States continucd to be governed in their relations to the federal government and to cach other by tho wise and patriotic spirit which dictated these opinions, none but the mot amicablo feelings could exist between them Up to this period, theretoro, no disposition was manifested in umy quarter to ropudiate the zuarantoes of the constitution. The acquisition of Louisiana and Florida, embracing a large extent of territory adapted to slave labor, gave rise to some uneasiness in the Northern mind ia regard to the futuro ee tho slave States in the national obun- cils. This uncasiness continued to increase until 1820, when it developed itself practically by an attempt to im- pose restrictions on tho State of Missouri as conditions cedent to ber admission iuto the Union. It is but i" however, to stato, that the struggle on this quostien wi marked not only by hostility to slavery, but by ppolower of the growing polities! “power ‘of the States. ho contest’ in regard to the terms on which Miseocri should be admitted created deep fecl- ing throughout the Union. It was the first occasion on which parties wero arrayed according to perceived that it with danger to harmony and permanency of the Union. Fortunatel: however, the race of revolutionary patriow was extinct, and the noble band of statesmen wi! called into the public counci’s by the war exercised a commanding influence in the halls of and in the cabinet of the Executive. Under the of these distinguished men, the restrictions on the of Missouri were defeated, and a line of ition was 2& | drawn through the unoccupicd territory of the United | States along @ parallel of 86 deg 30 min., to our west- ern frontier, with an enactment that slavery was to be prohibited in all the territory north of that lino, and permit- ted, if desired by the people, in all south of it; tl ar- rangement secured an outlet for the expanding population ot both sections, and the two systems of civilization and labor were left to progress westward, side by side, with- | out interference with each other, Under this compromise it was eupposed that ali causes of controversy arising out of the irritating subject of slavery | would be banisbe: from the halls of federal legislation. But in a fow years an incongiderable band of fanatics, in- sugated by a misch.cvous spirit, besieged the two houses of Congress with petitions to abolish slavery in the Dis trict of Columbia, and to prohibit the slave trade between the States. ‘The eflect of these petitions was to create much irritation and ill feeling between different parts of the Unioa. N Such was tho aspect of the slavery question in 1843-"4, | when Texas, which bad recently established her inde- pendence after a gallant struggle with Mexico, sought ad- mission into our Union There was great diversity of opinion among the people of the United States, both in the Northern and Southern States, as to the policy of receiving her into our confederacy. Animated discussions ensued in all parts of the country on this great question; and Gnaily, Fes absorbing was the juterest which was (elt in it, | that ne an importavt clement in the Presideutial | election. James K. Polk was the representative of those | favorable to admission, and Henry Clay of those opposed toit. On this great issue the country, and the verdict of pa! the adinigsion of Texas as a si tion in the form of an trrevocal day four more slave States might be carved out of ber vast Territory, »8 (he convenience of her adv Ke ite might require. The Northern or non slaveholding States opinion was in favor of tate, and with a stipula- le compact, that at a future which thus voted to enlarge the area of slavery, were | Maine, New Hampshire, New York, Pennsylvania, Indiana, lilinois and Michigan, giving 103 electoral votes. The slave States young with ‘them wore Virginia, South | Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Mis- | souri and Arkapsas—sixty seven electoral votes. This vast aadition to the slave territory of the United States was therefore emphatically approved by the con- curring votes of slavcholding and nou-stavcholding States; and whatever responsibility belongs to the act, in a moral, social cr political aspect, necessarily attaches itself to them in common with those Southern States which voted with them. ‘The acmiscion of Texas was soon followed by the war with Mexico, which, after a ser of brilliant victories, resulted in the subjugation of ber capital, and the ratifica” tion of the treaty of Guade: © Hidalgo, by which she coded to tho United States Upper Catifornia, New Mexico, | The of these territories, in rogard to slavery, was un- | settled, and immodiately after tho ratification of the treaty | and other itory west of our ancient frontier. of peace, an animated struggle on this question arose in the two branches of Congress. The Koxth promptly proposed a compromise, by which the line of partition along the paratic! of thirty-six degrees | thirty minutes should be extended to the Pacific Ocean and that the covenants of the Missouri compromise should be extended to ail the newly acquired territory. This | proposition was rejected by the North, and an angry con- fest ensued, which seriously endangered the peace aud tranqmllity of the Union. Peaceful counsels, however, prevailed, The most emincat men of both political par. ties, and of all parts of the confederacy, labored together he of Clay and Cass,and Webster and ‘neon, and Douglas and Foote, and othor distinguished men, a geries of measu ‘ag matured, sanctioasd by both branches of Congress and approved by the President. Under this system of compromiso, California, in con: formity with her wishes expressed throngh her Stato Con. vention, which, taough irregularly convened, was | suppesed to represent the seuuments of her peo. | plo, was to be admitted as a froe State, and the status of the residue the territory ‘coded by Mexico was to be mined by iho people of re ought admission into the the Territ Un alzo embraced two ich was adopted in de- ‘8 of the North, and the other for the The first was the abolition of the iu the District of Columbia, and the second . nt law ‘for the rendition ply the defects of the act of was the pas 3 of measure igh passed f 8, constitated uy - ‘the passage of one others: ts. Neitl the pai e of the and if it be possibt of a law by superaddin; faith, no ox onfated rinciple than the Fugitive Slave la ‘enants entered into by the Soath were required that they ghould be performed ‘ ja as dismembered of a por- her compact with her —and to allow tho slave Dietrict of Columbia. ceed to pay for there concessions ne right