The New York Herald Newspaper, August 12, 1859, Page 4

4 ‘While the citizens were quietly discussing the compara: tive desirableness of a fusion of the State with Piedmont, or em independent existence as a member of aa Italian Confederatation, tho intimation comes that {a all human probability they will be again blessed with the old régime. Let tho inhabitants of Tuscany have no will of their own, but accept gratefully whatever fortune or the French olt- garch may please to concede, and peace will continue, But ts such a thing possible? For our own part, knowing the extremely docile character of the mejority of the ‘Tuecan population, we are nearly prepared to eco the country submit without resistance to ap injustice even as great as this, But the family of Hapsburg Lorraine, can be brought back only by a foreign military force Both the people and the army of Tuscany are hostile to all of their royal line, Although active resistance might not be opposed to the armed support of & superior like France, yet the feeling of hatred towards « faithless soverciga, wrongfully forced back upon them would grow accents and stronger. How these Austrians can again confront with their guitty faces a people who have shown #0 much forbearance, it is difficult for those NEW YORK HERALD, - FRIDAY, AUGUST 12, 1859.—TRIPLE SHEET. tower aball be adrum to sound the alarm, Tals let Bu rupe know, that acivilized people, like the Tascang, iil Lot endure the outrage of having again to reign over them one who iwpadently stood betide the Eaperor of Auatri+ Jou to the Tescan arms.'” bay te 4 me avotacr article:— Violence migut be able to restore Leopod IL, or bis not dissimilar goa, to Tuscany; but they could not conquer a single hosrt dates which “caunot be destroyed would only be coudrmed. With a pationce wdicd found is lest proof oa toe 27t0 of Apri, Taucany Dore With a eovereiga whic thou rou diateofber, "be country now repudiates bim. Tae seps ration is Wrevovable. If be should rewuru be would cot reign, for ho sovereign can reign withont subjects, aad this ope could only count upon @ nation of enem-s. Here also a specimen from the Nacion:—‘‘In fact, what do we discuss’ We say thig to Europe: We will aot Gave, we cannot lopger bave the bouse of Austria in luscaoy, We will pot bave it, because it was go much oo908ed to lislian nationality as to fight at Solferino. We caanot have it, because if it returns siajaet wito the dood of vbat battle fleid, it would beto us but tne evideass of eternal misfortune and another cawae for the distusbaace of the whole of Taly, See thea, if ths vote whica we ere about being cailed upon to give is note eerious thiag. These extracis will serve to show that the will of the country is beginning to find expressioa If words are followed up by energetic acts, the uuworthy oid Dak», td imagine, Thoir gar- oaest! who Bave any idea of modesty to meir countrymen, ments are stained with the b.00: ‘ire of that dreadful day of Solfe- Ly oe rie ie i the nereditary Prince, wero ‘at the side of the Austrian Emperor directing the military ‘which were destroying the lives of sheir own sud It hardly seems credible that France can use her power to restore such a family to the throne of this coun. try. It seems so unreasonable that some aro ready to ba- eve thet tho threst is only a trick of the shrewd French Emperor to force the people of these emall S:atog to rosort ble alternative to save themselves from disgrace and pray the Dictator to send them his cousin to be their sovereign. ‘The municipality of Fiorence, tn its deliberation of yes. terday, pronounced in favor of a union of Tascany with Piedmont, This, the largest among the communities of the State, and the one which was called upoa to make the greatest sacrifice, has at last given its voice for annexa- tion, Every one of the smaller manicipalities had already, by a formal act, given their adhesion. The voic stood 18 to5. The following is the declaration setting forth the rearons for ao impor!nnt a step:—* Considering that Leo- pold If. voluntarily aban toning the State, disso.ved every tle of subjection exreting between him aad the poople of Tuscany, who therefore have acquired the right to dis se freely of thsir destinies; considering that this right Eas besidea received the sanction of ‘victory in. the war of Italian independence, in which the sons of Leopold If. fought in the limes of the hosiile ar. my; considering that his Majesty, the Emperor of the’ French, generously allyiog” bimself with tne King of Sardinia to prosecute this war, assured the people of Iisly that no obstacie would be opposed to the manifestation of tbeir legitimate wishes; considering that while the high belligerent Powers definitively troa upon the conditions of pesce, and the who'e to be formally consulted, it is the duty of Flo! lowing the example of the other Tascan municipalities, to interpret meanwhile the desires of its citizens. The com- munity of Florence, therefore, expresses the wish that Tuscany may be annexed to, and become part of, agreat | kingdom of Italy, under the sovereignty of his Majesty | Victor Emanuel If., preserving thet sepsrats administra: | tion which can hee? protect the economic interests of this wince, and, for regons of suprome policy, cxcluded | Reever and absolutely the domination of the House of | Lorraine. Austriaco Borbonico exorevees the desire that | ‘there may be called to sustain the destinies of this coun- try @ prince of the noble Houre of Savoy; and it iavites its Gonfaloniere to execute with the present government of Tuscany the necessary offices, to the end that present ‘deliberations, | fike all similar ones of the otber Tuscan municipalit may be submitted to the benignant considersilon of bis Majesty Victor Emanuel and his Majesty the Emperor of | the French, that they may be regarded as the wishes of the people of Tuscany.” | A_ notice bas been issued for all who are qualified | engines Jecte. against whom so much dishke is expresved, may be kept beyond the borders. The task before the cousiry docs ‘not appear an easy ope, When it ig remembered whas a wonderful tenacity of resistance belongs to every root and branch of the Austrian regal tree. One of the local journals here has taken Lord Norman. by im band. In an article of several columoe it exaid's the sbort comings of the Ambassador aod peer with @ spirit and ekill worthy of admiraton Waile Lord Nor manby was the representative of the Brities goverameat in Tuscany it was well known that ho coustaatiy used his office for the promotion of Austrian ingerems, and to binder as much as possible the exteasion of tae more legitimate influence of Piedmont, His hostiiy to tae Ttalian cause since his removal from oilice bas been ear. nest and undisguiged, and this notwithstandiog he con- tinued to be a resident and property holder in Tuscauy. Recently, im the Britieh partiamect, be used bi vVilege a8 a member of the House of Lords, to make mepeech against the people of Italy eo full of maliguity apd umiruth 58 to astonish those who appreciate tue responsibility which attaches to those holdieg yuck nigh official and social porition. Lord Normamby, ta bis speech, dwelt upon the turbu lent manilestation of the lowest port.oa of popaiatioa of Tuscany for the purpose of meuacing the Sovereiga and terrifying him to covcede to their wishes. Every oe who knows auything about the Tuscan revolatioa—aud euougd bas been written for tue world to be well iaform oc—kpows that it was one conducted with & moderation and freedom from ferocious passion wimost without ox- ample. It was, in fact, a revolution wade by geatiemen, in agevtiemanly manner. The prejadice and bate which Lord Normemby feels for the Italian cause koows uo ounes, but it 1s strange, nay inexplicable, that he should use bis conspicuous place to utter exeggerations aad ua truths against a peopie among whom he bas passed some of the moet tranquil years of nis iviirm old age. He de nice the truth of the charge that it was the determ'nation of the Grand Dake to.bombard the city of Floreace for the purpose of frigbtening iis people into subjection to his tyranny. This he callsa calumoy, 02 the authority of the Grand Duke's own denial, in words to bimasif 1; oapprus \hat documents are now in course of publication ia Flo rence, which—unfortunately for the veracity of botu the sovereign end jthe lord—mske the matter historic truth. There seems to be some travelling mea bers of the English robility who have no beiter reason for oot wish- ing to see Itty free wad iadependent, th after such an event there wili be nobody left in ths cou try to worship their whiskers on their shoestriogs Guerazzi, toe eloquent defender of the cause of Italy, and the head of the Tuszan government, after ite revolution | bs ™! of 1848, bas arrived in Florence, from Turin, where he bag resided since the unfortunate overttrow of bis patri- otic plans. It is thought bo will be the candidate to re- present the city of Florence in the Legislature about to be elected in Tuscany. ‘as electors under the law of 1848, to present themselves | arrival of the General Admtral at Cronstadt. at certain places named and be enrolled upon the voting | lists. An election for members of a National Assembly will scon be held. Tuscany will once more try tho expe- riment of government under a constitutional sys tem, modeled, as near as may be, after that of Piedmont. The government at present is assisted in ita | deliberations by a Consuita of forty members, appointed by iteelf from citizens distinguished for probity and expe- | rience in public affairs. Intelligence comes from Ancona, by private correspon- | dence, that arrests continue to be