The New York Herald Newspaper, July 29, 1859, Page 4

4 NEW YORK HERALD, FRIDAY, JULY 29, 1859.—TRIPLE SHEET. ike States. Tn tria and a few inslgnifionns and un} federacy who w! uence poe gene ‘right in boasting that it mattersnot to her what may be the fortune of arms; for, beat- en or victorious, she always gains the prize in the contest. That which was limited is nuw to become ‘universal; that which was an encr ent is now to become a right. We have nothing to say when the French army is told that the union of Lombardy and Piedmont creates for France a powerful ally. Itis undoubtedly true. this alliance ala frightful cost, and the indepen- dence of Lombar y not that independence for which the Lombards sighed. It is notoriously very difficult to get at the mean- ing of Louis Napoleon. He is the great modera Sphynx, and his very existence depends upon his not being found out. But, of all the riddles he has proposed to Europe, none is more pur gling and intricate than this treaty of Villa: franca, the gense of which we have attempted to read in the description he has himself given, It is usual when we doubt as to the authorship of an act to ask for whose benefit was it done? Here, however, we ask this question in vain. The treasure is spent and the blood is shed, the war is ended, and the peace is made; but no one, so far a3 we can see, 4 the better for the fight. Sardinia is not quite happy in her new possessions, and even Vic- tor Emanuel will find in Lombardy a poor substi- {ute for the enthusiastic affection of all Italy. France has gained no accession to her territory, , and no friendsbip from the oppressed populations ef the earth. She has gained nothing but the knowledge that her Emperor is able to mancuvre an army. She has not, even at this moment, the conviction that his sparing Austria was an act of unmixed Sener, The Emperor now says that he stayed his hand under an apprehen- sion that the struggle was likely to assume larger proportions than he desired. It is not a ver, chivalrous reason to give to an army which ha just fought a campaign and lost thousands of its comrades for no result which any one of them would have desired. These soldiers want work and glory and promotion. To tell them he made eace for fear the war would spread could only be set them guessing who it was who had thus stayed them in their Sull march of conquest. It was not England. "Was it Prussia? It is not very probable, unless this pause in fighting should be rather a diversion than a ¢ ation. Was it Russia? Did Russia thi tria had been beaten enongh? ¥ agting all the time as the surgeon, with his finger upon the pulse of the patient, and did she give the signal to cease when that symptom of Hun fever developed itself’? .\)1 or any of these reasons may have operated. Or the Experor Napoleon might have known the state of his own army best. There is, indeed, a last supposition, which we offer to the consideration of those who were not long ago so | fiercely scolding us because we doubted that Napo- leon was about to set up a free constitutional But France has bought | bitant but he now quits the government fn peace. M. and who will | Cavour does nct possess that ductility aud pliancy to circumstance ond necessity which, inthe long ron, is essential to complete the practical minister. Ihe treaty docs not correspond lo his vision of an Kalian future. But Count Gaygueappears to have conjured in his own brain something different from what is a and he accordingly leaves to others the task of conducting the government of Turia with an augmentation of three mikion ivha- sand the most fertite plains of Italy to his master’s empire, and with o military reputation which Piedmont never before attained. hy ‘This decision of the late Prime Minister of Sardi- nia is the more surprising because only afew days before the treaty of peace was signed Italy had made most unquestionable » es in the cause of civil and religious freedo: Lhe ecclesiastical toleration long sanctio ed to Sardivia had just been extended to Lombard). Throughout that province a great innovation was made in the terms of the concordat concluded between Austria and the Pa- pacy, Which had nowhere been more rigorously en- Roreca than in the Lambardo-Venetian kingdom. The concordat, indeed, was simply suppressed and set aside; and full swing was at once given to Piedmontese principles of government ake throughout the war have certainly fol- lowed each other apace; but though we have grown accustomed to a quick suc- cession of marvels, this triumph of social libert; was surely sufficient for the hour, More than all, it served ax a gurrantee that the honorary Presidency of Ttaly by the Pope was merely nominal; and that the illiberatity of pontifical principles would not be suffer edto assert itself in the dominions of the King of Predmont. Then the Pope is himself charged to reform his administration; and, so far from the Vatican ruling in Northern Italy, the Vatican bids fair to undergo change on the Tiber. Let it be supposed that M. Cavour questions the efficiency of any such representations to the Papal govern- ment. Well, would it not have been more dis- creet to await ae = * the first Lpiancet Interference with the ‘ay , government would certainly be marked by this difficulty— that, ifit were supported by force of arms, there would be arenewed joint military invasion of the States of the Church. © Zhis course strikes us as singularly objectionable. Now, if, on the other hand, the troops of all foreign Powers are with- drawn, the Papa! government will be left to the ua- aided defence of its mercenaries, and popular power may of itself be able to effect much of what is desired. 