of New Mf rritory to iatro k proper, and t was the recocnition of r newly acquired 1 might v ‘egitive slaves surrender of ise tie South has poi formed every- nbentomn ber. Cal ‘nia hag been the District of ¢ bia has been now asks ie the ent of the th. Tt fs ve jaw has passed throagh ali th and now has a place at tho law is a to the ear, of ite passag: lative azsembi hath broken tt to the present hour the poople, the legis- and the judicial tribunals of the Northern States have manifested ‘the most detormined purpose to | Set it at pang! Although it has been adjudged by the highest court of the United States to be in conformity with the constitution, and therefore to be a part of the supreme Jaw of the land, the Legislatures of almost all the Northern States have passed acts to nullify or evade its practical execution. Many of their courts have interposed overy obstacle in their power to its enforcement, and mobs have risen in most of the Northern cities to resist the law, and to reecue the fugitives from iabor by force of arms. ‘This condition of things furnishes a striking evidence o: the of a spirit unfriendly to the guarantees of the conatitution, and at war with all the obligations of national faith, which is in painful contrast with the patriotic con- duct of Vermont in the better cays of the repablic, which has already been adverted to. The compromise measures of 1860 were by no means acceptable, in all their features, either to the Norih or th> South. But patriotic men of both sections were willing to sacrifice their opinions and wishes for the pubic guoi: and within two years from their passage, the whole com try profeased a willingness, if not to approve, at ica w acquicsce in them as a figal seitiement of the irritating sudjects which they embraced. Comparative tranquillity was again restored, and ia 1852 both the great political parties which then divided the country, and contended for the power to guide its policy, through their respective national conventioas, deciared their purpose io abide by the compromises of 1850, and to discountenance the further agitation of the slavery | question in or out of Congress. President Pierce haviag been elected on this platform, availed himself of the cart! eat appropriate occasion, in his first anaual Message to wn Sa aoe ssa to announce bie _parpose t» ges given in his behalt ore el hie, half by tl Atsthis juncture a bill was int wasisilent in regard to slavery; au tv the operation af Missourl compromise, slavery would beve b see exelpded from both. Subsequently, the bill was modified 80 ag to embrace a clauze which declares the lay of 18> i commonly known ag the Miseour! Con>romice ope and void, and in this form it became a law. Tue avowed object of the mover and friends of the bill was to from the balls of Con: and to lodahze it, by conflaing it to the Terri they should ively be ic a coustition to theiz own municipal institutions, The bill deci that {te (rue intent and meaning was “not to logis y into any Terrifors or State, nor to ex: free fo form and rogulate their domestic institntions in their own was, subject only to the constitution of the United ‘The passage of this law furalshed the pretext for the ra parttes went before the | {an adjustment; and finally, in ‘Septomber, 1850, | 3 | at jepand the | Texas has been dismembered— | revival, with inerersed bitterness, of all the sectional fruas which bad been temporarny: allayed by the men. fures of 1850. Throughout the Norihere States ola part lnce wore almost obliterated, and a new Northort: pitt Veal organization eprang into existence, under the desig. pawon of the republi ty. Ths orgeuization was Cistinct'y sectional ts character, andit woon. acquired the ase: ndancy in almost every Northern State... The os- tenet ‘ject of this party was to organize public op.a- jem in opposition to the repealof the Missouri comp -o- wise, Hud to the extension of Slavery. into new Territo- rieg. Tut it s00n became evident, from the. racter of the party, the doctrines which it inow the policy which it pursued, that ite real pug; make wor upon the institution of slavery Your committee Lave uo doubt that tho ulterior designs of the leaners cf the party were carefiy concealed from the Breat.bedy of those who enlisted under its baaner, acd who would huvo recoiled from the idea of iayadug the acknow!rdged rights of tho Southern States, and trampling The € was to Ope of toular districts is to reas opinions and aim: otger districts. eaeageor tie” ooraen tm mugh saan yarnings which spring from “ taicns. 7 opr 5 Tend to eo ter allen wench oer thane The alpen Sirp yf were still further disclosed when bey assembled in their national convention to give formal and authentic expression to their political creed and to select their candidate for the Presidency. In one of the resolutions adopted by that body they avow the opinion that slavery stands on the samo level with poly tan and denounce both as ‘twin relics of barbarism.” y this declaration they seek to place all the Southern States outside of the pale of civilization, and to cover ‘With obloquy and rey h the memory of Washington, lenry, Madieon, Marshall, Clay, Calhoun, | Lowndes, and the whole hosts of Southern patriots whose illustrious names constitate the brighest jewels in the treasury of our national fame. | . When it was supposed that public opinion was suf- | ficiently prepared for the announcement, we tind the doc- trinc openly proclaimed in various parts of the North, by the representative men of the blican party, that there exists an esopresstie conflict between the social systems of the North and the South which must progress until ope or the other is exterminated. | Such is the organization, and euch are the cardinal doc- | trines of the republican party, as derived from the legiti- mate exponents of their faith ‘and policy. If we turn to the legislative action of the Northern States, in which that party has obtained the ascendancy, | we find that it is in strict conformity with their mis- | chievous dogmas. Thoir statute books are filled with | enactments conceived in a spiritof hostility to the institu tions of the South, at war with the true interest and mean- ing of the jederal compact, and adopted for the avowed | Purpose of rendering nugatory some of the express cove- nanis of the constitution of the United States {| It would extend this roport to an unreasonable jength, | if your committee should attempt to review this unfriend: | ly legislation in detail. They will, therefore, content | themselves with a brief reference to some of the most | prominent features of these laws, copies