made of persovs known to bold moderate opinions, and not specially compromise’ by @ connection with recent events. The citizens are not able to conjecture what accusation the government will | attempt to make sgainst them, if not the charge of iaac- | tion, which is deemed a negative complicity with the | revolutionists, The Papal government has notrelinquished | the expectation of regaining control of the other towas in the Legations which bave revolted from its authority, | Motives of prudence constrain it atthe momont,as the | military force which a present {t could command would | be found quite inadeq rate confronted with the volunteer troops under General Mezzacapo, row concentrated at TO THE EDITOR OF THE UEKALD. Sr. Perensnrne, July 19, 1859, I wrote you from Cherbourg a statement of the trial trip of the Russian frigate General Admiral, trom New York to Cherbourg, aud now write you a summary of her trip from Cherbourg to Cronstadt:— We left the harbor of Cherbourg at six o'clock P. M. on the Sth inst., and up to noon of 9th ran. .150 miles. From $tn to 10th... 230 20th to 1th, Vth to 12th, «32th to 13th, «78th to 14th, “14th to 16th, which brought us to our anchorage in the lower bay, of Cronatadt. on beard with bis suite and spent some time in a cloas ard careful examination of the ship; and there was but one opinion expressed by all, which, uced not say, the fear that | Shortly after anchoring the Grand Duke came | of peace. Uc the ober hand, the Emperor of Aus! bas, no dovbt, the full rigbt, viowing tae exurit that be wea oblKeT ko Make DOLL of wen aD of tres pore, to pede & province for the sake of pexce, Post wis, T bivk, a question for thelr own Conaideration, fae | Cceclov of that province oes Rok Create Guch a great ais turbence of we pean eystem that the I’) vers of | Korope bave any rig! to tutefere in regard to that subject But, Sir, the other portion of the treaty 1s of | avers ¢iderent nature. Jt proputes a reorgantzitimn fur the fue dg Luly. Now, I observe that a noble tricad of ining Das given B oO with respecs to Eng acd ontering ilo shy Contsrency Upon that question. That potice, | find, 18 couched 1m terms whica I must say do rot at all apply t0 tbe proposition wuich bes deco mate totws country, My novlw friend's notice of motioa 13 to thas cfect—that thia House should decla) > is opinioa tuat it would be conattent ceituer with the Dogor nor toe dignity of shig country to take part in ary confereago tor the purpore of settling the details of « peace, the prolimt- barten ct which bave Deen arrangod betwsea the Kime ror o* ibe French and the Koperor of Auatzia, That ts @ roposition to which, I think, everybody would agros ff we wore asked to discuss the details of the treaty of peace which bus bern emtered into by the Sovercigas of France aud Ausiria, there can be no doubt taat it wovld not become ths digaity or guir the wtereass of Eoglacd to comply ith such a ro queet. But when tbe quoation at issue rolstes to the future, whed the tate of Italy for yuars ta to be dependent upon woat may be done to the presoat yrar, whether by the sovereigns of France und Aus‘ria wione, or by all tho great Powers of Euroa assombiod in Congress, the taatter assumes & very diiforent complexion. Lore Clazendon, in 1856, wen attending the Couferearo ‘at Paris to deliberate upon the question of peace bet veen Frauce snd Great Britain on the one side, and Russia on the otber, thought it his duly, i conjunction with the Pl. nipotennary of Fiance, to bring the subject of Ituly under the comsiaer atin of the representatives of the European Powers hen assembled tegeaher. He did so, no doubt, on the grout hot the State of ‘Raly was of the utmost importance te Europe. He stated thas tf the Romaa Sta.es wore to coatinus o20u- d, as they then were, by foreign troop, he could ‘oreses nothing but revolution asthe resalt; and he Adcead thas is bebooved the great Powers of Europe to copsiver tbat in whut maoner they could preveat revoluion. I have never heard that state. oo the part of the gorornmen: of her Majesty wed ip this House, nor has it ever been deui-d that the state of Italy was'e fair matter for consideration Dy Groat Aritain as well as the otber Powers, that tho peace of Europe mighs depend upon the favoraule solution Of the questions then agiisted; and thet to the peace of Ewrope Great Britain coutd pot be indifferent, (Moar, hear) I sbail now eae what ta the prooosition cual | hus Deon mace to us ou the part of the government of the Emperor of the French. It is not, ag my nodie frieut Bupposes, that the government of Greai Britain should epler into a Congress or Conference for the purpose of cousidering the detstis ot the froaty of Villafranca. It 1s of a very aiferent sature, aad I caucot 0 wail gi¢e the Houte a conception of the pature of that proposition as by reading an extract from @ despatch addressed by Count Walewski to Count Persigay, and of which the latter Jett #ita me acopy, I cansot prodags the prelim noriee of peace, which be also left with me, because tuey are signod only by the Emperor of Austria; they are altogether an informal d.cument, and will require to be de veloprd tn a treaty of peace to be hereafler signed. The articles agreed upon at Vilafranca were, I peiteve, the Same a8 {bose which bave been seon in the newspapers within the Inst day or two, uud therefore, it 18 the less neceeeary that T enouid produce them ; put if there 1s aay wish that I should lay upon tue table the whole despatch | of Count Walewaki I stall have mo objection to do so Count Walewek: states | A French and Austrian Plenipotentiary are about to mes immediately st Zurich, to convert tnto w treaty of peace the | Dnata d detweea torir Majesties. You are aware, ¥ tormer cxrreapondence that the government bas al wayn desired to see the grent Powors concur tor the definitive settiement of the effaire of italy x not altered in this respect, aad we hope that be Powers wil be able to meet, either 1 a Congress or 1a a Conference, to cor fer on ail the questions ra'sed by the actual state of things ia Tualy, aud which aie connected with general laterests, As the paesage which I bave just quoted shows clearly whut the questicn fs upon which’ it is proposed that there ehould be a Conference, I may be permitied to read it again. The object of thw Conference it— To confer on all the questions raised by the actual state of held im italy, aad whise are connected with general in- You will observe that the terms are general; that they | bave not refcrence to the details of any treaty of peace, much jess of the treaty of Villafranca, but thu it is pro- posed that the great Powers should confer upen all questions | Of general interest. Count Walewaki proceeds— | I need not add that the very nature of the pew relations | to be created tn Italy will tmoly_® preliminary uadersiaading | between the different States of the Peninsula. who will neces | sarily be calied upon to ussemb'e in order to deti erate i von the basiscf the Confederation whose establishment the two | Sovereigns have mutually agreed to ‘urther. | Leball now stato what course tae government of her | Mojeaty have ibought fit to pursue, We pave not taought tt wecensary at the present time togive ang precise answer to | the despatch of Count Walewski. We bave thanked the Emperor of the French for bis communication; but it bag tention have | evel it | | of things be that they will chooee to recall the son of the Graud Duke to the throue watch be bes avdicated, Bat whea f inquire with respect to Ubis »ubj ct, must tell bne House th!, al’bougs I bave uo offivia) assurance of the fact, U fee! Convio fu Thave good reagon to be con. vucee—that the Eorperor of te Franck has po iaventioa cfemploying Frece’ troops for the restoration of the vane Duke of fusceny. (Gcrere) 1 velteve Likewise, frcm ai! [can bear, tadt the E@peror of Austria deos not iptend—he certaioly has wot avowed auy iutoatiou—to use big troops for the purpose of resiorivg these two arch ovkes, aud € thick T may presume from wnatl have heard that even if he ware diapored to co eo tue Eampsror of the French would not give bis couseat ((lvar, hear.) tbe great ailllcalty at oace arisos in ‘currying the treaty into eifect. Ik is doubttal— very doubsul iodeed—what may be the result of the well copsidered deliberations of tha Tuscan ople They ar rout W choose representatives, and I think it muon the boat course they cau take, according to the conrtitution which their Geaad Dukes bad abolisbed, and when that body of representatives moet they will ‘copaiser for themsolves—ua we in former times considered for ourselvee—whetver they will bave the sovere'ga who has thus conducted himself, or wasthor tocy wall choos another sovereign to reign over them Weil, for ber Mojesty’s government there can be but one course in such «cage. Ii the reprossatatives o! te pao- pie of Tuscany—and [ must say toey aro « most tranquil end orderly population—(hear, hear)—if their represen- tatives meet and ceciare that a cariain government is thal under which alove they can live happily, it wili bo impos- éloie for any representative of ber Majesty to go against that declaration, (Loud cheers ) I should eay the same of tho Dueby of Modena, respecting whtob thore 18 a diversmy of Opipion,eome believing that the duke would be received with acclamation, while others maiatain that he could vo} be restored to his throne except by force, fheee are tniogs upon which, eupposing we are to go into a conforence at all, it would be necessery to bave the Clearest understanding before that conference assemoled. (dear.) Acother queation of which theee preliminaries treat 14 one waich is Dow, #ud bas been for ceaturiee, perhaps the most dif ficuit of all in Ituiy—camely, the temporal gororament ofthe Pope. (Bear bear) Now, the declaration mate by the Emperor of the French and by the King of Sardinia a. the outeet of the lava war produced at Bologaa, ss in Tuecany, wchange in the govorament Bologna, a: the Hovee js well aware, bas been Kept in obedience for the last ten years by an Aurtrian garrieon, which ma'ntaiged order iv tuxt town and in the neighboring proviaces. A pobdle lord in the other House of Parliamen'—I mean Lord Lypeburs!