The New York Herald Newspaper, August 4, 1859, Page 2

councils), can bardiy, ene would think, be dey 40 Bo important an extent ay would be requisite—I will not to watisfy, but temporarily to appease the excited Tta- | ance. palate! programme iaid down be such as | aud the world, as it le also for the ated to the world, it heel the has in substance been communi: gcems most improbable that it can be carried out without the interference of foreign troops in Central Italy. Ic it | be positively and irrevocably docided that neither | French por Austrian soldiers are to operate io countries gouth of the Po—in Parma, Mod Tus: the | ble? capy, and the it will, perhaps, appear to some that the Italians have a finer game in hands tban they would have had if the French bad re mained here Tt thus becomes » struggle between tho people and their inces, anf if the Italians have the will to fght, and havo ned, as the they have, legsona of wisdom from | past orrors, folce aad Mianainnen ‘they ought tobe adie | triumphe ‘vindicate the righta they claim, and to establish thelr | vernments upon sucha basia that they sooa would net pbs to be alarmed at the presoace of Austria in Venetia On the other band, the Convention says that the Dukes of Modena anc Turcapy are to resume their gy the words ‘if they aro able to do go unassisted” to be un- derstooc? If ro, they form aa invitation w strife aud re- volution in Centra! Italy. NEWS FROM GARIBALDI'S CORPS—THE MEN SWEAR ALLEGIANCE TO VICTOR EMAN- EL. {Milan (July 15) correspondence of the Nord.) Tam able io communicate to you some details relative to Garibaldi and bie corps d' armée. You may readiy imugine ttat the conclusion of peace bad excited some apprebention as to the conduct watca that corps would pursue, I buve alwaye thought that the scidiers of Garibaidi would stife the grief which the sspa- ration of Venct.a must have excited in their ardeat minds, and that toey would ‘military discipline, which bas always been exemplary among them. }, in fact, inthe case. On the arrival of toe news of pease, Genoral Garibaloi arrembird bis soldiers, and after having cal ned their excitement by ® noble address, be invitsd them to renew the oath of fidelity to the Kiog, wuich they did Whihout opposition. This conduct, which retlects nonor on al) concerned jo it, will prove to Europe that the pre- Vended revolotiovary cement in Lialy fully comprenends the importance of covcord. It is worthy of remark ‘hat among the volunteers of Garihaidi there are a great num ber of young men belonging to Veveuia. A Viéana correspondent of the London Times, writing on the 19th of July, remarks:—The aifair on the Stelvio on tae 8th inst. must have b:en a sharp one, as the free corps bal One hundred men put Aors de combat, Garivaldi, who con manded in person, bad between 4,000 and 5,000 men, and the Austrian General Huyn, who ozcupied an excstient position, $,000 regular troops and four hundred Tyroicas volunteers. Garibaldi first Jearved from the Ausirian iene, who went with a flag of truce to Bormio, d bis master had been “ bought and gold.”” The Loudon Herald of the 284 July sw! fae Nord professes to know what has becomo of the corps of Gari- baldi, A letter from Milan in that paper states that wheu he heard the uews of peace, the reaowned guerilia chief invited them to renew their oath to the Kiag. As to his Subsequent movements the Franco-Russian paper loaves ug comptetely in the dark, ING TO PARIS TO § NAPO- JN—PROSPECTS OF A REVOLULION IN HUNGARY. (Turin (July 18) correspondence of Loudon Post. | Count Telekt and Generals Klapka and Kmoty are here, fod Kossuth lett this morning for Paris to have an inter- view with the Emperor. The Hongarian regiments have already shown sym) toms of disaffection, and lately deaertons have been fre- quent and numerous. A short time since xs many as sixty deserted en masse. They were retaken, placed before a battery, fired upon with grape, and all killed bat two. At Brescia there were two deserters, one of whom boasted of having killed bis colonel, and the other of shooting his major when in action, Here again the want of faith of Austria losing for her her best soldiers. The best Swordsmes and riders she possesses in her cavairy are the Huzears, the boldest aud the most dashing, and, if led by their own country men, as good na aay ia the world. But ‘her system in this is narrow and bad; most o: the Hangs. rian regiments are oflicered by Bohemians, Moraviaas aad others, for ail of whom the Hussar bus a profound co: tempt—for his own nobility the greatest respect. I hav. been told that the sword cuts given by some of these troopers bave been extraordinary. 1 remember having been told that during the war in Hungary they repeatedly killed the Austrian dragoons, cutting throwga tneir iron helmets as if made of card board. Thelr iafantry, although not by avy means 20 favorite a eervice—as they consider wearing spurs a sort of right, and are very tenacious on that point—is admirable, nad the men are the finest in the whole army; and yet Ausiria now, by her misgovernment, her obet'nacy and her arrogance, Aas compromised her in terests with these men most seriously. She is evidently on the point of receiving @ severe ieston, even supposing that the present peace be advantageous to her, of which, in the end there is every reason to doubt. Garibaldi doeg pot seem to have continued his suc- cesses. From the time he fell into the ambuscade which the Austriace bad laid for him near Varese some time Since, he has been rather retrograding than advancing. The recruits which were enrolled at Brescia and Milan in Such numbers, being left at the depot with nothing de- cided about them for days together, at last settled the question by being abscnt with leave when wanted. At Milan notices were fixed to the walla to say al such Would be.considered deserter; but they nave not gone Dack, and now, instead of the 16,000 #0 mandaciously as- serted lately 10 be with him, I know he has barely 1,500 men. A letter from Florence to the London Times states that MM. Kossuth, Kiapka and Teleki, who bai constituted ves in that city asa Hungarian committee, have Separated, renouncing all projects of politi zal action. PRINCE NAPOLEON'S RECEPTION BY THE EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. The Locdon Herald of the 23d of July says:—We read in a Veroua letier:—A most amusing scene took piace yes terday a} the Imperiai dinner. As the Emperor sat twirl- ing his blonde moustache a tremendous tinkling of horse bells was heard in the court yard, and a four horse chaise rattled in. The officer of the day hastily left the table, and returned to inform his Majesty that Princo Napoleon bad arrived. As there were at dinner near the Emperor two of his brother’s cousing, the Grand Dukes of Tuscany and Modena, you can fancy the consternation that was de- picied on every face. The morsels on their way remained in suspecse on the forks. The Emperor rose, and putting aside bis napkin. proceeded into an adjoining room, where he received the Prince. A few minutes after he returned, (the ainner was hastily concluded, and the guests made a general rusk down tbe back stairs. Tae Grand Dukes sent for their swords and caps, left the room where Prince Napoleon eat, avd escaped to their several homes as quickly as they could. A ehell bursting in the Imperial juarters could pot have created so much confusion. “ Plonpion ” remsined several bours in verona, and went later in the evening home to bis camp and quarters. DISROSITION OF THE AUSTRIAN ARMY. Field Slarshal Hess (the promotion 1s recent) is still rapging the final movements of the Avstrian troops. The first army, under Wimpifen, is under ordors to repasa the Alps, and will begin to move immediately. The second — will remain iv Italy under the orders of Count Degen- feldt, ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE TREATY. (From Le Nord (Russian organ), July 21. tions are making forthe carrying outof the convention of Villafranca. Count Fsterhazy is sent to Paris by the Cabinet of Vienna in order to arrive at a preliminary underetanding upon the points left undesided. ‘The Italian duchies are equally preparing to plead their cause withthe great Courts. Toe Tuscar government, among bas Sent the Cavaliers Peruzzi upon a spe. cial miseion to the Em Napoleon. At Modena a re- gistration ‘has been opened to collect voices. At Florence the provisional government bas put the electoral law in force, and is preparing to copvoke a constituent assem- bly ‘which shall decide the goveromental question Forced resteration by the aid of fore'gn bayonets has become impossible in these countries, and in presence of the azi tation which reigns throughou' Centra! Italy, the arbi- tration of a Congress can alone prevent lamentable explo sions. We learn also that Mf Mateucci has been sent on & special mission from Tuscany to London. All men here whose opinion is worth anything agree as to the in- creasing difficulties of the Italian question. ‘ow,’ 1) is