of which will be found in the appendix. MAINE. By the laws of this State it is provided, that if a fugi- tive slave shall be arrested, he shall be defended by tl attorney for the Commonwealth, and all expenses of such efence paid out of the public treasury. The use of all rate and county jails and of all buildings{belonging to the State, are forbidden the reception or securing fugitive slaves, and ail oljicers are forbidden, under heavy penal- tics, from arresting or aiding in the arrest of fugitive slaves. If a slaveholder or other person shal! unlawfally feize or confine a fugitive slave, ho shall be liable,to be im- prisoned for not more than five years, or fined not exceed- ing $1,000. It a elaveholder take a slave into the State, | the slave is thereby made free; and if the master under- take to exercise any control over him, he is subjected to imprisonment for not lees than one year, or fined not ex- cecainy $1,000. Tne Dred Scott decision of the Supreme Court has been declared unconstitutional, and many offensive and a matory resolutions bave been passed by the Legislature, NEW BAMPSHIRE. Your committce lave not bad access to. a complete se- ries of the laws of this State. But a general index, which bas been consulted, shows that a law exists by which ali slaves entering the State, either with or without ‘the congent of their masters, are declared free, and any attempt to capture or hold them is declared to be a fe- lony. VERMONT, This State eecms to have entirely forgotten the conser- yativo and law abiding sentiment which governed its ac- tion in the earlicr period of her history. Tier law now foroids all citizens and officers of the State from executing or assisting to execute the Fugitive juve law, or to arrest a fugitive slave, under penalty of imprisonment for not less than oue year, or a fine not ox- puoi ted, at pnblic ex- be diecharged every The habeas corpus ves shall be triod by pution of t e r obstacles to the ry, and interpoecs oth the Fugitive Slave law further provides, that all persous unlawfully seizing or confining atperson us afugitice slave, ¢ confined inthe State prison not moro than ten held as aglaye, who shall bo brought into this State, is | decineed free, and ail persons shall hold or attempt to hold asa elave aby person 80 brought into tho State in any | form, or for any time, howover short, sbal! be confloed in than one norywore than /itteca 000. Th | yeara, and fined not exceeding $2,090 0 Legisiuture | bas also pursed sundry offen: | MASSACHUSETTS. | The taws of this State forbi her citize ng a fogitive slave, | the Fugit | s the ugo of her jails or from every county to ald fogitive slaves recovering their free. Yom when procecded against as fugitive slaves, and all % Such proceovings are directed to be paid “Any person wh the S shall remove, or attem; with the intention to miive slave, ‘antng of the constitution, is Hable to punieu- mont by fine Tot less than $1,0C0 nor more than $5,000, and imprisoutnent not less than one nor more than ‘dye yoars. by jury to fugitive mpextiments to «the ive Slave !nw. Her Logisiature has nt and offensive resolutions. CONNECTIOUT lias late as int appears by the G © penalties, all her o' Fugitive Slave law, and done by them in atte son who shall iaisely OF pretend that apy per: or owes service or labor to al intent to procure, or to aid ons, fi bio removal of sich free person from this Stato as a slave, shall of $6,000, and shali be imprisoned Gye } : under this act, the truth of any declaration, representation or pretenoo that any per- son being or having been in this State, ig or wasa Elave, or owes or did owe service or labor.to any other person or 8, shall not be dd proved, except by the testi Y of at least tevo crodible witnesses testifying to facts directly tending to the trash of such declaration, pre- tezce “or representation, or by legal evidence oquiva- lent thereto. Sec. Seudjects toa fine of $6,000 and imprisonment ia the State prison for five yoars, all who shail seize avy person entitied to freedom, with intent to haye euch person held in slavery. § See. 4 prohibits the “admigsion of dopesitions im al cases under this act, and provides that if Apy witness tostifes y faccured aud proeccuted under this act, be shall be dined $5,000, and imprisoned Sve years in the State prison. ‘This law is, in the opinion of Four committes, but little tbort of an invitation to perjury, by impos no penal- ties on false ewouring against the party accused. ‘The reeolutions of the Legieiataro are offensive and dis. organizng. RUODE ISLAND. Tho statutes of Rhode Ieland provide that any one who transports, or causes to be transported by land or water, apy person lawfully inhabiting thereto, to any place with- out the limits of the State, except by due course of law, ehall bo imprisoned notMicss than one, nor more than ten | yeare. They sigo prohibit all officers from aiding in exe | Cuiing the Fugitive Slave law, or arresting @ Tugitive slavo, and depy the use of her jaiis and public building: fcr se- curing any suich fugitive. NRW YOR This State has enacted that every porson who shall, without lawfal authority, remove, or attempt to remove, fron} this State any fugitive slave, shal! forfeit to th: aggricved (ive huncred deliars, and be imprisoned ceeding ten rears in the State prigon, ant all acces: als ui after the fact are also llabie to imprisonme ‘Tho bubcas corpus provides that fugitive slaves shall be entitled to trial by jury, and males it the duty of ail Com monwealth’s Attorneys to defend oxpense of the State. ew York hasa fugitive Practical use, and bas forbi Procectipg tudor any other law? Prior to 184 persons net inhabitants of the State were allowed to take their slaves with thom, but tho law has boon repealed. aw of her own, which is of no ca her judicial oflvers from away from this y free, inte ancther State, b $1,000, cr by imprisonment st ard labor not exceeding ve years, or beth The habeas corpus get g vee 6 trisl by jury to fugitive slaves, and all judicial are prohibited from agting officers under any other than the law of New Jersey. { by the regular! ings of hold a large number of the representatives of the people, who had eworn to support that constitution, !onding al! their influence, personal and official, to defeat the great objects for which it was formed, to array section against section, and to fill the country wil PRUNSYL¥ AN! Ae Prior to 1647 non-resident owners of cloves wore, allows «d to rota thom m Pouasylvania not oxcecding six montha., in 1847 this privilege was revoked. Slaves are Bilao allowed to testify in all Cases in the courts of ’euasy!