—in one of bis speeches stated the acmbor of prreons whom the Austrians had pat to death by martial law. Ido pot doudt thet the greater number— T cansot say tho whole—of those persoas were co: vieted of robbery an4 other serious offences But no people like to have their ciimnal justico ad ministered by a body of foreign troops, whos law is not their law, but was in this cage martial law, wbick ought ‘to be upptied only up ‘er unueasl pumetances and in extraordinary tiaes, (Hear.) The comsequence was that as scon as these Austrian trovps left Bologna the Cardinal Legate immediately followed them (4 laugh.) He was allo to go away tn Aly; nobody interfered with him; but necessary to loave the towe as goon asthe Austr were gouc. This puts me io mind of sometning that I heard mapy years ago coucerning a oman Cardinal woo was then legate at Bulogna. Every one knows that theso Roman cardinsls aro aot to utter very refined and witty eayings about political affairs, in respect to which they ure not alwsys the wisest iegialators or admioistrators. This cardinal, whose namo I need not mention, was asked how the people of Bologna were going on. He said, “Very quietly; tbey really bebave very welt; but Lbelieve theo wre but two persons attached to the government of his Holinces, myself and tho vico legate, and es to the vice legate] am not very sure of ‘him’ (Liugh- ter.) Now that, I believo, hag boon tho state in Bologna ever since, aad accordingly we baye seen tbat when a man whois revered aad beloved all over {ialy, Massimo a’ Azeglio— (hear) — wot there witha communication from the King ot Sardinia, 70,0C0 people, it is calculated, attended his reception and gave him an ovation, (Hear) How, then, is th- govern mentuf the Pope to be made palatable to the inhabitants of the Legations? The Emperor of the Freach aud the Em peror of Ausiria gay they will recommend to the Pops certain indispensable reforms; but the Pops, who likewise excercises rights of sovereignty, bas always uid, I may be driven out of Rome; I may ve driven to the moat hundie village in Italy; but I will maintain my authority even ia tbe most humble village, and while Iam here I must govern according to my own judgment and tue dictates of my own conscience.” How that difficulty is to be got overI really do not know. Iam told the Pope is not averse toa Confederadion or evento the asgumption of the title of its President; but then we must remembor that he has aiways expressed it to be his opinion that he ought not to mimgle in questions of war, aod that if war were declared he could not, as vicar of Christ, place himself at the bead of a warlike evterprise or copfede! gir, are some of the difficulties by which this question ia attended. Tac King of Naples, I am happy to be able to state—although be has not dove ‘that which the friends of popular institutions could do- tire—bas made a beginning in the policy o” endeavoring to put an end to the system which prevalied under the | been signified, not in any written document, but throaga | the Ambassador of ber Majesty at Paris, that there are roie of the late covercign of that country. It ia said that ameng the inttitutions of the Inte Keng, much woree Bologna. Will Louis Napoleon furnish his Holiness with Boldiers to bring about the meditated s) ation. The | Webb. Pope bas already reminied the Emperor of his pledge. | ‘Tbe kindly and frank greeting which the Grand Mute An address from the government tothe Tuscan army | gave to Mr. Webb and Capt, Comstock spoke volumes — has just been issued. Ii thanks the soldiers warmly for | so far ag such acts could speak—with regard to his opin- the fidelity which they have already exhibited to the | icn of the veese! and tte mode in which Capt. Comstock cause of their country, and reminds them that they wil | had bandied ber. Immediatoly after the Grand Duke left be called upon soon to give more proofs of thelr devotion | the ship, ibe vessel dropped into the inner harbor and to the State by maintaining firmly thoir position of opo>- | was then hauled into the dock, and at bedtime was lying sition to Austria, and steadfast to their hostility tothe | ¢: wos highiy creditable tothe ship and ber builder, Mr. | two conoitiona, in addition to one or to others to which | than the cungeon in which accused persons were placod I may refor, which must be comptied with before we can | wae that eortof law—if, indeed, it could be cailed iaw— consent to take part in any Conference. One ws that we | which wore resembied the rule with respect to eurpected shoutd see the Treaty of Zurtch which is about to be mega. | persons which prevailed at the time of the French Revoiu- tiated. Iam told that it is sult a matier of doubt whetuer | tiov, under the auspices of the Reiga of Terror, thao any- that treaty of Zurich is merely to confirm, under the | thing with which we are acquainted. We are informed signature of Plenipotentiaries, the articles of the treaty | that in Naples alone more thao 36,000 persons wore un- agreed to between the two Sovereigns at Villafracca, or | der the coustant surveillance of a’ despotic and tyran- | nical police—(hear)—and that in the provinces woether it ig to be an extended treaty dealing with the | Grand Duke Leopold, the faithful representative of that | Power in Tuscany: The soldiers are now returning from fet and are expected to arrive duriag the comiog | week. From Modena, and the provinces in that regioa,con tinue to come notices of the increasing spirit of fraterniza: tlon emong the people, accompanied with warm exores sions of attachment to the King of Piedmoot aad desire for union under his rule. In the town of Regzio, yesterday, there was an extraordinary demonstration in favor of such union, in which more than ten thouaand Pereona took part. The esldiore of these districts are, DY ‘various manifestations, giving evidence of their desire to | become one with those of adjoiniog States for the attain. | ment of a common object. It may be interesting for travellers to know that the railway from Balogus to Piacenza is at length in opera- | tion. Itadds more then a hundred miles to the railway | communication of the country, and will facilitate materi- ally the passage from Lombardy into Central Italy. The | towne of Modena, Reggio and Parma lie along this line. | | | By the steamer Pereia, this week, we received letters from America in fourteen days to Florence; thus by one day improving upon apy former precedent When shail we get letters in twelve days, or perhaps ten? Frorgnce, July 25, 1859. The Pope and the Legations—No Mercy for the Revolution ‘ists—The Perugian Leaders Condemned to Detth—Despair Of the Pope's Subjects—Louis Napelom Afraid of the Priets—A War Between Italian States Threates Perils of Picdmont—The Tuscan Spirit Aroucet— Stirring Appeals Against the Austrian Grand Duke—Lord Nor- mandy’s Shertcomings—Ilis Misrepresentations of the Ita- lian Peeple—Eeturn of Gucrazzi, ce. de. It becomes every day more and more eyiden' that it is the intention of the Pope and Cardinals to reconquer their Joat authority in the Legations. Little orno mercy is to be shown to those who are or have been in any way con. nected with the insurrection. News comes to-day that the members of the provisional government of Perugia bave been condemned by the Pontifical autbority—them” selves to death, and their property to go towards paying for the damage cone to private property to the community of Perugia and the government of Rome. Andall this injury was comm'tted by the savage wantonness of the Papal troops. Wastbere ever, in the namo of justice, greater injustice than this inflicted by the most cruel s lar authority of a cviilized State? This severe sentence comes from the church which claims to be founded upon the principles of mercy and forgivences of the blessed Prince of Peace. At the same time the official journal of Rome, with a recklessness of truth which would be sur. prising in the moet violent political organ, continues to gpeak of the sanguinary atrocities of Perugia as only fan- cies or falsehoods. A letter from Rome of the 20th rays, that gome who left that city to take part in the war of in- dependence, but were obliged to return on account of the breaking down of health or for other reasons, have been committed to prison to be dealt with hereafter. Tho same letter tells us that the news of the peace was ill received there by the people, and with indignation by the French soldiers. The condition of Rome is most disheartening. There is but one fecling—that of complete hopeless. ness and desolation. No prese, no public opinion, the meagerest opportunities for knowing what is going on beyond the borders, and the people constantly me. naced with punishment for the slightest political offence. The Court of Rome is becoming even bolder in its iniquity by the new support which it is re- ceiving from the Emperor of France. Louis Napoleon is more afraid of the priests of the church than he is of all the generals, captains avd privates of allthe armies of Europe. Italy can furnish nearly as many platoons of priests to Agee the battles of the church and build up des. potism