asked, “can our baydnets be turned against the very peo- ple for whom we have been shedding our blood like water? Will our gallant soldiers follow, or will their officers lead them on in such a monsirons cause ag that of the twin Dukes of Tuscany and Modena’ And yet to judge from present appearances to that state of things are we It ts ged clear that the return of these dakes by force. At Leghorn M. Biscossi, the Governor, only succeeded in dispersing a rictous assem. bly 7 undertaking, upon his own responsibility, that t Grand Ducal family should never set feot again in Tus- cany. A Congress, if such can be assembled, appears the only mode of coming to anything like a settlement of the question. We know not whit are the advances said to Dave been made either to or by the English goverament on this qi ; but if, copsitently with ner dignity, England can consent to a) in , Bow is the time when her voice may be heard to advantage in behalf of Italy. THE THREATENING CLOUDS OVER FRANCH AND ENGLAND. {From the Paris Journal des Debats, July 21.) Because political alliances become now and then over- clouded we do not necessarily consider them compromised. There may be moments of jent or coolness in the best conducted cope. t0 & civaros. Loyalty, moderation, patience, and especially poi io the forzhs of Interooarse, end by’ theae vexatious irritations, and we a, med our- telves too easily. to the caratesing| yng of the present hour, for which the day after there is no cause. ‘The peace and its consequences being already known we are§now at liberty to return Without passion to what has Occurred during the last three both in Germany England respecting the Italian question and the policy of Franes. Germany will excuse us for concerning ourselves with first; we need mt jin the reasons for it. We are DOF suspectod of not liking peace, we have even been reproached with liking it too much, We have never looked upon this reproach as an insvit, because we have been and always are ready to repeat ‘that we do like peace, | nboen France does not suffer from it in her honor oF in her rightful share of in'luence, or in her logitimategfin- tereats. On these conditions we certainly do like peace. oan ing partisnna of the _— alliance. Have we not at times been reproached with being too much so? If we were not offended at it, that was because we were alwaye adie to say why, how and in what measure we desired (and still dosipa) the lish alliance. It can only be on certain conditions that ‘to us Beagonable to remind our neighbors of 11 i at ‘As we bave often said, we regard the intimate union of France and England to be in bie for the repore of amenity in its entirety, a gain sure ground when sheltered py moral and material power, resuit- oe ip the what is good that ‘want, and which ib) As Are | longer and carried their conquests further. the greatest combined force by Japa and sea thascan be produced, for the purpose Of doing good or proveuting evil The Anglo-French alli refore, is for the most general interest of Europ) ‘ od iaterests of (ae pe, This is, iu afew wor: roason why we ike raat Jel us besten to eay it: i canuos live the) save on the condition of being sincere, reciprocal, condd. ing. I one word, teuly cordial, Is this, then, {mpoasi- ‘We do not think 80; for if we see very cloarly all the excellent motives for peace and good accord betwi the English aud ourselves, we are still more struck, if poesibie, with the inconveniences and dangers that spring up immediately ou the diminution or cooling down of these good relations, We believo in this; we express the opin- jon of the majority of atateamen in this country, to what- over party they may belong, the opinion of the most en- lighteped of the natioa—of those who have so often over old prejudices, and silenced old rancours. Is it pot the same in England? After what bas just paseed in the highest regions of publio influence it is im- possible to doubt it, fk Senn us, indecd, that in these recent times the good sense of the English nation has pre- served the alliance with France the adverse efforts made by her statesmen. Without seeking for proof of this (while a third copy was sent to Victor Emanuel after they | this alliance appears to us to-represent now, aad for » had decided the matter without admitting hin came Jong time yet to come, La | ip the diplomatic acts already obsolete, we may find it, { pedis ‘more to the purpose, in the recent discussions in Houses of Parhament. We do not recognise in them the customary reserve of the great party which is an Lonor to the eound judgment of Kugland, We know, indeed, that it is a tradition on the other sido of the Chanel, when the naval and beccied I pement are brought forward, to evoke before the eyes of the coun- try the invasion of Old England, to show them through a magrifying glass Ch-rbourg, Brest and Toulon, prepared to thet squadrons filled with soldiers on all the neighboring seas, converted inte French late, to-morrow, ‘at all events, if motto day. We know that this spectacle invariably recurs, and the pounds sterling are voted. But hitherto the princi part m that rather Mmanq@uvre bas been performed by some cocentric per eopoge, and we have attached but small importance to it. The circumstances, however, under which the same scenes are repeated, the political importance of the now actors, the issues toward which they may tend. io spits even of themselves, forbid our paseg over unnoticed a danger we should not have attempted to conjure up. If by one of those veerings about, which are possible auy day in parliamentary governments, a decision by a majority of afew votes more or less should briag back to power to-morrow the party overthrown yesterday, would ite programme be traced out in the speeches delivered vy the opposition in the House of Lords? Taat would be se- rious. Distrust, menace, almost ingult with regara to France, this is what we flod in these manifeatoes of tae tory part, istrust, although the government of the Em- peror does not cease by its words and acts to reassure Europe respecting its intentions; menace, although France ‘sbstaivs scrupulously from ail ‘provocation, although she bas made po armed preparat'ous beyond the requirements of the Italian war; lastly, almost ingult, ill-dissembied beneath this strange appeal to superannuated passions. Tvese are bad proceedings towards any one, dangerot towar’s us. England may have believed it her duty to remain neutral, and forgetting her liberal policy, ene may pot have wished to aiiempt with France to [ree Italy, We are not going to examine after tne peace whether she was wrovg or right before the war; but that ber neutrali- ty should be ostensibly armed against us, this ia what we do not understand, because nothing explains or justi- ee it. France does not put forth ths pretention to dominate anywhere. On the seas as on the continent she oniy de- sires her legitimate sbare of iiberty and action. Is it to be said that she ougbt to acknowledge aud submit to this domination on the part of another Power? Like England, France bas rich and populous coasts, colonies near and far, a great maritime commerce, religious, political, in- dustrial interests, in fine, moral influence to protect over the eptire surface of the giobe; ebe has for tha’ an army and a navy proportioned to her population, wealih und greatness. When she sees herself constrained to do 80 by her honor or interests, France employs, such being ber purpose, againat her enemies the forces at her dis- posal; Dut she does not threaten ber friends or allies, she not doubt their loyalty, sue"does not provoke them by suspicions unworthy of great nation. We no longer believe in heredutary hatreds; we do not wish to Lelfeve any longer in traditional resentments between the two peoples. Along peace, s 1odg interchange of relations of every kind upon a footing of equal and mutual esteem, bave iaid to rest, or go we fancied, those auachronisms left for dead, with our glorious soldiers, upon the battle fields of the Alma and of rman. we be mis- taken? To the suspicious and hostile neutrality of Kogland and Germany Franca has opposed oaly calmness and modera- tion, The victorious Emperor restores peace to astonished Europe; can Europe be lest moderate and pacific than the Emperor? Eogland, who inquires about a vessel more or Jess armed at Brest, and who votes three hundred mil- ‘England, who counsels so loudly the she going to eet the example‘aud withdraw from her order of the day this programme of menace or of fear, the fatal effects of which we have been obliged to notice, keeping in view the aliance that we should wish to preeerve? When a cloud highly charged with electricity passes over our heads, why risk the elicit. ing of the flash from it? Who knows where i might fall? THE PEACE QUESTION IN PARLIAMENT. THE TREATY OF VILLAFRANCA—THE ARTICLE IN THE DEBATS AND THE BRITISH ARMAMENTS. In the Houge of Lords on the 22d ultimo the Marquis of Normansy said their lordships would recollect that ne bad