- vania, It is furiaer provided by law, that any pereoa ‘who violently and tomu'tuously seizes any negro or mulatto, end carries such negro away to any piece, either with or without the intention of taking such negro before a disirict or circult jusge, shal! be fluad not exceed- ipg $1,000, ond traprisoued m the cornty jail not exceed: ipg three months. The law also puuishes with heavy fine, and imprisonment in the penitentiary, avy porsoa who may forcibly carry away or attempt to carry away avy freo pegro or mulatio from the State, The gale of fu- siuve slaves ts prohibited under heavy ponalties, aud trial by jury is eecured to fugitive slaves, in violation of the laws of the United States. TLLIN Mlinois bas prohibited, under less than cuo nor more th etealing or arresting any in of imprisonment of not sinve, with tho deaiga of taLing sinve, Wi leaign of nj Stich elave out of the State, witout frst having established his claim thereto, according to tho laws the United States. Tho habeas corpus act allows trial by jury to fu- gitive slavce. INDIANA. ‘The law of Indiana ia similar to that of Illinois, except sriceeenn ree setae fae a bor more }, ana rm a | = Bot less one nor more years. OHIO. ‘The laws of this State were for many years of a very hostile character to the South, but they were repealoa in 1868. gMeasures ba; 0, howover, been recently initiated to re-enact them. MICHIGAN. ‘The laws of this State are meonearly obnoxious to erit!- cism. They not only den: use of the jails and pub- Uc buildings to secure Tuglive slaves, and require tho at- torneys for the Commonwealth to defend them pense of the sate; but the law of Connecticut in to the punishmoat of persons falsely alleging others to be 5, ia adopted, with the addition chat any 3 Oslave thto this State, claiming pall be punished by imprisonment in the a period not exceeding ten years, or bya fine ceeding $1,000. ‘The habeas corpus act also provides for trial by jury of claim to fugitives. ‘WISCONSIN. afi eran ree emg tr benarhyon in parts of their hostile legislation, thia State has in some particulars, exceeded all the rest in virulence. She has directed her district attorneys, in all cases of fugitive hag le ge defend them at the e: of the State. She has required the issue of writ habeas corpus, on the mere statement of the district attorney that a person in custody is detained mAs tive slave, and directa all her ju: and executive ofli- cers who have reason to believe that a pergon is about to be arrested or claimed on such ground, to the District attorney of the county wi person sides If a judge in vacation fails to the arrest. ed fugitive slave on habeas corpus, au appeal is allowed to the pext cireuit court. Trial by jury is to be grates at the election of eithor party, and all costs of ) which would otherwise fall on the vo, are assumed by the ‘State. A law has also been enacted, similar to that of Covvectiout, for the punishment of one who shall falsely and maticiousiy deciaro @ person to be a fugitive slave, with untent to wid in the procuring the forciblo removal of scch person from the State as a slave: “ provided, that nothing in, this ebapter shall be construed as applying to apy ciaim or service from an apprentice for a fixed time.’ Asection is ada the provisions of the Connecticut law relative to this nce, for the punishment, by imprison- ment in the State » of any person who shali obstruct the execution of a warrant issued under it, or aid in the of the person accused. Another section forbids the enforcement of a judgment recovered for violation of the Fugitive Slave act, by the eale of any real or personal property in the State, and makes its provisions applicable to judgments theretofore rendered. ‘The law relative to kidnapping punishes the forcible eeizure, without lawful authority, of apy pereon of color. With intent to cause bim to be sent out of the State or 28a slave, or in apy manner to transfor his service or la- bor, or the actual selling or transferring the service of such person, by imprisonment in the State prison from one to two years, or by fine from five hundred to one thousand dollars. Tho consent of the person seized, sold or transferred, not to be a defence, unless it appear to the jury that it was not obtained by fraud, nor extorted by durees or by threats. IOWA. ‘The law of this State is similar to that of Indiaua, ex- cept that the maximum of punishment 1s five years in the Btate prigon, and fine of $1,000. ‘Some offensive resolutions have algo been adopted by its Legisiature. MINNESOTA, ‘What is to be ‘objected to the legislation of this State is, that there is no sufficient recognition of the right of the master to recove! even is loft is fugitive slave; and consequently, such was not the design of the omission, the way nm for the perversion of the law relative to the writ abeas corpus, to the injury of slave owners. Such are geome of the evidences derived from official courses, of the rapid growth of unkind feclings among tho people of the North to their brethren of the South. But there are others which are too significant to be en- tirely X ‘The recent debates in the Congress of the United States. have disclosed the remarkable fact that nixty: t republican members of Congress have united in a written endorsement and recommendation to public favor, of an atrocious libel on Southern institutions, Lead pared by aman who was openly denounced on the floor of the Senate of the Us by a Senator from his own State, as unworthy of trust and confidence. This infamous publication, thus commended to public approval ly accredited he ober of near six mullicus of Northern people, abounds in the most in- Fidicus appeals to the von-siavcholders of the Southern Statcs, and seeks to inflame the minds of the slaves of the South, and to incite them to rise in rebellion againat the avthority of their masters; to murder them and their families, and to ravage the country with fire and sword. ‘Thus, under a constitution formed to ‘establish justice, censure domestic tranquility, provide for the common de- fence, ) peed the general welfare, and secure the bless- liberty to oursolves and our posterity,’ we be- ith all the horrors of ger- vile insurrection and intestine strife. Your committee might algo refer to the offensive tone of a portion of the Northern press and pulpit, and to the libellous regolutions of numerous popular assemblies in the Northern States, as evidences of the decline of that spirit of fraternity and unity which animated our fathers in the cays of our Revolutionary etruggle. These are the ordinary channels through which public opinion makes iwelf heard apd felt. But it would probably be unchari- table to the Northern people to hold them responsibie for NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, JANUARY 30, 1860.