as the r ular arnay which is straggling to keep it within reasonable bounds. We are menaced by a war between Italian States. It is believed that Piedmont will, as it ia her duty to do, re- Bist the re-ensilayement of the provinces which have pro- nounced against their old masters and identifiod them. Selves with her cause, Entire | ened have thrown themselves spontaneously into the arms of that country, ‘and asked the protection of its gallant sovereign. All their faith and hope and affection are centered in him, ‘The difficulties and perils of Piedmont are many and great, and they continue to accumulate It will require a vast m and ener a | Carry Her eafely cae goerey, mingled with prudence, to Tuscany is at length beginning to give some evidence of | life. | The people aud she governmen: are now exhibiting a little; spirit, through the modium of language that eau not fail to be understoot. The two daily jnirke d of renco—ii Monitore io] La Nazione—have yoico. It now, indeed, looks as if somstt | done, or at least attempted, to convince nro eee | people of y do not with, aud will not have ‘itis | oan be prevented, any of the Prince: of the howe of Maps. burg-Lorraine to again reign over thom. Here is a specimen of the new spirit exbibited by the first namet journal :-—*‘ Yes, Torcany arms, and must continue to arm, #0 a8 to be prepared to thrust back from the bor. ders of the country the worst of ite enemiee—the onc vanquished at Solferino—if he should attempt agaia to gain Of the Tuscan throne. Tuacany is airexty, and ever will be, armed against such an enemy. Taere is the reguiar army, and these soon will be the National Guard, and if the occasion demands, arma will be put imto the handa of all ‘good citizona teythes of tho peasant will b | take pride in the knowledge that the flag ship or the Rus: | sian navy—the finest frigate afloat—was butlt and furnish- | ed in New York. Should the frigate ever have occasion | ard quiet alon, dock at Cronstadt. The next mornivg early, orders were received to have the entire armament on board and the vessel prepared for a visit from the Emperor to-morrow; algo to have her pre- pared for ea for a voyage to Engisnd in 10 days, and ide the government quay, inside the | when I jeft the ship on Saturday morning,she was swarm- ing with Russians busily engaged, carrying out the ta structions, Tne ship bas proven herself, in al! things, a perfect veveel; and every American must, I am certal to vee all her power, the result will convinces every ono that Mr. Webb has sigualized himself in butiding a ship which cannot be exceliea. There it little in this far off country to interest your | readers. The news of the peace between France and Austria, and the peculiar disposition of the Italian States, | bas taken everybody by surprise. There is but one opinion here upon it, whach !s—it cannot ‘ast. THE ITALIAN QUESTION. IMPORTANT DEBATE ON THE AFFAIRS OF ITALY IN THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT. STATEMENT OF THE POSITION OF ENGLAND BY THE PALMERSTON CABINET—THE POLICY BEFORE THE PRACE—-THE TREATY OF VILLAFRANCA AND THE CAUSES WHICH INFLUBNCED If8 CONCLUSION— THE ZURICH CONFERENCE—THE ITALIAN CONFEDE- RATION—DIPLOMATIC WORK FOR ENGLAND IN A GENERAL CONGR¢SS, ETC. In the Houee of Commons, on the 28th of July, copies of despstehes baying been laid on the table by command of her Majesty, ‘SPEEECW OF LORD JOHN RUSSELL, Lord J. Russert, who was very imperfectly heard, owing to the low tone in which he spoke, and to his in- creasing habit of dropping h’s voice at the conclusion | of every eentence, roge, and was understood to say:— Sir, in rising to make the statement of which I have given notice with regard to the state of our foreign rela- tiont, 1 must aay that I could baye wished to postpone that statement, and I certainly should have done so had ‘we bot arrived at such an advanced period of the session. Indeed, even at this advatced period of the session I would | have postponed my statement had I expected that | before Parliament rose there was a prospect that some definitive settlement might be agreed upon, either by otber Powers or in concurrence with Great Britain, and which I ehould be able to announce to the House. Bat ia the present state of circumstances I donot think it would be right to withhold from Parliament a statement as to the position of foreign affairs. And in begianing that statement I may remark that I am glad to fiad that in the tne Moniteur of this day there ig an announcement th: Emperor of the French ig about to put his land ani forces on a peace footing. (Cheers.) I hope that that timation will be the augury of prolonged tranquility to Europe. (Hear.) Sir, I will not go into any detail as to events with reapect to which the House is familiar. Ho norable gentiemon are well aware that the peace was made in a gomewhs The House is likew: put forth by the contending parties, by the Em: peror of the Frouch on the one hand, that ho bad expected ‘hat if the war had continued its arena would bave been greatly eplarged, and that he might have had to contend on the’ Rhino ns well as on the Mincio. The Emperor of Auatria, on the other hand, declared that the neutral Powers were aboat to propose bases of mediation which would have been ieas acceptable to Austria than the terms of peace which be had obtained by direct negotiation with the Emperor of the French, Now, air, although I think that boih of those reazous had a certain validity, bicause no one can say that the German Powers might not have enicred into the war be- fore any long time had elapsed, and although it is impossi- bie to eay that the neutral Powers might not have agreed | at some future period upon some pian of mediation, yet in neither reepect did the events which were foreseoa ani foretold actually come to pass. trai Powers, at ali events, [can say that no concert had been agreed upon by, I believe, any of those Powers, and certainly net by her Majesty, either with Prussiaor Russia, or both. ‘There have beca overtures for mediation on the part of Pro both at London and at Ss, Pe tersburg. The despatch of Baron Svbleinitz, coa. taining ‘those overtares on the part of Prussia, has been published which I ‘have just brought up comprise ihe | answer of her Majesty's government to that Proposition. But although those reasons have no doubt Weighed with the contending Emperors in favor of pe yet I believe that there {ea reuon that Hes Got ted given in apy State paper which still had its weight—I should sey @ very considerable weight—both with the Empercr of the French and the Emperor of Austria. I think tt was impoesible that a Sovereign who tad never been on a field of battle could have failed to have been struck with horror on being present at aacene whore be- tween 40,000 and 50,000 men, most of them in the prime and vigor ot life, were killed and wounded on the opposite sides. (Hear) I believe that th effect upon the Emperor Napoleon, aod that it aizo made its impression on the Emperor of Aus‘ria. And, for my part, I think it is no disparagement to great Sovereigns who hold the rule over mighty empires that, whilo tuey maintain their policy as monarchs they should likewise have the feelings of men. (Cheers) Sir, the treaty of peace which was made at Villafranca oa the 1th of July consists of two parts, very different in their nature The one part je that which made peace between the two Emperors in consideration of the ceasion of Lom»ardy to the Emperor of the French, to be immediately delivered over to the King of Sardiaia. Now, with respect to that matter, Ido not think it is for ws who took no part ia ‘he war to comment or to criticise. (Hoar, hear) If the Emperor Napoleon thought that he tad made sscriices enough of French blood and French treasure, ard that the further prosecution of the war would lead to an im mente waste both of life and property, I think hy was tury juaeded, Lully eusmoriwed iu gonviudiug 8 tresiy ' mud tule of Leoy dia i add Gis dosvondauts, wud ib Bray © pressing ihe goverames: Lar lafoow., judden and unexpected manner. | aware that declarations were | With regard to the neu- | in Germany, and the papers | rules on this t sentiment had an | affairs of Italy generally. Tac treaty of Zurich way evea | ve lees than the prelimiaaries of Villafranca, or it may | simply confirm the peace already conciudet between the | two Emperors and the | snd communicated officially to tue governmeat of her Majesty, will depend whether we shall agree to the iavita- tion which has been addressed to us to join in a Con‘e- rence of the European Powers. (Hear, bear.) There is Mkewize another cousideration. I holi that it woul! be | uveriy useless to go into any Conference upon the state of | Italy uniesy the Emperor of Austria was a party to it. It is understood that the Bmperor of Austria, at the lime of the signing of the treaty of Fillafranca, whjected to any Cm- pets or Conference whatever, and I maintain that it would Be cteird to attempt to setle the affairs of Tialy without the assistance of Austrta,and probably of Pruesia, or to dignily with the mame of an agsembiy of the great Powers any Cougrees or Couterence from which the representatives of | Austria and Prussia would be absent. (Hear.) Again, it is | importan’ that we should know beforenand what are the points which apy Congress or Conference would nave to consider. The treaty of Villafranca has left the state of Italy quite unsettled; the treaty of Zurich may go no further, apd it may, therefore, be a matter of doubt whe- ther any advice to be given at a Conference would b2 of | uge in order to compose the affairs of Italy, There must | be some sort of agreement