pat a question on the paper some days ago relative to the Dachy of Parma and other Italian States, and tbat he was then requested not to press it. Since that time the Empe- ror of the French had returned to Paris, and he observed tbat ina speech delivered by his Majesty he bad made use of the following words:—‘‘ Ali the Sovereigns of Central Italy have seen the necessity of salutary reiorms.”” He should be glad to find that this was the result; but per- haps her Majes:y’s government might be able to give farther information, and to say whether there was auy cxception to the restoration of the sovereignties of Cen- tral Italy. He was the more anxious to get infor- mation on this subject, as be understood that the Sar- dinian Commitsioners who had been appointed during tre war still continued their functions; and he bad ason to believe that active intrigues were going onin Tus. cany contrary to the sense of the arrangement come to at Tilafranca. He did not wish to press for an answer, but he should be glad if the government could give the Bouse some satisfactory information on this subject. Earl GRaxvitte replied that without notice it was im- possible for him to give any detailed information off the matter to which the noble marquis’s question referred. (Bear, bear.) Lord Excuo gave notice that, upon going into Committee of Supply, on Monday week, he should move the following resolution :—‘‘That it would be consistent neither with the honor nor dignity of this country, which throughout the late events has preserved a strict and impartial neutrality between the contending Powers, and has used its earnest endeavors to prevent the outbreak of hostilities, to take any part in aconference to settle the details of a peace ‘the preliminaries of which bave been arranged between the Ensperors of France and Austria."’ (Hear, hear.) In the House of Commons, on the 224 of July, Mr. Hors- Man asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Aifairs whether the Freach or Austrian governments had com- municated to the British Cabinet the conditions of the peace concluded at Villafranca, and the mode in which it was proposed to give effect to them, and whether tho co- operation of England and the other neutrai Powers had been invited for that purpose? Lora Jou Rosseii~I have to state that the French go- yernment have communicated to the government of her Majeaty the conditions of the peace conciuded at Villa- franca. They are not, however, as yt in a. fit state to be laid before the House. To respect to the communications which have passed between the two governments,I think it would be better to name some day next week for making @ statement on the subject. I shall, therefore, on Tours- day next, if poesible, or at all events on Friday noxt, state to the Mouse what the precise conditions of te peace are; and in what position we stand in respect to France in relation to the late treaty of peace. (Hear, hear.) I do nob think it necessary to enter further into the question now. Later in the night Mr. Grirrrri rose to put the question of which he bad given notice relative to the treaty of Villafrapca, The honorable member expressed bis opinion that the time had arrived when the system of sucret dip macy should be put an end to, as the protection of secresy waa no longer requisite. Teo years ago an offer was made by Count Hummelauer, on the part of Austria, to the no- ple lord opposite, to cede the province of Lombardy to Sardinia, but that offer the noble lord had deciined to ac- cept. In the interval Italy bad suffered countless mise- rieg, and at this moment, so far as her future prospocts ‘were concerned, she was in no better position than when the offer was made, although her plains nad been deluged in Ulocd, Now he was firmly convinced that if tha system of secresy had not been adopted, and that offer had been made known at the time. pubiic opinion would bave been so de- cidedly expressed that the offer of Austria would have been acceded to, and that Italy would thus have been gpared the frightful carnage we had so recently witnessed there. Oneevil which had resulted from the secresy observed with regard to late evente was, that groat injustice bad been done to the Earl of Malmesbury on the subject, and which was only corrected when the Blue book which contained the correepondence relating to Italian affairs ‘was published. That the noble ear) had been subjected to great misrepresentation there was no doubt, and he must esy that he felt much surprise at the boldness of the novie lord (Palmerston), when, with an utter want of consideration for the danger which the government had cacaped in consequence of the withdrawal of Lord Elcho’s motion, he ventured to say that the early communications of Lord Matmesbury with Austria showed an undue lean- ing in favor of the preponderancs of that Power in Italy— ‘the fact being that the noble carl bad condemned the pro- ceedings of Austria from the iret (bear), The honorable and Jearned member for Sheffield and others sometimes said that the power of this country really resided in the House of Commons, that no important transaction could take place to which this house were not par- ties; but how were these trangactioos generally con- cluded? Not by that house, but in the cabinet, in a room in some public office, by a hslf dozen gentie- men, who were not more able to form a correct opinion upon the question st issue than the members of that house. He contended, then, that it was complete ano- maly that this house, which hal to find the sinewa of war by ecarifying the moog with beavy taxoe, should have no voiee whatever in “he settlement of these masters, and that Ministers who, when carrying on negotlafions, were entirely under the authority of this houge, zhould, when peace was concluded, be removed from all influence on the part of the house, ‘The late war in Italy had begun wilh et dependence that had excited the whoie population of that country; but as he understood the t-eaty which had just been agreed won betwaen France and Austrim, one of the stipulations was that the late rulers of Tascany, Parma and Modena should retarn to thoee countries. Now, if they did ao with the good will of the people no one would be more delight... than he ‘Mr. Griffith) should be; but if it were meant that foreign ‘owere might interfere to reinstate these princes jn their was not the way to promote Hatian independence. did not presume thas even the noble lord, the Foreign Secretary, had all the informa- tion upon the subject that was satisfactory to himself. On the contrary, he dared say the noble lord was very much in the same position in that respect as the rest of the world; but he should like the noble lord, as {ar as he was able, to answer the question of which he ae Griffith) — given notice, whether he had Mh, mete that trees ® or understanding in treaty Of Villafranca that the late dynasties of Tuscany, Modena and Parma were to be restored ‘ necowsary by military force, and if so, whether hor Ma- ‘cone ers joaty’s government wore prepared to ta! grees or otper diplomatic Degotiation Lord J. Ruatel!—I understand from the Emperor the French that there 1 w pi standing these dynasties are to be rr Jove. LU further understand that it is nos the ‘the Emperor of the French to use orce for the purpose of restoring those dynasties, (Cheers ) THE NAVAL ARMAMENTS OF ENGLAND: copies of the despatches which noble lord and Lord Cowley and Sir Ji since the announcement of the armistice and austria, remarked that in consequence of what bad bees stated be would only touch on coe wieh, was, however, of eo much importaace that an fo the Journal des Dibats a most ‘on thit country, imputing to it chat its own immense a? had led to the recent war. The oxng- Hip vetoes, wa hee iol cnc af Ge tak pakiaeae? 