-TRIPLE SHEET. all the ravings of fanatical agitators; and we shorefore pre- | for to rely on thoee authentic manifestations of unfrieni ung preceeding from the offictal representatives of the ¥ ¢, anid for which the constittent body is justly re- sponsible. Y mimittee cheerfwly acquit a large number of the Northern people of apy positive and active participation in these aggressions on Southern rights and into- reste. The recent demonstrations of palar feel apg mare in some of the Northern citice are cepted in the spirit in which thoy were offered. But abstract resolutions in favor of the guarantees of the constitution are of no avail, unless they are fol lowed by corresponding action. AS long as the c>r vative people of the North remain passive, and. p mit iy | } agitators and fanatics and enemies of the South to fill positions of public trust, and to speak and to act on be- | hatf of their reepective States, they cannot escape the re- sponsibility which attaches to their declarations and acts. ‘those who have it in their power to prevent the perpetra- on of a wrong, and fail to exercise that power, must to « great extent be responsibie for the wroug itself. nvs the conrervative men of the North are respousible for the organization and action of the ropablican party. it was u power lo remain inac du 4 thus permitted the republican party cy in the State and rational coun tuch an organization must necessarily prove dangerot the Union. They must havo foreseen that a part to mega nized on the basis of hostility to slavery extension, would very econ become a party opposed to slavery itsoll. The whole arguement against the extension of slavery is soon, by a wery slight deilection, made to bear against ihe ex- istence of stavery, and thus the anti-extension idea is m din that of abolition. Accordingly we find, not- atancing the ce by tho ‘republican party of any purpose to interfere with slavery where it exiats, that the tendency of its policy 18 to its extermination every where. The logical consequences of their teachings have been exhibited in the recent raid at Harper's Ferry; and so long as that party maintains its present sectional organt- zation , avd inculeates ks present doctrines, the South can expect “fp less than @ succession of such traitorous attempts to subyert its institutions and to incite its slaves to rapine and murder. The crimes of John Brown were either more nor lees than practical illustrations of the @octrines of the leadors of the republican party. The very existence of such @ party is an offence to the whole South. Whether the recent outrages perpetrated upon tho soil ana citizens of Virgin's will have the etfect of awakening the conservative sentiment of the North into efficient action remains to be seen. Your com- mittee conrot relinquish the hopo that such will be its effect, and that thus may come out of evf. Your committeo have no appeals or remon: strances to address to their fellow citizens of the North. They doubtless nded their obligations, under the constitution, to the people of tho South. If they shall in future show a readiness to fu! fil] those oblizations, Virginia and the other Southera States are prepared to bury the past in oblivion, and to with cordiality toe’ mani of a returning spirit of fraternity. As Virginia was among the foremost in the struggle for national independence, and contributed as much as any other State to the formation of the constitutional Union, she would be sueepe. She last to abandon it, provided iw cangated fo chereh “cordial habitual snd_tmnmovabie educated to ‘a i and immoval attachment to our national Union—accustomed to think aud speak of itas the of their political safety and pr ity, watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety, discountenancing whatever may suggost oven a suspicion that it may in any event be abandoned, and in- dignantly frowning upon first dawning of every at- tempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeedle the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.’” But the Union which thoy havo been taught to love and revere ts the Union Seatiae antel iccn: constitution—a union of communities having eq) ;@ union rega lated an parece’ by the principles of the constitutioa— a Union of sovereign States, entitied to rej mere do- to their it sball cease to be such a Union, it wil claims to respect and aficclion. Virginia fools that be bas discharged her whole duty to her sister States, and she asks nothing from them that is not to ber by the piain terms of the Federal compact. She has pot officiously to intermeddie with the domestic Lore mee lpi oom and ~ —s that they snail refrain from ference wit rs. Bot it is clear, from the review of the condition of the ‘e prevented it, and tiey had the | Thoy preferred, however, to | | par eo td could not have been ignorant of the fact that | “ pebNo sentiment of tho N States for the last five yeore, ap Npdanee by cheir legislation aud in other sutten- No forme, thas many of their people have ceased to re Fpeet tho rights of the Southern States, te rocogatze the ob- ‘gations of the Federal compact, or to cherian for us those fr ody sentiments which gave birth to the constitution of tho Unitec Statee. A proper sense of self respect and the ‘weunet of self preservation, therefore, require that we should adopt such measures 28 may be mecessary to se. cure Ourselves against future aggression, and to meet every c.orgepoy which may beroatter ariso. nothing but friendly relations with North, We ask of them nothing to which they bave not olemnly bound themselves by the compact of the con stitution But we understand our rights, and we are re- solutely determined to maintain. We disclaim all Ke: © purpeses, But when wo are threatened with the knife of the asesssin and torch of the incendiary, we cannot fold our arme in blind security, We have no de- gire to rupture tho political, commercial or social ties which bine us to tho North, so long as our rights are re- spected, But admonished by the past, it is our duty to pre! for the future by placing ourselves in an attitude Of cefonce, aad by ng such measures as may be peceneary for our security and welfare. Your committee, therefore, recommend to the General Assembly the following resotutions:-— 1, Regolved, That tho speronrais mending cosnmallives of the two houses of the Assembly be instructed to prepare and report such bills aa in their judgment may be necessary to organize, arm and equip the ia of the State for active and efliciont service. . 