or community of views among ube Powers attending that Congress; at all events, it would be just as well not to go into it as to enter it with the prospect of breaking off upon a divergence of opinion ata very early stage. (Bear, he The treaty of Vil- | latranca deais with three matters of very great import- | ance: but I must say that fora treaty intended to settle | the alfuirs of Italy it bears marke of the haste which at- | tended its conception and its execution. It ia impossible to say that it contains any settlement of those affairs which in 1856 caused anxiety to the representative of her- Majes'y in Paris; which in 1857 and 1858 were mattere of deliberation among the Powers of Eurepe; and which were the causes of that short but very bioody war that has just | becn brought to & termication. The first question which it raisct—and raises, I believe, in consequence of the strong | opinion of the Emp:ror of the French im favor of the pro- | jet—relates to an Ltalian Confederation. The article of the | treaty does not say thats Confederation is formed, or | thet @ Confederation shall be formed. It only states that the two Sovereigns making the treaty will favor and far- ther the creation of a Confederation, With respect, then, to that articie, although I believe that the conception is in | Mteelf @ wise one, although it stands upon this strong | foundation, that, whereas Italy has been the prey for | ceuturies of the armies of contending foreign Powers, if she could have an organization of ber own, if her several | Statex could be connected together by a bond of union, and tbat bond a federal one, capable of affording protec: | tion of the defensive character which has alway been assigned to a group of federated Stater, ehe might then be Strong enough to withstand aggression, and there would be no necessity for the interventiou of foreign Powers; yet | Idoubt very much whether the time is come when such | a Confederation could be usefuliy carried into effect. | We must consider of what membors it is to consist. Ao- | cording to the plan conceived at Viilafranca {t would con- sist of the Pope as its President, the Emperor of Austria ag one of its members, two Archukes, the King of Naples, and the Kingof Sardinia. Now, Sir, 7 cannot concewe that a Confederation so formed would be for the benefit of Italy | (Bear.) It is in the nature of a Confederation of this ktad | that it should meet to consider of general subjects, Sar- dioia, as we all Know, and as wo haye observed with a1- tisfaction, bas for some years enjoyed afree constitution, and those privileges which belong to w free contitutioa: but bow cculdfit be expected that the Pope, as the chief | of that bocy—that the Emperor of Austria, as on9 | of its members—that the Archdukes, nearly’ retated to the Emperor, and following, of course, hie in- Fpiration, would favor such views as the King of Sar- dinia and his Ministers would entertrin? (Hear, hear.) Take ws an instance the queetion—which is as | any other—of the liberiy of worsaip—s privilege highly rized in this country, and conceded, to the great satis- | faction of many persons here, at Taria and in all parts of Sardinia, (Hear, bear.) J | Sardinia there is freedom of worsh:p; in Tuscany there has | been established what ts called liberty of worthip—that is | & say, any Tuscans or Italians who leave th: Catholic church allowed to assemble for public waship. In the Papal minions even that privilege would hardly b+ allowed. Whea the Confederation came to meet and to iay down reconciled—how could the Pope or the Emperor of Austria | favor that liberty of worship which the people of Sardinia | Tegard as one of their highest privilege? (Henr, hear.) It | Sppears to me, therefore, that, although a Confederation } may in time become a good syatem for italy, the proposition | made at the peace of Villafranca hardly fuilils the condi. lions which are necessary to form a united defeasivefede- | of Austria by his allies, and by him regarded as of a | ral Power. (Hear, hear.) But then, Sir, arises another ques- | tion, and that is as t> the mode in which this treaty ia to | him by his 0 | be carried into effect, On that subject it would be necossa- | be desirable ry to bave a full and complete understanting before her | ed | Majesty could be advised to send any representative to a | Conference of the great Powers of Europe, (Hvar, hear.) We all know that by one of the articles of the treat! | that the Grand Duke of Tuscany and the Duke of Modena | Teturn to their States, granting an amnesty. Now, how | Bre they to return to thelr States? (He: The Grand | Duke of Tuscany is in « position not very dissimilar to that | of a sovereign who once reigned in this country. He reigned by virtue of a constitution, fle violated the prin- | ciples of that constitution. His people made rej ata. | tions to him. They called upon not ee ton withdrew himself from the country. The Grand Duke is therefore in the positioa of a fove- reign who has violated the fundamental taws and with- drawn himself from the territory over which he ruled, That is a position, I must say, ins eo bilge bn F will, approbation aad conseat of p e throne which he before occupied. (Hear.) On the other hand Po tay have evjoyed many years of happivew under tue i of Sardinia, mot enteringino | fearions, or even to leave their own dwellings, without | the affairs of Italy beyond, of couree, the cession of terri- | being constantly dogeed by thoee police, wh: | tory which bas been made by the Emperor of Austria; but | means acquired an arbitrary power which was | upon the terms of that treaty, when it hus beeadrawo up | greater than the power of the sovereiga himeelf, or that there were #0 maby more that the whole num- ber amounted to 160,000. Those persons were, I believe, unable to practice the learned pro- of the landed arfetocracy, or than that exercised by tho Minteters of the Crown. The present King nas begun to put an end to that syetem, and it is, I believe, ais sincere desire to abolish it wltogether. (Cheers) The police, however, bave been toa considerable extent enabled to thwart bis wishes, and the decrees which he bas issued have not in many instances been executed; but, with the aid apa under the advice of his present Minister, Prince Satriapo—better known by the name of General Filan- geri—a man of decided views and of a firm but concilia tory temper, the kingdom of Naples is, I believe, becom ing greatly improved. (Hear, bear.) We find ourselves, then, in this position:—A treaty is about to be made at Zurich. A confidential agent of the French goveramont bas been sent to Vienna in order to settie with the Emperor of Austria what the bases of the treaty shail be. So farasIcan learn, the Emperor of the French is most anxious that that treaty should enable the Italians to epjoy the privilege of self government. Now, whether they enjoy that privilege under one sovereign or under avotber, whether there is to be a confederation, or whe- ther there are to be two or three powerful States in Italy, Tam convinced—and her Majeety’s government are con: vipced—that an independent State or Statea in Italy would be for the welfare of Europe, (Cheers.) I cannot Say—it is impossible at the preeen} moment to ssy—that there will be any congress or conference on this question. ‘This, however, may state with the utmost confidence, somewhat more clear and satisfactory than avy which wo have as yot recotved, and I trust they will not grudge the communication of such informe ion to toe House, Were there nit, Let me ask, certain projects of settlement laid be- feve the Emperor of Austria which he found more severe han those which he hax accept.d? — Noboay can suppose tat thie matter is @ pure tavention of wo grout u poruon. oge as tbe Kaperor of Austria, It woulh, thorefore, be extremely watiefaciory if the noble lord could asaure’ the ‘House that a0 projects of vettiomont emauatiog from the neutral Powers bud by their agenoy, or the ag-acy of hor Mojesty’s goverpment, beeo brought uniter we nptice of thot sovereign. The declaration of che Emperor of Austria, however, is precise. A very important neutral Power, Prus- Sia, has come forward and stated that she knows frothing of such a scheme having been submited to his notice I do not collect from tue noble lord thet her Majesty's goverment were equally ignorant of that cirsumstance, I want to know whether they wore in possasion ef such a echeme. want to know whether, throug joncy of her Majesty's government, that scheme was placed be- fore the Eoperor of Austria, (dear, hoam) I think that when Minieters come forward upon a critical occa cio hike this, ad wish to influence vot merely the opin- jon by the conduct of this House, we have « right w re- quire from the goveroment liberal compunications ag vespects their conduct. (Hear) It bas reached mo—it msy be perfectly unfounded, but it would bo a source of satisfaction to this House and tho couatry if they wore assured that it is unfounded—it has reached mo that scheme for the settlement of hostilities which the {nterenia wae brought to his cognizance through the influence and ugency of her Majesty’s goverament. That, surely, ig 8 communication which ought not to be concealed from this Houre, or treated if true in the ambiguous manper in which tho noble lord has slightly touched upon it thiv Laigens 3 Tt may bo said that this plan for the settlement of Italy, which reached tho noble lord as the responsible Minister of the Crown, and which be in bis disoretion took measares to place before the Emperor of Avetria, was presented without offering apy opinion of bisown, and that her Majesty's govern- ment were