'y years ago, we and ea many af 1-700 pennants; whereas the noble. lord ‘had stated that in 1860 he expected we should — of the line—he number of frig the whole navy would amount to 300 gail. eee Facet said I hoped we should have fitty sail \ Mr. B, Cocnrayz—Wo have only just what is for our defence; but fifty years bad 104 pail of the line and 2,700 ships However, asthe subject is to be py forward next week I wil! not now press My tmo- Lord © Pacer—Wo expect to ave fifty sail of/the line aflost at the end ot tho floancial year. in the House of Lords on the of July Lord) &. Vane asked the Secretary of State for Foreigu affairs. the papers relating to the settlement of the g and constitution of the Danubian principalities be laia upon the table of the House ? Lord J. Russi said be did not think any. hed been asked for in reference to the settiemens of gov ernment of the Danubian principalities. In ‘aah ‘Bet. made. ra tiement bad not yet been completely vication bad been made on the subject to the Sublime Porte, but no answer bad as yet been returned. He be- lieved there was no objection to be made to the rottiement. He trusted that the final be effected in a week. He should then have ne objection to lay the papers before the House, THE POSITION OF ENGLAND. IMPORTANT DEBATE IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS ON THE fete AND THE WAR—NECESSITY OF KEEPING PREPARED FOR WAR. SPEECH OF MR. DISRAELI. In the Hougo of Commons, on the 20th July, Mr. Disragu seid—Sir, before you leave tne chair I with to make a few observations op the present doancial condition of the country, which it will probably be more convenient for me to offer now than when we are ia com mittee. It is scarcely necessary forme to advert to the conduct of our finances by the late government, or to the condition in which they left them, because the right hon- orable geptieman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, has noticed geverally what took place under the late adminis. tration with respect to our finances, and he spoke of their conduct in so fair a spirit that I am'aot disposed in any way to question his description, being quite aure that if in Oxe very impostant particular he comveyed an erro- neous impression to the House, he did 60 merely through inadvertence. I may, however, remind the House that when we acceded to office, and it became my duty on the part of the government to state the position in which we found our fipances, and the ways and meang which we proposed to meet them, the country bad scarcely reco- vered from one of the severest monetary and in some de- gree commercial convulsions which it had ever expe- rienced. (Hear, hear.) Indeed, if we take the amount of commercial disaster as the test of the gravity of tho cri- sis, wbat happened nearly two years ago waajwithout ex- ception the worst state of depression which the commer- cial classes of this country have passed through in our time. It was under those circumstauces that I was called upon to state the conditioa of our finances, and to pro pose the ways and means to this House at the early part of the year 1858. The House will recollect that on that occasion there was a deficit, if I remember right, of about four millions, which we bad to encounter. That deficit was met by a proposition on the part of the late go- yerpment that we should put an end to the fictitious siak- ing fund which bad been instituted, and that we should not pay off two milliors of exchequer bonds which were becoming due. The sinking fund und the exchequer bonds formed the grea'er portion of the deficit which we had to face. And it was the opinion of the government that it was bot expedient, perbaps under any circumstance, ut especially at a moment when the commercial classes were suitering in the manner to which I have referred, to make ‘any great increase in the taxation of the country in order to pay off incumbrances and to reducedebt. Well, it was, 1 thiok | may eay, the unanimons opinion of Parliament that we took a right course on that ovcasion. I will, in the frst place, say that to the decision to which the government has arrived of dealing with this deficiency by taxation, and not by raising a loan, I give an unqualified approbation. (Hear, hear.) J don’t mean tosay that there are net cases in which even in time of peace we should nct have recourte toa loan. Every one knows that such emergencies may arise, but they can oc- cur only very rarely. Twice in the experience of the generation I am addresaing those great emergencies have arisen. J am not prepared broadly to lay down that even the question of the national defences, which I understand ig to be brought before the House, may not be an excep- tion. I give no optaion At present upon 80 wile » subject, which demands the most curious investigation the closest reflection. But I say there was nothing in the ex- penditure { neurred by the late government, and ;ganc. tioned by their gucceseors, which in ita nature and amount justified recourse to a loan. (Hear.) * * * The consciousness that this country by @ single tax, tf neces- sary, at a moment of exigency can raise a sum as great as those loans that despotic monarchs raise with 30 much difi- culty, at a high rate of interest, and to which they ¢ppeal with 'so "much boastfulness—the knowledge that by a| tax we can, in the ways and means of the year, gi overeign assum as great as those loans which aggression and inyasion—this js one of those gi ‘bat influence the minds of nations and of Cabiney, and is agource of strength to a country that istincalcyable. ‘That is one reason why why we should not fritter pway this treasure. And although it may be desirable to to the income tax at times of great commercial chaage or risk to epable us to effect reforms, we ought not te look upon this ag the habitual creature of our financial schpmes, And every echeme consistent with sound finance will re- serve the income tax asa weapon in our armory which ought not to be used for trifling and common es ¢ ers.) Sir, there is one other point to which itis my juty to call the attention of the House—I mean the gene- ral condition of our finance The right honorable gentie- man has bad great difficulties to encounter this year, The prospects of this year under ordinary circumstances are extremely perplexing, but under the circumstances that have sprang up of late in Europe, and which are still in a state that occasions anxiety, the financial position if this country in time of peace ought not to be passed, over without notice. Weare now raising a revenue of nearly £70,000,000 per annum in time of peace, Therejs no country that can go on raising £70,000,000 a year in time of peace with impunity. (Sear, bear.) Lngland cannot do it, and if England cannot, no country can do it, (Bear, tear.) How are we to meet this great and growing evil? It is useless to throw the blame on the government, to what- ever party it may belong. There are no 80 inte- rested in the economica) administration of the country as the government of the day, whatever party they may be of. (Cheers) * * * Now, sir, let us approach the great sour- ces of expenditure ia thie country. They are enormously increased. (Hear, hear.) If we were to follow the advice of some, even of many in this House and the couatry, they would be still further increased to a very great ex: tent. (Hear, bear.) Great as is the expenditu: arestill told that the defences of this country are fost imperfect. (Hear.) Vast as have been our prey . we are still told that the houor of Engiand is not safe, and that it becomes us t make till further exertions—that our fleet ought to be increased—(hear, hear, from Sr C. Napier, anda laugh) —that our army ought 10 be tn. creased—and tbat other means should be taken for ren. dering the position of this country more powerful and satisfactory. Well, then, what aré the ways and mbang that you have to encownter? You have great difficulty in meeting the burdens that it is necessary to bear. How, then, are you to encounter the future prospect that Is 80 frequently held out, of a further expenditure for arma- mente and defences? Now, Sir, I haye once of twice en- deavored to impress this House that when you come to public expenditure on agreat scale, expenditure depends upon policy, and when thore who sit in this House dilate upon the expenditure of this country, deplore the waste of our resources, and then call upon the Minister to ro- duce that expenditure, and administer with more ability the ways and meang placed in hie bands—when we do this we are in fact doing nothing. The Minister only maintains that expendittre which upon the whole the rid of the country demands, and you are responsible for the policy of the country at this. moment. A hear.) What is our present policy? What is our policy? There are two points of your policy that you mi net neglect if you are sincere in your determ! that this country shall not be inyolved in difficult far more perplexing, and from which jt will req the greatest sacrifices to extricate her. two Points of policy pressing upon us at this it which it becomes the duty of both Houses of “4 Hiament to conaider fully, and respecting which they mtst require from those responsible for the adm! of affairs the most precise views aud the most knowledge. A little while ago—no! more than two ago—a Enropean war seemed !mpending; a moat goloary struggle in one Enropean country had com it has now terminated, and in a manner most unexpect And even at this moment the House hasecsroely from the surprise with which it received the news th! Strugg!c which many ‘expected to last for years had denly been brought to a close. Now, we took no the transactions that led to the commencement of war. It was the policy of the late ment unl those circumstances to maintain agirict and { neutrality. It was misrepresented for a time, butthe country has already, I believe, done ue justice ia that: spect. (Hear, hear.) Although from some which were delivered from this Cy cpposition) wae i that the last debate when J addressed the House from vernment beuches, it might have been su ticcessor# were on the eve of adopting different character, Although It appeared as if a wholly different character