2 Resolved, ce ibe eee eae Lan instructed to prepare report sui as in their judg- ment may. be most effectual (without violating the pro- visions the comatitution of the United States) in en- couragipg the domestic manufactures of our own Staic, | core direct trade with foreign countries, and estab- lishing, as far as may be practicable, our commercial independence. 3 Reeeolved, ‘That the committees for courts of justice be instructed to report such bills as may bo neceséary to securofthe more bev and effectua! punishment of all poe aay carton — be nays caus ce conspiring against peace of our nuni or seeking to incite our slaves to insurrection. ; THE COMMERCIAL CONFLICT COMMENCED. NON-INTEROOURSE BILL INTRODUCED IN THE VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE. ‘The following is a copy of the Non Intercourse act which was reported from the Finance Committee of the Virginia House of Deiegates, and read the first timo on the 26th inst. It is ono of the most importont documents that has yet been issued im connection with the great question which is now agitating the country:— A BILL, MAKING RNGULATIONS CONORRNING SPECIAL LICKNSES. 1. Be it enacted by the General Assembly, that no per son who bas obtained a license shall receive, scll or offer to sell at his storo or place of business, or purchase or cause to be purchased, within or without limits of this State, an: gs wares or merchandise coming within any of, ¢ following classes or descriptions:— Leather, boots 2 ther (in whole or in part), ready made clothing, furniture (or parts thereof), carriages or other wheeled vehicles (or parts thercof), hats and caps, cotton manufactures and mixtures thereof, woollen manufactures and mixtures thereof, ..ndles and soap, stoves and iron castings, wooden, Un, irom, brass and copper ware, scythes, axes, shovels, piccete and agricultural implements, coal oil guano and other fertilizers, clocks, bobs wrapping and [aire 4 Paper, glass and glass ware, lumber (except for rniture), pig ana bar ison and nails, lumber, , lime, salt, brooms and broom corn—without having ob- tained a special license to buy and sei] such goods, wares and bandise. But this prohibition shall not apply to such goods, wares and merchandise as may have been purchased by the merchant offering to sel! them before the passage of this act, or to such goods, wares and merchandise as may be grown, produced or manufactared im this State by the seller, or to any hay, lime, lumber, bar and pig iron, brooms and broom corn, which may be purchased before the Ist day of January, 1861. Any por- son who sball violate this section shall pay a fine for each offence, not less than twenty nor more than fiye hundred dollars. 2. If any person shall desire to obtain a license to buy and sell any goods, wares or merchandise comin within any of the classes or descriptions designat in the first section, he shall apply to the cor sioncreof the revenue. If the commissioner shai! be of opinion that such applicant is a fit and proper person to be So licensed, or ifsuch applicant shall produce to the commissioner 2 certificate of the court of the comty or corporation in whieh application is made, that such appli- Cant is a fit and proper person to be so licensed, the said commissioner shail grant to such applicant a license to buy and sell such goods, wares and merchandise at the store or place therein designated. Before granting such license, commissioner of the revenue may require the applicant to file with tho clerk of the court of the county or ration a bond, with security, to be approved Db; such cl cbathowes ssiney& of five hundred dollars, payabi to the commonwealth, conditioned for a compliance with the revenue laws of the State, and for the payment of all such taxes as may be imposed by law on euch license. After such license has been granied, the court of the county or corporation may make an order requiring the party #0 licensed to file with the clerk of such court a bond, with security, to be approved by such clerk, insuch penalty as such court may iix, payable io the Common- wealth, and conditioned for a compliauce with the reve- nue !aws of the State, and for the payment of such taxes as may be imposed by law on such license, If the party £0 licensed shall fail, for ten days after being served wit a copy of such order, to comply with the said order, his license shail be null and void. 3. Every person obtaining a liconse under the preceding section shall, on cach first day of January and ‘rst day of July, deliver to the commissioner of the revenue a statement in writing, on oath, showing the gross amount of the sales of such goods, wares and merchandise made by him within six months next preceding; and sha | also answer on oath such interroga- tories as the commissioner of the revenue may propound to bim, uncer the direction of the anditor of public accounts. The commissioner, on the Ist day of January and July in each year, or as soon thereafter as may. be practicable, shall ascertain the gross amouut of such gales. after deducting therofrom the amount of the sales of such of said articles as he shall be satis- fied that such person has imported directly from foreign countries, and also of euch as he shall bo satisfied have been directly iraported into this State from some foreign country, or grown,}produced or manufactured in this or fome other slaveboiding State of this Union, and purchased by the cel er from somo pergon duly licensed under the laws of this State to sell the game, or from the person who manufactures the game; and also of such goods, wares and merchandise as he li be satisiied have been sold. to some merchant who has actually exported the same be- yond the limits of thig State, shall fix the baiance of such s the amount of taxable sales, and shail asvess tho om the same, and deliver a certificate thereof to the charged with the tax. Any person dissatistied with the amount of taxable sales of such goods tixed by the commissioner may, within sixty days from the delivery ot the certificate of tax, appeal to ths court of the county or corporation, and nount of such taxable eales shall tm that case be fixed by the court. If the amount of such galee as fixed by the commissioner be increased by the court, the imm te payment of the additional tax shall bo required: If such amount bo diminished, the court shal! order the cxcess of the tax to be re- funded by the oilicer to whom it has been paid. ¥f such officer ag paid the same into the treasury, such order of the court shall entitle the person in whose favor it is mado to 8 Warrant on the treasury for the same. For every failure to perform such duty, the commiesioner shall for- felt not less than twenty nor more than five hundred dol- lars. Any person obtaining such license, who shall fait for ten days to deli to the commissioner the state- ment herein required, and to answer such interrogatories az arg herein anthorized, shail forfeit, for each day such failure shall coptinue, twenty dollars. Every such person who sbaii fai to pay to the officer authorized by law to days after a cortillcate of the tax e shall be dolivered to him, the 1 tax so assessed, shall forfeit, for every day ue, twenty dollars. 