not, therefore, bound by it. But if thia be ao, Ith uk honorable gentlemen will agree wita me that the very fact tbat her Majeasty’s government were the organs of communication by which propositioas of this nature were laid beforo the Emperor of Austria is io itsslf a species of sanction of the pian which was presented. (Hear, bi And if my statement be correct—if her Majesty's government so far agree that what I nave stated i pot incorrect, and if they dofend their couduct oa the plea thet they gave no opto'on of the terms which they were the orga of laying before the Emparor of Austria, tt will be gatisfactory to the House, for it ia of the utmost importance at th's moment that we should be in possession. of autbentic and ample knowledge of the eubject, (Hear, bear) It will be satisfatory to the House if at tho same time the Ministers assure us that they made o0 communi cation to Her Majrste’e Minister at Vienna nor {ngtructed that Min'ster to recommend Austria to accept those pro. posala ; becanee let the Hoves for a moment coasider, if what I bave stated—and I shall be glad to bear that it is y ‘rounder what I bave stated be correct, what is the probable result? Tho probable result is this—-the Emperor of Austria has obtained easier terms from his en- emy than he had from those whom he has described as his natural allies. Her Majesty's government have, in fact arn committed the same mistake which thoy committed in 1848, (Hear, hear.) Atthat time a proposition was made by the Austrian goverment similar tothe terms which have Leea, through the influence of the Freach Em- peror, sccepted. At that time tho proposition was made to close disturbances in [valy by the relinguishment of Lombardy—the vory terma which after thia bloody war bave become the bages of peace. (Hear, hear.) Her Majeety’s government then was, I may say, this very identical governmont, because affairs of this nature are carried on by two mioisters, the First Minister and the Secretary of State ; and the only difference in the two re- spons!ble laciviouals ts this, that the noble lord was thea First Minister, and the present First Minister waa thea Seoretary of Sate (Hear, hear.) Let the house observe bow completely, if this account be true, it is a repetition of the fatal blunder of 1848. Taen we repudiated the proposition of Austrea, and said that Venice aad tho Vo netian territory must be & part of the territory relinquished by the Emperor of Austria, We made that a sine qua non. In the prerent instance theeo propoaitions, so slightty noticed by the noble lord, were couched in the same vein, and conceived in the same spirit. This aeu- tral Power, this patural ally, would not Interfere to mediate except ov terms of that severe character. But in the meantime the enemy of the Emperor of Austria ofters himeelf milder terms. The Emperor of Austria accepts those terms, What is our position? The ttled with- cut our interference and without haviag obtained those terms which we were the organ of introducing to the Em- peror of Austria's notice. But what would our position have been if when thoee terms of mediation were offered to us, instead of giving them the sanction of our transmission, sad eotor giving them the greater degree of ganc’ tion involved in recommending them, through the instra. mentaiity of our Minister at Vienna, to the acceptance of the Avstrian government—If, free from all prejudice and parsion, which unfortupately, as it appears to mo, in- fiuence the English government when this question ts be- sore them—if we bad said to France, ‘those terms which you offer are too severe; althongh in’ thelr general spirit we agree with you, they must be modifed, and we will then recommend the Emperor of Aus'ria to accapt (Hesr.) Ifher Majesty’s government had doce that—if they had been the means of the Emperor of Aus tria aceepting the terms which ultimately from the Em- peror of the French he accepted, in what a different posi- tion we should stand to France avd Ausiria. We should be in a great position. Wesbould be a powerful media- tor between France and Austria for the general welfare of Europe, and Austria would not look upon us as one who had deserted her. Austria would not jook upon us with ill will, though epoaking of us nor natural ally, but as one to whom she was indebted for the terms which she now only owes to her great opponent. ear.) I think that is a point upon which hor Majesty’s government ought to deign to give more infor- mation to the House. (Cheers.) Ifit be true that her Majeaty’e government, with all the experience of 1843, with the immense advantages which they have had in dealing with this question which they had not ten years ago, bave repeated the same blunder, renewed the same m e, ard placed the country with regard to this ques- tion in so unsatisfactory a position, they owe much expla- nation to Parliament, (Hear) Let me turn now to the Pressing business of the moment. No doubt, if not to- i it, on some other night adequate information will be ded upon the pointon which I have touched. Bit ‘et us look at the treaty of Villafrancs and this proposi- tion, with which we become acquainted for the first time tonight, for Enogland to assist in carryin, that treaty into effect, because that is the real question. “Any conference or congress after articles of peace are concluded, attended by a Power who has had nothing to do with the war either by action or by atvice, is, in fact, being calied in to carry ® peace into effect with which that Power has had nothing to do, and arising out of a war in which she has not in any way been connected. 1 ¢o not mean to say that there are not grave circum- stances which may justify such a course on the partof the government cf this country. I wish to treat the question with that tomperateaees which it requires, and in which spirit, from its serious character, it behooves us to ap- proach it. The noble lord says that this treaty of Villa- frazca must be considered under two heads, In the first Place, he says there was considerable change of territo- that it would uot be wise on the part of her Majesty's government, and still less wise on the part of the House, to Come to any permanent and absolute decision on the | subject. (Hear) It would never do for a Minister of the | Crown of Great Britain to say that this country, whicu has taken part in all the great concerns of Europe since 1815, | which bes taken a great part, under Mr. Canning, in the | formation of the kingdom of Greece, which has taken a | teadipg part—my noble friend who sits near mo boing at the time Secretary for Foreign Affaire—in the formation of | the kingdom of Belgium on the ocoasion of her separation | from the kingdom of Holland—it would, I repeat, never do for the Minister of such a nation to say that we should now suddenly and without any reason with- | draw from any such meeting or assembly of the Powers of | Eurcpe as that to which I have alluded, if there be auy chance that the situation of Italy might be improved, that peace might be confirmed, and the independence of the talian States secured by ‘our taking such a courae, (Cees At the same time there are a!l those conditions which I bave mentioned which must be well considered before any such assent is given. Nothing could, in my opinion, be worse than to act in the manner in which my noble friend, the member for Haddingtonshire, seems to think the government of this country might act—namely, to aseist at the conferences merely to eettle the details of a treaty which might have been agreed to by other sove. reigns. I have told the House that not only is thoro no such view in our contempl tion, but that no such pro. position has ever been made tous fhe Emperor of the French has always said, and Ifthinkjtraly, {that Italy has been a source of danger, and was in peril of rovolution, bot that that danger could not be completely averted or revolution finally stayed unless the Powers of Europa generally were consenting parties to a settlement to which the people of Italy would give their assent, and woald re. commend itself to the minds of reasonable and jast men in all parts of the world. (Hear, hear.) Such being the difficuities which are imposed upon our taking part ia any such conference,I may be permitted to say—notwith- standing that the right honorable gentleman opposi (Mr. Disraeli) has treated the regeneration of Italy as a question hardly worthy of serious consideration—that if a country #0 beautiful in its physical aspect, 80 endowed by nature, so rico in men of genius of every kini—a good ag | chaunts from the days of Petrarch in the fourt-enth wo in the States of the King of | be made prosperous, and hor sons afforded a fair ecops and become Krotestants, dre Vfl unmolested, but are nt | assured a rich quota it would be—to the progress of that jubject, how could such opposite views be | rejoice at iis consummation, v, very | The position of affairs is #0 critical; so much deponda upon short and somewhat ambiguous in its terms, it is dectared | the conduct of the government of this country at the pre very unfavorable to | had consented to conclude the present peace, the people of Tascany | terms if ho wore to have country whose fate has been the subject of melancholy thore of Leopardi in the nineteenth century—writers who lament almost in the same terms the unfortunate con- dition of their native land—if such a country could for the exercise of their talent and thoir energy, s> that they might be enabled to take their part among the nations of Europe as contributing their qu>ta—and t feel great Curopean family to which they beloog—if sach an object could be attained, then, sir, !, for one, should not