must ensue from & of government, yet J have the satisfaction of ing that no gooner had the new government ‘heir seats than they announced their intention to fe in the footsteps of their predecessors upon foreign aifars. (Hear.) That was a satisfactory statement, but events have since occurred of such importance and vith Such rapidity as to ada immensely to the value of Statement. ‘There is an armistice that produces @ which is welcomed by every one, not only on of the interest which all fee! in the restoration of peace, but what I thik is still more interesting to this country, be: cause we Were not at all mixed up with the commerce. ment of the struggle, nor arc we in any way responsible for its conclusion, (Hear.) Now, we hear there is ® prospect of a Congress or a Conference, but that Congress or Conference is to be attended by the neutral P The moment either of these Powers attends such or Conference it ceases lo be neutral—(hear, hoar)—and not only oeares to be neutral, but becomves responsible for (he past epeaking, ‘was more tary ‘0 every country in Europe t! was to Secu. (dear, bear.) We bave gained this great resuit by it, ‘that i: Las given an t our commerce and atumu- Jafed be energies of our citizens. This isa great bicesing. Thea. ts to &nd diplomatic considerations connecied with peace, what do I see? I fiud that not only we have a peace, but we baye a peace, concluded without disturbing that political equilibrium which Rag- Jand hes always declared to be her main object. Is that ‘A alight matter to us? I say, viewing the startling evonts that bave occurred in Italy from ax ‘boglisa point of view, that, both because they give us peace and because peace respects the balance of power, to maintaia which we have in other times lav: millions of hundreds of thousands of liv men, we Ought to look uj Setisfaction. All the ey are satisfactory results which may Mt all responsible. Will you, then, thrust yourselves into & business with which you have no conoeqtioa in relation to which you stand in a sat! |; and will you thrust yourselves into it from mere motives of public vanity, that you way eay Engiaod bas a band in the settlement of the aifaira of the world. (Hear, hear.) Some of those its Five like exba- jationg and digappear like exbalations. Will you quit the vant ground you now occupy, and for such mean and vain objecte? i you thrust yourself into Cougresses or Conferences, where you may enter into engayemonts will reauit in confusion, and will involve us in pro cer that must prove moat injurious azd from which we can only reap {ian hear.) In 1315, when we had the Congress of ‘enna, England could not refuge to send a representative to that great assembly. She had taken too great a part, had beep too active a party for a series of years, to allow ber to shrink from the responsibility of her own conduct, But what were the engagements that we entored into. at the Congress of Vienna? We there entered into engage- ments which no British Minister of himself would ever have contemplated, and which, if it had been Known boforeband that be would be juzed to attach his signature to, would have led an med and Learn at House of Commons to prevent him from august assembly. By the treatyof Vienna we have gua- ranteed the Saxon provinces of Prussia, ‘was by am ac- cident, by the representation of urgent interests at that Congress, that England was entrapped, I may say, into one of ibe most golemn and unqualified covenants this ever entered icto, We are told now that the next war is to be against Prussia, How, thea, shall we staud in the cage of war between Prussia and a great Powor wilt this e of guarantee entered into by the treaty of Vienna? If we now send a minister to the Congress or Couference— I don’t care whetber !t meetygt Zurich or at Paria—what wil! you send him to do? To do uothing, which would be only’ the symbol of our insignificance; or to enter into en- gagements which must invylve us in increased expendi- ture and ipcreaged responsibility? (Hear, hear.) If you bad thought proper tojoin in freeing Italy, if you had been involved in the war, you could not, as men of hour, ag @ community possessing self-respect, refuse to atiend a Con- grees which wi 0 wind up the results of your own ener- Interfereuce. But when, by good for- y, Or by sound policy, as I maintain, your ved you from that responsibility, are you atthe last moment, from some vaia sentiment, from some ebullition of disappointed feeling, to be entrap- ped into attending this Congress or Conference; and are you to enter into arrangements and engagements which must lead to increased expenditure and in- creased peril to those feances which already require the severest criticism and the most careful administration? There is one point which influences our expenditure which it appears to me is deserving of the best attention of the House. Let us see if there be not one of rae still greater importance connected with these public transactions and the expenditure of our finances, and which, in my opinion, this House would be wanting in its duty if it were to neglect, We have taig peace, such as we know of it; but [ maintain that inasmuch as it gives ug peace, and a peace based upon the existing equilibrium of power, it ig one that ought to be satiafactory to Eng- lishmen and to statesmen. I know there are persons wno are dissatisfied with it even in this country, and certainly there are in other countries—honest and honorable men undoubtedly, but who upon political affairs take an exag- gerated view, and cannot agree that in transactions of 1bis kind men’can be influenced by considerations of oom- mon genge. Ikpow that eome people are disappointed. They expec that the Emperor of the French, a Roman Catholic Prince, the first child of the Church, and exercising, though by the consent and election of the French, nevertheless a despotic sway, was about to establish in Italy the Protestant religun and the British constitution. (Laughter.) Youcannot argue with such persons; but there are other perso: in other countries, who are disappointed. Neverth in respect to this peace, as regards Englishmen, England and English intereste, I maintain that the arrangement, as a whole, is entitled to our respect. The arrangement which gives us peace without the disturbance of the politi- cal balance of ir ig One we ough’ to welcome, if not with enthusiasm at least with respect. 1 am teid, indeed, that this is to bo disapproved, aud I have heard that it is disapproved by Englieh statesmen, because— singular reason—the Emperor of the French bas not remiized the programme with which he commenced the war. I should like to know whoever realized on a peace the programme with which he commenced war? (Hear, hear.) Compare the manifesto of any Stare or couutry— Tcare not under what form of government—(you may throw the United States of America into the bargain)—compare the original manifesto on which war was deciared, and the avowed purpose for which it was wagod, with’ the fiaal pacification, and 1 defy you to bring an instance in which the objects were fully or in a great degree realized. Take the iste Rugsian war. (Hear, hear.) I heard the noble lord, the present Prime Minister, announce that he was most disappointed at the way in which it had ter- minated; and did be not send a special Minister to oJ the arrangements whioh were proposed by some of his allies, but wnich he stated to be in direct violation of the objects of the war? You heard fromthe very moment that peacewas entered into, not only in England, but almost in every other country, lamentations that it was a war waged for a great pur} » which was only partially accomplished. I do not blame the peace made with Russia. I supported that peace, and I think that it was wise to make peace with Russia. Cer- tain objects of public beneiit were attained; and, that any rational man or Minister of State should now impugn the conduct of our ally because he has entered into a peace which does not agree with ;his programme, is an unac- countable and inconceivable weakness. (Hear, hear.) Between the manifesto which declares war and the siga- jog of thearticles of peace @ great many important events occur, and a great deal happened between the manifesto of Milan and the articles of peace of Villafranca, which, no doubt, might have modified the views of a successful conqueror or the most determined invader; and when, taking a wise and moderate view of allairs, he enters into a peace, which I think bas the elements of being a per- manent one, is he, therefore, to be held up as prince whom no one can trust, since he has not done that which no potentate or State had done~realized the programme which he published before the war? (Hear, hear.) On our conduct in this respect entirely depends the financial position of thie§country. (Hear, hear.) I give credit to the Prince who sign tbe peace for the mo tives which induced him to sign it; and with respect to the peace itgelf, I ground on it a hope and belief that it may