4. No person who has not obtained a license under this ct shall receive, buy or csuse to be bought, any goods, ww merchandise falling within any of the classes or jpdows designated in the tirat section of this act, ex. cept from some person who bas obtained such license, or who bas grown, produced or manufactured such goods, dice within this or some other slave- f State, or from some person who has derived his such gooda, wares or merchandise from such li- cergell person or manufacturer. Avy person who shall violate this section shail be fined not leas than twenty nor ngore than two hundred dollars. 5 Whenever the Governor of this Commonwealth shal! be oe that tne iaws of any of the slaveholding States of thig Union have imposed upon the liceuse to sell suc goods, wares or merchandise as come within the classes and descriptions designated in¢he first section, a tax equal to that impoeed by the laws of this Commonwealth, and have made equally eiticient provision for securing the actual payment of auch tax for preventing the sale of such goods without license, he may publish his proclamation to ‘that edect. Thereafter, no porgon shall incur any of the penalties of this act for buying or receiving goods, .wares and merchandise from a licensed merchant of such State; is, Wares and merchandise ag titie t and the sales of such good: eball.be bought from such licensed merchant shall be en- titled to the same exemptions as if they had been bought trom a licengedmerchant of this State, THE LEMMON SLAVE CASE. Mr. O'Conor’s Argument in Reply—If Slavery be a Sin, How Shall the North be Justified? COTRT OF APPEALS. Aunasy Jan. 26, 1860, ‘The limited accommodations of this court were yester- day taxed to adegree rarely witneesed. Judging from the number of Senators and representatives present, it might be snpposed thatot only the Logislatare, but that all-powerful institution, “the lobby,” had adjourned to hear the forensic efforts of Messrs. O’Conor and Evarts. The front seats were occupied by a goodly array of ladies, while in the back part of the room, and between the benches, there was scarcely standing room. After the conclusion of Mr. Evarts’ argument, which was forwarded Inst evening, Vit. O'Conor rose toreply. He first noticed the opinions of judges and public men, which had been so freely cited by tho other side, but declined to go into an investigation that would ocoupy more timo than was allowable, and which could be condacted with far greater advantage by ages in their room. He then took up tho points ee eer Evarts, especially his. construction of the “Sormunity clause,” that citizens of othor States were ouly entitied to the privileges accorded to citizens of the State within which they como, which he strongly contested, ar- guing that no such construction could be for a moment maintained. The question, if it could be taken out or the arena of party politics, whore men scrambled for office and , he considered very simple, and such as® child might be punished for not understand Revert - ing to the ‘ list of heroes” which the counsel for respon. dents had epread out“on his points, as the reeult of re- tena ‘Oem cognizin< “a fragment of Slavery imported by the stranger,” owe Of which was, that “ct the mare, give birth to obNpring, we have & native-born lave,” Me. OL UB Be & “ borror, the eno: " perpe trated (n thie event. Tt is this: The pina one Detnee State of New Yori’ may Butler tho contaminatiog of having had a negro slave (ora witiu her limits, Let us weo the Jength aud breadth of this. We may become in some physical or moral sen almost as degratod ani as infer mous, is the eves of the coupes? and his cltents, as that spot of oarth where repose the ashes of Him whose vane and memory wo all delight to bymor! That shock to tho moral cerso, if itean hoip him as m make-weight in thie argu. ment, my friend is welcome te. But, for my own t do not greatly eomire the moral senge or the patriotism of apy American who thinks it absolutely necessary to the horer of this country that there should be any spot in aff its wide extent purer Or more sacred in our esteem tham the birthplace or the grave of Washington, however ‘hough tho . widely ovr repub!ic may oxtend its limits blue fleld of our nationa! banner should ere long stars, each representing a State as mighty ag dred New York, I should little admire the ‘otism, an@ shotld mot at. ail emulate: the fastidious morality et me adele s American who would think ft n wou! Pete Regent he wide extent should bo under the law of free that ae? eet i 2 8 gz i i z z 5, i i al Zé app! quires but ly circle and in conformity but Jittle etfort of the Body at Setanta the stranger who op] sentiment r sent, secking to advocate a disfavored right, the advocate who may venture to assert that bis behalf. This privilege my learned friend has to. He is welcome to it bere turn the laugh also, that I would not to opinion, at this time, under the by we are surrounded, the honorabie citizen who can lat ; on this subject must forget himself and his moral ro He may have an honest heart anda ae understanding, but for the time be insensible to the jast influence of either. The question before us is not a laughing matter. My learned friend has, in this branch of his argument, set about defining the condition of tho slave; and as he found 80 great a ditliculty mdetining the much moro familiar character, ‘a citizen of the United States” —inclining, im- deed, tothe opinion that there was no such thing as @ ‘citizen of the United States”—it would not be wonder. ful that he should be a little astray in relation to the tert “slave” slavery.” My friend says, virtually, that nothing is slavery except tho bondage ant subjection of man to man in the most odious form that il i : g z 3 ii PR ae can possibly be conceived—an ownership, sheer, pure, absolute an@ completo. And such,’ indeed, is the state of as it has existed in some ery, stages