hesitate to declare that ‘her Majesty's government would (Cheers ) SPEECH OF MR. DISRARUL Mr. Diskarti—There was one portion of the aobie lord's adoress which appeared to moto be somewhat more ob- score than the House will be disposed t» deem dosiradie, Lallude to that portion of the nobic lord’s speech in which he apoke of terms supposed to be offered to the Emperor severer nature than those which were extended to ment. Now ft would, I think, t the noble lord, having touch: upon that subject, should have given tho Bouse, with respect to it, more information than T for one had been able to gather from his ovecrvations, sent moment, and the inflaence of Parliament, owing to the period of the year yur attention has been drawn to these im} tm 4 warily 80 limited, that Isball offer no apology to the House for following the uoble lord through some of his remarks. Ia doing #o I shall, I think, be amply dischargiog my duty to tne country and my constituents, for it is but right that tho im to abdicate. He did | public should be made aware of the sentiments and opin. tons of the House on this great question. The noble Jord stated to the House, though in terms of a somewhat Las ag matare, that @ deciaration had been made by Emperor of Austria to the offect that he which all sides appear to think unsatisfactory, bacauss it was shown to him that he must expect to receive severe ecourae to the mediation of his natural friends and allies. Now, I cxunot help yaa po.as * grees with regard to | Ty from this peace, but it was not achsnge of territory which in any way or materially affected the balance of power. Therefore, so far as that consideration was coucern- ed, it was unnecessary for Kagland to attend the congress. I think it will be found, asa general rule which shonld guide us in there matters, that it never is the interest of this country to attend a congress unless what is called the balance of power is materially affected. Tne ‘“ balance of power’? is a phrase sometimes treated with derision by those who do not understand it (laughter)—I mean by it @ change of public territory which might create a pre- ponderarce of a Power perhaps already too powerful. I agree with the noble lord that there is nothing in the fact of the transference of Lombardy from Austria to Sardiaia which at all sffects the balance of power, and therefore on that head‘ agree with the noble lord tnat our interfo- rence for the present cannot for a moment be recommend- ed. I maiotain,as a general rule, that we should at. tend no conference where the balance of power is not affected; and the instances which tho noble lord men- tioned ai the end of his speech confirm and do not impugn the accuracy of that principle, because the balance of Power might have been materially aifected by the con struction of the kingdom of Greece, rially concerned in the eettiement ot Belgium. (Hear.) But, says tho noble ford, although the balance of power is not concerned in this transference of a single pro. vince from Austria to Sardinia, there is a second nead under which we must consider this treaty of Viilafranca, and to what it will lead, and that is, what the noble lord calls the future of Italy. Now the future of Italy ism subject of very great interest. The noble lord says I have treated the future of Italy with a sneer. I have so often had opportunities of speaking ou this subject in this House, and I have had the misfortune to differ from the noble lord so frequently upon it, that I will not take the trouble now to vindicate my opinions, as I wish to speak on the points of buiness before us, Bat [tell the noble lord this—that i is hia misfortune to be- eve that there exists habs ye Italy a whig party, and until he gets that idea of his head he never will be able to consider the quetion in a manner becoming a statesman of his degree. (Hear, hear.) It bas always been tho fashion of the noble lord, when speaking of italy, to speak of establishing a sort of Brookes’ Club at Floreace, and that he calls poetry. Ss laugh.) Wasa- ever be begins to speak of Petrarch f know what it is going to lead to. (A laugh.) Several times he has done this when we have discussed the question before, and the noble lord will aliow me to refer him to some observa- tions which a little nettled him some years ago when we discursed this question I told the noble lord then that the course he was recommanding was one which must end in the confusion of Itaty—(hear, hear)—and which would bring into active operation ail the secret societies of that counqry (hear, hear)—andithat, if he thought the regene- ration of Italy could be effected by the secret eocioties of that country, he would find that he was only playing the game of some great military despot who would roap tho profit. But, now, eays the noble lord, we must look to the future of Italy, We must look tothe future of fialy because, when my Lord Clarendon attended the Con ference at Paris after the Russian war, her Majosty’s government were committed to a policy which acknow- lodged that it was their duty to counsel, and, if possible, Wweffect changes in that misgoverned country. ’ Well, ‘but what was the position of Lord Ciarenton after the Russian war? It is very true that Lord Clarendon knowing that at that time, as had often beforo bsen the case, but ‘especially so at that time, the state of Ttaly wag one which might lead to public disquietude, like @ wire man—and J give his colleagues credit (or sharing in the samo sensible viewe—thought that that was a period when, generally speaking, something like a wide settle- ‘ment ot the various parts of Kurope should bo made by the conference, and that Italy should not bo omitted—that that was a moment in which to recommend a course of policy which would prevent future disturbance and trou ble. I do not, of course, object to the course he took. As I stated the other night, it was exactly the same view which induced the late government to recommond a con- @ affairs of Earope. Wont you recommend before a war takes place, and much more what you recommond in order to prevent a war, laa vory different course from what you ought to sanction ant recommend after war bas broken out, has boen waged, and is concluded, (Cheers.) Why a congress is a very dangor- ous thing at all times, bui ft ia nover more dangorous than in such & cage as the present, War is a thing which no one in tho abstract approves, and which, Snorally spoakirg, we endeavor ty ayord, bul Wt doog not follow because war is generally to be avolded that you ought not to goto war if necessary. If a com- gress was the course which, when there was @ chance of venting war, ought to be recommended, it was the Suey of the [Sito my to recommend it which Lord don recommended and supported at the Conference of Paris, though to a certain degree it might involve interference in Italy, which, considering that at that time thore was imm'uent danger of aome disturbance, offered to assembled Europe an cpportunity of preventing it, But, saya the noble lord, after offerin oat many arguments, the general tendency of whi that if we wanted to go to the that any {1 offered. But if the noble lord interested ia the future of Italy were at once, in consequences of the treaty of Villa- franca, to attend the conference in order to advance the future interests would he not be of that country, bound by the conditions contained in reference to the future overnment, and I believe by the overnment? ft ‘was to establiah iu Italy 9 seoularion’ “y the Romsa States, (Hoar, hear.) Tho great point was virtually to reduce the Popo to the exercise of his spiritual power. Be Bt ery ct ca ce a 3 t2 a ; 0 are exactly contrary lo each other. atin ress will you deal with the Duchies? noble lord says the Duchies are not to be dealt with; and though he nea no authority for saying 80, bia instinctive feoting is that France will not interfere by force in favor of the rejected rulers of the Duchies. Ho has reason to hope and believe that Austria also will refrain from using force in their favor; and I think very properly. Well, how te the affair to be settied? Why, it is not to be settled by the interfe- renee of any Power in Italy The noble lord says that the people of this country would pot for a moment tolerate am interference by England in order to place the rejected rulers upon their thronca. (Hear, hoar.) If that is the cage what. ie the use of going to the Conference? Cee hear.) noble lord has touched upon three polats on which thinks discuseion will aries if this Couforence takes Firet of all be says there 1s the principle of confederat: which be approves of; but he says that practically 4 would not work well !m the present state of Italy. the poble !ord mentioned a variety of circumstances witl which, at present, be said the principle of confederation would upsat lorily cope. But these questioas of re- Vigtous toleration and free worship to which the noble lord referred would not come under the contro! of a con- federation. (Hear, hear.) They would be matters to be rottled by each separate government. Confederatio the tdea of which is sound, in my opinion, is adapied te country if the people of that country could work it out; and the objections which tho noble lord urged agatast a confederation wou'd not apply. With all his auxioty to effect the regeneration of Ilaly, and with all his equal pore, | to attend the Congress for that object the noble lord to-night hax urged objections against that part of the plan which I hope may be practical, but which at least is recommended by many high polltioal corsiderations, Well, thes, if according to the noble Jord’a views confederation principle is not to be ac- kvowledged, if