be permanent. (Hoar, hear.) But let us a0 ovr best to make it permanent. It isa peace favorable to the traditionary policy of England, and it is Our duty and interest te cherish and maintain {t. (Gear, hear.) We ought not to encourage the mpligners, who have not Englisn interests or our English traditionary policy to maintain, to act against our interests, and destroy that which the interests of humanity also require. (Hear, hear.) Giving every prince and potentate credit for sincerity, what should be the course of the English Governm What is tbe second point of policy which I point: n to the House, and which jt is our duty at this moment earnestly to impress on the government to ‘oliow? If we are to have peace—if ve has been signed by one of the greatest actors in the war, on the ground that he shrank from the responsibility of a general war—if these articles of Villafranca are animated by a sincere spirit, az I believe they are, what {s the course for England to take? Not to go to conferences and congresges.in fine dresses, with ribande and diamonds and snuff boxes jmatter) to epjoy the empty vanity of settling the faie of petty princes (hear, Ree but to go to.your great ally, the Emperor of the French, give him cre- dit for the motives which animated and influenced bim, and say to him, ‘As you haye terminated this war, and if you are in favor of peace, now join|with us in securing that peace by the only mode by which Peace can be secured—restore, and even increase the good feeling which once cxisted, and I h stil], exists ‘between the two countries of Fogland France, by a diminution of your armaments, (Cheers.) If you are sincerely anxious, az we believe, for the peace of Burope and the world, we will join you ina spirit of bie gk 4 confidence, and by animating alike the industry both nations we will thus acnieve conquests more valuable than Lombardy or than those wild dreams of r tion promised, but never realized, tol hear.) At the present moment this policy could be mp with great advantage, for the House wil) recollect that the late government were told that they could not boast of pos- noe ee confidence of the reach Emperor, They were told that it was entirely owing to the absence of some of those distinguished stateamen opposite from the Treasury bench that Italy was involved in war. ee) Tf those statesmen hed boen in office it was ‘well known that the Emperor of the French never could have taken a single step without consulting them. Laughter.) Now, then, there is a good Coote r the noble lord opposite to act a groat part, and, instesd of going to conferences and con; for petty objects, with respect to which England has no interest, but which may involve Ragland in great diraster, let him prove tothe world that Engiand is a Power that poseeges and exercises great influence, espe- cially with France, by accomplishing what is much more important than mere formal articles of peace, by bring- ing about that which will put an end forever to doubts as to the sincerity of princes, which will speak to ever cabin and cottage in both England and France, as woll ag to the two honses of Parliament and places of high resort, and prove to the national conviction of the great countries of Europe that perce is the policy of their rulers, Motel Tet us terminate this disastrous system of warlike oxpenditure, Let us mutually agree, with no hypocrisy, but ina manner which would admit of no doubt—by the reduction of armaments—that peac js really our policy, and then the Chancelior of the Ex- chequer may look forward with no approhensiogs to his next budget, and the country may then actual? oxpect the termination of the income tax. (Cheers.) Mr. Bright and the Chancellor of tbe Exchequer rose together. Thore were loud cries for the former, but that honorable member eventually gave way, and ‘THR CHANCELLOR OF THR BXCHEQUER led to address the House, He said the right hon. gentleman who has just spoken has addressed himself in 80 considerable open of his sppech to matters immediately connected with my depart- mont, that I ‘un! of ty oes this opportunity of making some re- © . _T will confine my in the first in- Tae connected wilt daanoe, aud ta me to avail to th: to thone y at 5 yee to strengthen that sentiment of Erleadaap and alliance which bas long prevailed ria country and France—to omit no instance of wing franknees and confidence the desire to maintain that whieh 1 may at thig moment venture to say has become in times, und ip all such times as we hope to see, a yw of the foreign policy of Exgiand. (Cheers. e right hovorable gentleman a's0 sxys: * Recur to a u- tlon of your armaments’? And Iam eure! don’t go be ‘ond my duty, nor belie in avy respect the sentiments of Z alaguet when express open tha the moment y the rigist but in any Congress tbat may be held in the present stato of Europe. But why this sweeping and Sarpieg, tole ter- rific denunciation of alf Lact tee and tl too, by the right bosorable. gentiemen? (Cheers) Oualy three months, four monibe, and Ove months ago, Lord Maimésbury bad no rest day or nybt to d‘schurgiog ceepatches to all points quicker thea aby of the new iery will disol cannon bal'g uod bullets, all recommending, “nfo clog, adj for the bringing about, it bie, by hook or by crook, the ‘of a Congress. (Sheers and a laugh ) ped and jllumnated by the ‘ight honorable geutioman, but I con‘ess T it from them when I fiad such at the it moment of that whioh a fow months ago the right honorable tieman and his face me were laboring with all their might to promote. 1 sbould Ike to have these opinions in some sort of reciprocal ‘adjustment (a laugh) before I can tel! what sdvaotage for the governance of our practical proceedings I cam derive from his authority,. He bas entered into a d\scursion of the peace, upon which [ shall pronounce no opinion further than fo tay that I amt not prepared to subscribe to the rather sanguine goctrine which the right honorable. gentioman Iaid down when he eaid that the terms bad Deen dictated by a wise and mode- rate view of affairs, and that he hopes ‘and believes—not oply nage but believes—that the peace has in uself the ele- ments of permanence, This may be s0, but I confess that I would rather reserve my judgment to be assisted here. after by thelight of events than at the present mo- ment and in the present state of Earops pledge myseif, as the right hororable gentleman has done, to a definite and distinct approbation of the terme of that peace, (Hear, hear.) The right honorable gentleman complains that fault is found with the parce besange it does not fulfil the programme which preceded the war, and he says that peace never does fulfil the programme of » war, Sir, that version of hittory itentirely new tome. (Hear, hear } ‘The right honorable gentleman rot only propounds the doc- trine, but he illustrates it with an instance. He says, jo to the cage of the Russian war, and you wil! find that the peace which closed it cid not fulfli the programme.” But where was the programme of the Rursian war? (Bear, hear, from Mr, Bright.). If the programme of the Rus- sian war was to be found in the ardeat expectations of heated minds, no doubt the peace did not fultll that pro. gramme. But we are not now speaking of the opiaton of individuals, we are epeaking of the authentic manifestocs of sovereigns, and if you will turn to the manifesto in which the govereign of England declared her views upon the outbreak of the Rugsian war—I have not had an opportunity of seing it since the right honor. able gentleman spoke, but I epeak confidently from recollection—you will find that the peace ful- filled, and more than fulfilled, what was defined and de- scribed in that manifesto. (Cheers,) It is not necessary toenter at length into detail, but I may mention three points. There wag not in that’manifesto any meniion, as ‘an object of the war, of the destruction and prohibition of the naval arsenai at Sebastopo!; there was notin that ma nifesto any declaration that the Ri ‘Sea must cease to exist; thero was any declaration that Russia must make a cession of terri- tory to the Danubian Principalities; and yet all these ob- jects, as well az all that was described in the monifesto, were obtained by the peace mace in 1856. (Hear, hear.) Why, sir, there is a stronger case still. Was not the pro- gramme fulfilled in the case of the great revolutionary war? m not going to enter into any discuseion of that gigaptic question, but, undoubtedly, tne first Programme of these who went into the war with the most extreme views was the restoration of the Bour- bons, The programme of Mr. Pitt did not go so far; all that he wanted was security against France; and when you cameto the end of the war yon not only had. security against France, but ym had the Bourbons restored to Paris and restored inthe form which was most flattering, at all events, to the victors, the authors of the programme—the onerpwering pressure of foreign arms. (Hear, boar.) I Uy do not know why the right honorable gentie- man