of the world’s history—being the slave of Kreg born white men to their own connteguneny thee own oolor and ir natural equals in all That pure eit a does Indeed carry with it all the con- sequences of which my friend speeks. The master ab- solutely owns his slave; he has power over his life; he may torture him, he may slay him, and he is to no one any more than the patriarch in whether applicable to the negro or it is euch a kind of slavery as does not exist aad never hag existed within this Union—such as never did exist within our territory and never will exist, and is not claim- ed ac one to be enforced or established. The slavery which exists within this Union is such as to render hardly roper, in strictness of uage, the the term “property.” Neil cable to the slave purpose of misleading the passions tude that this phrase was coined men. The slave which d and wi will i S ~f der which the slave might be tortured for evidence wight be put to death—all of which might have been executed upon a child by the parent in former times—is a thing unknown to our law orin our country. “Chattel slavery” is a raw head and bloody bones evoked te George Washington san life, and which, by bis last will and testament, he au- thorized his wife to enforce as long as she should live, which {s protected in the constitution ot the United States, that sacred charter that he and his illustrious ap pit comprehension of any such idea as that the system of negro slavery existing in these States was the Horrible outrage against natural justice and divine law which my friend is pleased to call it. These false pre- {ences are advanced to excuse our withholding the rites of hospitality from our fellow-citizens of Virginia. I call them our fellow- , though my friend has not al- ways condescended to call them even strangers, for sometimes, letting out the true emotion, be denominates them ‘foreigvers.”” Jn the opening, | invited my learned friend, when he came to cite authorities against slavery, to refer tothe Holy Bibic in caso he invoked religious sentiment or divine law. How has he met that challenge? The prevailing authority in this country, in relation to so much of morality and of spiritual as belong to us in this vale of tears, is the Holy Bible. It is tho Pome 4 by which my learned friend is governed in his daily and convereation—much to his honor be itsaid. It is the authority which is tat ries throngheut the length and breadth of this land, as which holds within its sacred leaves the knowledge of all things that are essential to salvation, ail that is beyond and outside of it being deomed surreptitious aud non-obligatory—built upon mei tracitions of times that are sometimes called ‘corrupt,’ ‘but kindly, indeed, today have been only denominated “less pure’’ than the present. Now, to this au thority I invited my learned friend to appeal on ques- tion, touching what is required er forbidden by God’s law or natural justice, and he hag not condescended to notice the appeal. He leit his Bible at home this morning. And, pray, what religious authority did he pick up and cite to your Honors in its stead? Why, he has told you a moet affecting story, and I suppose, considering the doc- trines that prevail in this country, I must take it to be true, as it i the testimony, we are told, of a Pro- teetant historian. He bas read to us that the Catholic clergy made themselves active in teaching the white man fo loogen the shackles of oe front his white and equal brother. Now if they did—and I do not venture to say anything in their favor, except by repeating what my learned friend has read in their bchalf from a Protestant hictorian—if they did, they acted virtuously and are en- titled to all the praise that can be awarded them. But is that the authority on which my learned fricud and his pious coadjutors act in their persecution of our Southern bre. thremy Ifit be, I th it must strike every reasoning mind with some little astonishment that the Protestant citizens of the Northern States, following tho Catholicism in nothing else, should yet rely on its supposed as their eole authority for kindling the sires of political dis- cord and aseatling the institutions and guaranteed privi- leges of their Southern fellow citizens. But even this autho- rity i misunderstood. per. mitted to say that they do not understand it. It is most certain that they do not believe it in anything else, and there is one very convolling that they do not understand it. ‘That church, so incurable iu its alleged errors, so inflexi- ble in its determination, 80 incapable of improvement, amendment or refort , takes no part whatever in this crusade against negro slavery. She leaves the doc- trines and principles now imputed to her, if they be to be enforced by the most ultra of her ts other extreme our great religious this honorable Court it place to cite the Bible. every member of it is belief where that book is of ‘bings uch fo! to hes i m ir taat argu- ment. itis }, unsound, and was probably in- sroduced mercly to point 4 witticiam, or give pungency to what it was So 0 | ad reonality. ve, in the Eoureo of his remarks, to observe that this case was presented to your eration, on my part, with soft Phrases and intricate sentences, and that much of what ‘was eaid was said with a purpose todraw attention, or had the effect of drawing attention away from the su in hand, and that I avoided a referonce to general priaai- pls, 1 appeal coviideutly to your Honer’s ji whether my coures in this argument has not been mainly & reference to genera! principles, and whether it has not beon marked by a desire to avoid mere details. If it be poe Me th = into the vice bes joa tong and it may be called, of using over soft phrases, I on surely to be forgiven, for it is my first cokaper and wa to intricate «sentences, if in that I have offended, it is striking evidence of the old saying that a certain kind of communication has a certain effect on manners. It is anew thing in my e , here or elsewhere, to be accused of uttering #1 €: and as to the number of intricate sentences uttered, 1 can safely say, if the re- porters will but institute a comparison of notes, I oubt the icarned counse! will, in that particular at least, be found to bare far excelled me. If thero fsanything cmment presented by me in this case— to the oral ergument or that whioh is hed and remarkadio, it is for the ons with which it meeta this | to scrutiny. Intei- joud has not read a Couta single tatri . t. ftls anmistekeatle toed Whother it cam be question, cate sentences | sontexce from mz b or pe Tt may be all wrong, Let it in ‘tg Import —it is ©