according to bis view there is to be no interference in the Duchies, if, in the third instance, all Abat is loft to be dealt with is the Papal government, way, I atk, is it advisable that we ehould be drawn in'‘o this congrese? (Hear, hear.) The state of Italy, as sketched out by the articles of the Villafranca treaty is deemed, I know, by many gentlemen on both sides of this House te be of an uppromising character, the Congress is to proceed according to the articles of the Viltafranca treaty, our goverpment in accepting tho invitation to attend the congress would accept a responsibility which { am sure no One here would wish to sanction. If we are to enter into conference in order to bring about a state of society in Italy not contemplated by those who have carried on this war, I ask the Houee for a moment to consider whag is to be the izaue of our labor Either we shall fail in our object or we shall not. If failure be the result all will regret our interference, but if we carry our object into effect—if we establish in Italy a state ef socicty ‘at all ike the programme of Milan or the programme of Tiverton—we must do so by offering inducements to the other great Powers which I am suro Parliament wou'd not approve of. If, under all circumstances, we should be chary about the exgegements waich conforences and con- greeees always lead to, surely when a war has beca waged, of which we entircly disapproved, when it hag been closed on a sudden, when the responsibility of all that bas occurred and of all that may occur is one of which this government ts completely clear, it would be the height of rashness and precipitation by any act or avy advice of ours to involve ourselves in the respon- sivility of @ gettlement occasioned by a war for which wo are pot answerable. (Gear.) I trust, therefore, that the feeling of the House wih be 80 direct and distinct upom this subject that ber Majesty's Ministers will not feel it their duty to recommend her Majesty to sond any repre- sentative to this projected Conference. I have no doubt there are immc nse difficclties tn copsequence of the war and in congequeace of the perce. We had nothing to do with the war; we bad nothing to do with the peace, and if diffi. culties arise in which we must faterfere, we shall interfere with mucb greater effect and much moro dignity if we are not introduced in the last act tu order to gave other per- sons from diflicu ties which they ‘crested, and for which we notanswerable. (iHoear, hear.) here is only one observation which [ would make in consequence of the in- timation which the noble lord gave us, that a despatch had arrived from Parie that it was the intention of ‘the Empe- ror of the French to reduce his armaments both by sea and land. Well, thet is exceilent news, and tho value de- pends entirely upon the manrer in wilich that policy is curried out “I shou'd not bave noticed that, considering that all the information which we bad was merely by tele- graph, bad not a Minister called our atientton to it in his place at the moment ho rose, and evidently with the inten- tion of influencing the opinion of the House, I think my- self-—indeed, I ventured to make the observation the other night—that it is of great importance that the armamenta of the great Powers shou!d be reduced. (Hear.) I did not when I made that observation lay claim to any ori- ginelity. Iwas not aware atthe time that I waa at all trenching upon the peculiar manor of the honorable gen- teman, the member for Birmingham. Hoe informed mo afterwards with great exultation, that the proposttion to reduce armaments alter war was an original principle in politics invented by himeelf. (Laughter.) I observod that articles of peace were never yet sigued, or at least DO pesce was ever yet concluded, without members of this House preesing upon the government to avail themsolves of the opportunity of reducing thetr armaments; and knowing that our predecessors in this assembly for 156 yeare, to my knowledge, recommended that policy, I cer- tainly was astonished that the honorable member for Bir- mingham, although he spoke, I must say, with conside- rable courtesey of mo ak his pupll (a laugh), should bave taken that opportunity of informing the House that he him- self was the inventor of that policy, (Laughter.) Iremem- ber gome very absurd observations made wg! the hoaorable gentleman ten years ago upon this subject, im the course of which he maintained that peace was the natural state of man in the present day, because the commercial privciple was stronger than ‘the political, ani in which he eaid that France could ever goto war again in conse- quence of the alteration of the tenure of land in that country, there being then about seven millions and » half of proprietors, I reminded him then—in the year 1818— that the same tenure obtained in France under the re- public and under the first empire; that there were then also about seven millions of proprietors, but that that did not prevent the French going to war. He then expressed other opinions, which I bad hoped for his own sake were quite forgotten, and therefore I shall not now touch upon ‘them; but when peace is announced bys Minister, ar it Was announced in this House, a peace between two great military monarchies of Europe, expecially at a time when the taxation of this country has been greatly increased in consequence of the adoptiom of very necessary means of de- ferice, there was nothing very wild—there was nothing, I think, very unwise in suggesting that our ally should take this ¢ tunity of extablscnirig in the eyes of Europe, and poll 5 2 of this country, the sincerity of his friendship Sor England—which 1, for one, have no with in any way to coudt—by the reduction of his armaments. It seemed to me to be & very natural policy, a policy which would apa the Emperor’s own interests, and one which, if e entertain it, ho will, I have no doubt, carry out with sincerity, Thé Emperor ought, however, to understand if that is the policy which tbe English Parliament wishes him to adopt, that it be does adopt and pursue it with gin- cerity we are prepared to respond to it ina reciprocal spirit, He ought clearly to understand that we st that policy from no wild sentiment, but ia a plain, busi- ness-like manner; and that if he agrees to it, we on our part are prepared to carry it out ina business-like man- ner. But then we must know what the reductions are. (Hear, hear.) We must see that reductions are being made in bis forces, as clearly as he will know what aro the reductions which we are making. He must not sup- pose that it is because what is called the peace principle is prevalent in this House that such a policy is recom. mended, because if he thought that he would have the fecling which some attribute to him but which Ido rot belleve he entertains; he might then treat the House of Commons like children, and hope that by telegraphic dexparches mae up of un? meaning phrases be couid influcnce the policy of this country. That great Prince is too sensible a man to en- tertain such an opinion fora moment; but, as the ques- tion has been introduced to us by the Secretary of State, I think there should be no mistake as to the opinion of the Houre of Commons upon the reduction of armaments by the Emperor of the French. The reduction of armaments ig @ natural and proper policy, and one which we ma: fairly expect to be followed when peace is concluded. It is & policy which this country would hail with satisfaction, and which would give us that security which under such circumstances our ally might be expected to give; but it must be a real, absolute, undoubted reduction of arma- ments—(hear, hear)—and not a mere exchange of fine, vague phrases, If that is, a8 1 believe it is, the sincere policy of the Emperor, it will be met’ with eq sincerity on our part; it will put an end to great misconceptions as to the viows and conduct of that Priace, which I, for one, am more than willing to believe ‘have no ‘foundation whatever; and then indeed, we may regard as an event which hus effected some good for humanity even this war, which, though it has been a bloody has been a brief one, which hag brought many persons to their senses, and may tend to reatore and establigh 8 good understanding between Eng- land aud France (Cheers. ) Mr. Bowyer said that the wit of man could not havo invented a speech more calculated to render any con- ference nugatory than that which bad been addressed to the Houge by the noble lord tne ict pti Secretary of State for SPEECH OF BORD PALMERSTON, Tord Patmerstox—I refrained from answering at onse the queation put by the right honorable gentleman (Mr. Disrael!), because I was unwilling to interpose between the House and the honorable and learned gentleman who hes just spoken, knowing as I do the strong intorest which be takes in at least one part of Italy and in one of the governments which unfortunately rule that coun- try. I was anxious to answer the question put by ‘the right honorable gentleman, which, how- ever, was, I think, unnecessary, because it appeared to ‘me that tho statement of my noble friend wag perfect! clear and decisive up t the point to which it Fetiered, The right honorable gentleman wished to know whether the Powers that wero neutral in tho war—and especially the British government—made any proposal of terms of arrangement to the Emperor of Austria which were loss favorable to the Austrian government than those after- wards agreed upon at tho peace of Villafranca. My noble friend stated that, as far as ho was aware— and certainly so far as this country was con- cerned—no proporition was mate to the Aus Winn goverment from apy of yao neutral Powerm,