should seek to plecge us to the adoption of such very strong doctrines with regpect to the entrance intu « Congress and with respect to the character of the peace— matters upon which, as far as I kuoW Or am aware, the information 0? the government is at present imperfect in- formation; and with respect to which, therofore, we think it right to observe a greater degree of reserve at loast, if not of caution and circumspection, than the right honor- able gentleman has done in making this very early decia- ration of his opinions. (Heur.) Upon one po nt ‘more I entirely agree with the right honorable gentleman, viz:— his adjuration that we should do our best to make i$ per- manent. Let him impress upon the government, tet him impress upon the House, let him impress upon the people with all bis power and authority the duty of studying, b: caution and moderation, in word as well as in deed— (bear, hear )—the duty of striving to make peace perma- nent in reve In that object I am convinced he will find that he has the hearty and cordial co-operation lent him by her Majesty’s advisers; but with respect to the process, the means and the measures which they are to adopt, * pe with him in regard to the end, they must claim full liberty of choice; and they must also decline to deliver a conclusive judgment upon subjects of such vast importance until they have the advantage of more ex- tended light and greater knowledge than-the circum- stances of the present day and moment can a‘ford them, (Cheers. ) MR. BRIGET. Iam not sorry that I haye bad the opportunity of bear- ing the speech of the Chancellor of the Excheqner before I address the House, Iam sure the House will understand me when J say that I have jistened to large portions of his speecn and of that of bis predecessor with great satisfac. tion, Asfaras the right honorable gentleman opposite Mr. Disraeli) is concerned, think that my honorable ‘riend the member for Rochdale, myself and others who have generally acted with us, may consider hima convert to the views which we have very often expressed in this House. (A laugh.) ‘The right honorable gentleman op- posite was not, 1 think, quite correct in his.statement re- specting the miscellaneous estimates; but there oan be no doubt that the great and serious item in our outgoings is that of armamenis, and I find that the military and naval expenditure of the country bas risen from. £17 ,000,000 in 1853 to upwards of £26,000,000 in 1860, (Hear, near ) Now, I should like to ask the House two or three quiet, serious questions, on this matter. The honorable gentie- man —— here just now (Sir Charles Napier), who commanded the Baltic fleet, and who represents Sontb- wark, has left his piace, and J am very sorry for it, be- cauge 1 should have liked to ask him two or three ques- tions, Does the House believe that we are now more or less safe than we were in 1863 from a foreign war, and particularly from an invasion of this country? We have men—the right honorable gentleman bag referred to them—who are afflicted with fa periodical panic. (Hear.) There is no compiaint J believe 80 incurable as that. (A laugh.) One fit begets another, and every fit seems 80 to enteeble the constitution of the patient tha: each suc- ceeding attack becomes more alarming than the last, (Lavghter.) We have two or three newspapers in the city which appear to suffer in this way. One, which is sup) to represent m particular trading interest, pours forth from day to day, from week to week, from month to month—I know not at whoee instigation, I know not if atthe inetigation of any man eave the editor—the most foolish, but the most ditter invectives agaiast the French government, and by that meana against the French na- tion, (Hear, bear.) I say against the French nation, be- cause I bold that, no matter whether we approve the go- vernment now existing in France, if we had such a go- vernment and some foreign nation through its press were constantiy insulting that government, we should take not @ small portion of those insults to ourselves, and wo should become proportionately irritated against that na- tion, (Cheers.) Tike another paper, the London Times, which ul ly and untruly is believed on the Continent to represent the opinions of the pedir sense Who is there on that paper—let him stand forward if there be such a man—who bas a bitter animosity againet the Fraperor of the Frenoht Day after day, every form into which the English language can be pressed is made use of for the purpose of stirring up the bitterest anisaosity between two.of the greatest nations on the face of the earth. orgy Biel these Seyler letters from Italy in vain? Have they told us of acres of bloody and mangled human bodies over which guns have been dragged and cavalry have galloped—have they told us of such scenes until a shudder has passed, 1 may almost say, through universal buman nature—and yet have they not learnt for one single moment to restrain that antmosi- ty which, if it continues many months longer will place it beyond the power of this or any Ugg 10 prevent our boing embroiled in a war with France? (Cheers.) And §t is not only the honorable itleman the member for Soutnwark and such ag he, it is not only the editors of newapapers, who suffer from panics; but go into an- other, and what is generally supposed to bea higher place. and what do you find there? Why, you hear some peer ‘arning beck as it were to convictions and the facts of hie early youth, and delvering he ago which mighshave been somewhat in charactor the barbar- 1am of sixty years ago, but which are yery unit for our time and for our opinions. (Hear, hear.) We find enother peer (Order!"’), an gentleman, then (s laugh), making a . I believe I am transgressing by the mention of cortain things which are too sacred for allusion here; but really J do not want to go into detail and point to persons in connection with this matter. What I ray is, that throughout Europe every intelligent man meeting who reads ‘of that character, whether made in this House or jn another place, can only arrive at one con- giusion thoroughly, false as ibelleve in my conscience ‘would be—namely, that these persons represent a very Jerge amount of pubilc opinion tn this country, and that we have forgotten disasters and the ruin entailed by the war of which the Chancellor of the Exchequer has |, and are ready to im another conflict of duration and equal in blood and treasure, ‘& regult as utterly bootless to England and to Europe. .) Look at our position to Fi ‘We have a war just over. I which can compare for evi! with the war which: terminate hear, would be exposed to danger ‘he entered upon the war. (Hear, M But the two admissions made in this remarkable mem l@ address prove to me tnat the suspicions which bave Ao studiously raised in this country as to. the fatui the Emperor of the French are = Co not believe it possible for either of all a te with, 30,(00,000 of untied People, E é est, Bod, alt th ngs considered, perhaps Batis veh thelr goversinaat of Soy tation on the content ot ops. (Hee, 0 ber Besides 1s fearat mlamanieel iateoteesenie veatied a pore of warfare, und the increased destructiveness of which tacse wespous are now le? Taey how costly war ts is money, Bow yd life. War fe Dot a. wll the tbing it war making was a despired craft. No stars or garters, no ribboas er baubles bedecked the mecbanician aed macbiaist, what is war becoming now! It depends, not as herete- fore, on individual bravery, on the power of o man’s verver, the keennems of his eye, the strength of his body, or the power of bis soul, if one may 80 speak; Dat it 18 & mere mecbanical mode of slaughterig your Ld (Hear) Tow sort of thing cannot last. The whole ting will break down by itsown weight. Its com Ninese, ite cesiructiveness, ite savagery will break it dowm; and it rematns but for some government—I pray God ie may be oursi—to set the great example to Europe of pre posing @ mutual reduction of ermaments, (Cneers.) Onr policy in past times—and tho right houoravle geatie~ man did not t, fur into this question as I could bave wished—bas ‘one of perpetual meddling, with por- petually Bo result except evil. We have maintained great armaments, not, I sincerely believe, because we wanted te corquer or to annex any ‘erritory in Furope, but in order thst whepever anythiog Dappens in Europe we may ne- gotiate, intervene, advise, do something or other becoming what is called the dignity of this great country. Da not you suppose this is precisely the Inoguage of the Froach Emperor at this moment—* We build great fleets. and you build greater fivete. What doee Frauce want with great flectt? Precisely that which you have always waated with yours, (Hear, hear.) If there be any disturbance between avy countries in Europe, do you think it would oot be benesth the dignity of France not to take hay om \d, valeting @ part im it, not to take @ part wit at tn- 1enee and Bueces Which becomes a great country like France?’ And, therefore, without wis! ny more tham Kugland wiehes to make conquests or to aonex territory, Erance wishes to have great ifluen‘e in Europe because it suits its dignity and will add to the glory and bistorical renown of its Emperor, Well, mow, that is exactly tbe position in which we are, and wo have ao more right to blame the Emperor of the French than be hes # right to blame us. We are both very slily is iis (langhter), and f hope from what T have hear! ‘o-nightthat &t lest we are beginning to flod that out. Now (sh I mot go into tbe question whether we are going w be invaded. Lam told that so much has | aid aDOUR ie that the French really believe we are makiog tis outcry to cover our desigos of invading them. laugh.) 1 sow a letter in ono of the mewapapers thir moroing in Which it ix stated tbat at Dunkirk, or some other town, preparations, but which seem to be of no very formidable character, ave being made to invade this country, but attempt of that kind will, I hope, be utterly irustrated, (A Wwugh.) © Recollect that ‘the French government wea into the Russian war because they were anxious to asso ciate themaeives with the foreiga policy of Eogland, (Hear, bear.) Subsequently they went into another war with a more distant nationp—they went into the war with China. They took part with the noble vigcount now at the head of the government in the interference which be promoted in Itely with regard to Naples some two or three years ian Tt appears i nent that, looktog. saa manage oint of view, reading the newspapers, an ‘ybody has to say. if there ce one thing which is more istinctly marked in the policy of the Emperor of the French since his accession to the throne of France thaa another, it is bis perpetual apxiety, by: every moans which 18 consistent with his own safety, and with the interests as he believes of France, to ay himself with Engiand and with the foreign policy of England. (Cheers) We'l, if tbat be #0, why should we perpetually create there auepicions, and generate in the mjndsof the people, nine-tenths of whom have small opportunity of ascer- taining the facts, alarms which give color avd justification to this enormons increase of our armaments, of which we bave heard such loud complaints from both sides of thet table to-night? I shall not go into the question of thie copference. Atthe first view my opinion would very much with the right honorable gentleman (Mr. raeii). I doubt very much—indeed, I ought to say, I do Bot doubt, but'i feel sure that if Kogland is to go into the conference merely to puts its name to documents which are of no advantage to Italy (hear, hear), which do not engage the sympathies of this nation, Rogland had muon better bave nothing to do with it. (Uheers.) Bat there in another course which I should like to recommend to the noble lord who now holds the geals of the Fo- reign office. Icannot believe that Frenchmen ir matters, of tis nature are 80 yery diferent from our- selves as some people wish to teach us. I do be- lieve that the 36,000,000 Frenchmen engaged in all the interest occupations of their country, ag our people are engaged here, are as anxious for tual peace with England as the most intelligent and ja Engiiebman can be for a ual peace with France. Bear, hear.) I believe, too, because I am convinced vhat it js bis wisest course and his truest interest, that the Emperor of the French is alao anxious to remain at peace with this country (cheers), and the people in Franee are utterly amazed and lost in bewilderment when see the course taken by the press, and by certain states- men in this country. (Hear.) Well, with that beter, what would 1 do if I were in that responsible position— for which, however, I feel that I am altogether unfit— 3 |, but if I were sitting on that bench and were in the po- sition of the noble lord? I would oh to emancipate my- self from those old, ragged, worthless and bloody tra- ditions which are found in every pigeonhole and almost on every document in the Foreign Office. I would eman- cipate myself from al! that, and I would approach the French nation and the French government in what I would call a sensible, a moral and a Christian g; . 2 do not ray that I would send s special enyoy to Paris to sue for perce, I would not commission Lora Cowley to make a great demonstration of what he was about to do; but I would make this offer to the French govern- ment and I would make it with a frankness that ;could not be misunderstood; if It were accepted on the other side it would be received with en- ‘thusissm in England, and would be marked as the com- meucement of a new era in Europe. I woud say to the French government, “We are but twenty miles apart, the trade between us is nothing like what it ough! to be, con- sidering the population ,in the two countries, their vast in~ crease of productive power and their great wealth, Wo bave certain things on this side, which now bars the inter- course between the two nations. We have some remain- ing duties which are of no consequence either to the reve- nue or to protection ,which everybody has given up here, bui taey etil! interrupt the trade between you and us, We will reconsider these and remove them. We have alsoap exiraordivarily heavy duty upon one of the greatest pro- ducts of the soil of France—upon the light wines of that country. (Hear.) The Chancellor of the Exchequer, and perbaps the right honorable gentleman 0) ite, may start ut once, and gay that involves £1,500,000 or $1,200,000. Why, the right hon. gentleman talked of the national debt being a flesjbite, (Laughter.) What is £1,200,000? What ie £1,500,000, if it be go much as that? What is £2,000,- 000 for the abolition of the wine duties or their reduction to a very low scale? By such an offer as this wo should give the French Emperor irressttible against the monopolists in France. By promoting commerce between the two nations we shall most effect romote peace between them. This offer must be mond amt not with diplomatic finesse, nor with a re- Berve that it won't be agreed to. There are gentiemen in this country, I am quite aware, who will probably treat these arguments as the idle wind; but let ug dear in mind that we are this ycar paying for past wars, for the Indian war, and for future wars, £76,000,000. I that the noble viscount at the head of the government will hence- forth take auch steps ag I have indicated, and try to put an ond to the ruinous increase in our expenditure. I hope that he will endeavor to secure peace between France and England, to knit those two great nations for the future in gute amity, and to show that eighteen hundred years of Christian profession is at length to be com oe eet hy eomething like Christian practice. (Loud cheers, LORD JOUN. RUSSELL Said, I wish to state how muchI share the son- timents the honorable member for Birmingham has ex- pressed. Pepe ee : ae ean coal spun Ca tempts made to induce a feeling in this sovereign, and, J must id, tos poole of Fiance—attempts that can only produse on their part mosity against the back on the wars great, le, have made the most rightful question, whic Might have been settled by two or three wocks of matic correspondence, the occasion of a war. I agree with my right honorabble friend, that there is pomething Nee al not in the di ition of the Empe~ ror or the people of France, but in the constant endeavors Madetto excite a jealousy or fear in the people of thie country of attacks on their peace and security, That fear injone readily imbibed. The people are urged to prepare to defend themselves when there is no cause; and J must gay, Considering the causes of wars, that war of panic ig infinitely worse than a war of anger. Whatever mo- tives maybe ascribed to the Emperor of the French om ‘yarions pointe of bie domestic and foreign Pe ae be- eve, with regard to this country, he been a faithful ally. "I believe also that on any groat cecasion, it is generally hie wish to obtain the con» currence and approbation of the people of this country, and that be fully appreciates their great intelli- nce, their wealth and their . On what then reste ig continual invective an Re gets to aor Be people of thie country perpetually to arm, arm tay cooling with ard to ‘the Emperor of the French; but itis another question what we canton traen those matters of trade and commerce of which the honor- able member for Birmingham has spoken. Eleven oe in the reign of another sovereign of Franco, Louis ippe—a moat | monarch—J remember saying that, as a nation, we must not omit to notice that a great change had taken place in the means of warfare; that the ths themes On which te had Nttherto rel uncertatnty the winds and waves, and the difficulty were no longer means of defence; that went ie Lhe ole m be chaaged in ek re ugmented in proportion. In sayi mean offence to Louls Philippe, the ruler of Frasce; I moaat BOW no offence to the it Emperor. 1 only say ay however we may wish and endeayor to avoid rhs becomes us, as & great nation of se world, whose in- terveation is constantly Invoked and whlch must bq