7 What we ought to bear in mind is, that the Italy which we have hada right to expect from Napoleon \ government in Italy; perhaps the French Empe- | ror has imposed some secret obligation upon | Austria never again to interfere in the affairs of Italy. If this should be so, then all is right. The Pope and the Grand Dukes are put up in pride of place merely to give Napoleon's great principle—‘the sovereignty of the people”- a stage. If they can hold their own, good. If they cannot, then down topple Pope and Kaiser; and Italy, left to herself, works out her own regene’ tion. There is no limit to human credulity, and there may be credulovs idolaters of chaos who, even at this thirteenth hour, may believe in snch impossibilities as these. The sane men of the age, however. know better. new settlement nothing but an universal and irresistible despot j disgusted by the disappointment of al! his hopes, tism. We yesterday announced that Cavour, | oypation | the Italian States, end those States a- | | hey recognize in this | had thrown up his employment. The telegraphic | ftallons. despatch of to-day confirms our previous informa- | tion, and announces that the King of Sardinia has | accepted Connt Cavour's resignation, and hos | replaced him by Count Arese. This event | determines the nature of the peace. Cavour was | an earnest man. He believed in Italian indepen- dence as a future work of Napoleon III. It was by means of the confidence he felt himself and spired in others that Mazzini and his emi: were discredited thronghout Italy. Jt was Count | Cavour who gave the signal for the successive risings in the smaller Italian States. It was hy means of his influence that the revolutions at Flo- | rence, Parma and Modena were bloodless, and that | Rome remained trangnil. Cavour believed in a | constitutional Italian unity, and unfortunately he | Delieved that the Emperor Napoleon entertained the same views as himself. Warnings were thrown away upon him. Patriots and young ladies have a faith in men’s promises which no exposi- tions can shak d which nothing but bitter per- sonal experience can destroy. Poor Cavour! He once had a great career before him, for he was honest gnd zealous; but he was credulous and i; patient, and he became the toot of crafty selfishness. History tells us what passed at Tilsit, and some French memoir wil) doubtless at a future day relate what was the conversation at Villafranca. It is not necessary, however, to wait for the au- thentic report: the results suggest what the conversation must have been. “Surely,” we can imagine Francis Joseph to have said, “my imperial brother cannot intend to revolu- tionize Hungary. av rection in Italy?’ “Not the least inthe world. I care no more for these Italians than you do. This matter has gone quite far enough for my purpose. Yousee now that France i. to Austria. We will settle this affair, and I will leave you stronger in Italy than youever were. I will also make everything straight between you | and Russia. You shail be one of us, and we three together will impose law on Europe.” wondered at that Francis Joseph, army and a bankrupt | to do | motives adequate to explain his sudden abandon- | - | ment of the government of Sardinia. | it when he heard of Magenta and Solferino; he may | phecy as to the probable result. Lord Palmerston and to establish a focus of iusur- | is necessary | Is it to be | with a beaten | hequer, was not proof | | Premier. | TIL is not just such an Italy as M. Cavour may long | to eee established, whatever that may be, but the | Italy foreshadowed in the pamphlet “Napoleon Iil. | et Italie.” There is,no doubt, some difference | between the geographical extent of Sardinia | as we could wish to see it, and Sardinia under the treaty of Villafranca. But as the war bly undertaken, not for the aggrand Sardinia, but for her freedom from A tion of three milli bitants. The cele- brated pamphlet sketched the Confederation of | Hl probably y a nominal | , and he is to | ops, We have be confederated; the Pope was to primacy among the Italian prea ro receive In regard to Austrian t 1 no reason to suppose that they will be permitted | to renew th reer of intervention beyond their | own frontier s been the cause of so much | If we turn from them to the neither have we any reason to be- will be permitted to remain in oc- of Italy. French and Austrians with- Italy is certainly left very much to the The authors of the Confederation will not of course attempt to remove all the evils of Italian government at a stroke. There will be, there must be, much to mend by time, and much | even to struggle for. M. Cavour was just the man to lead this reforming movement; he has declined ; and we really can perceive at present no misery to French troop lieve that they dra Had he re- tired before the war began he would have regretted | yet live to regret the termination to which he has | s0 abruptly brought his brilliant career. [from the Loudon Herald (Lord Derby’s organ), July 15.) | Looking at the surface of the question, the Pal- merston administration has had a run of paced luck | which has rarely fallen to the lot of an, ministra- tion. They met Parliament{with"a small and doubt- ful majority. Two hours before the division which decided the fate of the rect § porerupent those | who were best acquainted with the composition of | the House of Commons dared not venture a pro- took oftice—we, his adversaries, avow it—under no ordinary difficulties. At such a crisis as then pre- yailed there were few Englishmen who did not tremble to think that Lord John Russell was our Foreign Minister, and Lord Palmerston, our And what happens? Why, at this moment, so perilous for ministers, a miracle happens to save | hem from destruction. The wizard waves his wand. Thousands of armed men lay down their weapons. The cannon ceases to roar. The sword returns to its scabbard. The only guns we hear | are the 101 guns from the Invalides, which pro- | claim to Cn eye earoaae that there is peace again in Europe. Who, then, so fortunate as Lord Palmerston? Four days ago the horizon was dark | and gloomy. Now the clouds are driven away and burdeu imposed upon him, and shrink, in very fear, from the powerful protection under which be is henceforth to live. Italy is certainly discontented and deceived, for Count Cayour has. resigned and as for Fvance, she must be more than buman if she can send forth her sons to be slain by thoustnds for so miserable a return, om the Loudon Chronicle, July 15 | * The effect of this settlement of the Italian qnes- tion is rather indicated than expressed in the pro- clamation (Napoleon's), and we must await a more grave and elaborate explanation, ere pronqunehig an opinion on the value which, in this respect, bears. But the two Emperors, in their interview at Villafranca,caunot but bave exchanged opinions and assurances a9 to the latent causes of the war, and the means by which their recurrence might be obviated. Whatever was pernicious in Austrian influence over the internal, government of dtaly will be abandoned : and, on other hand, “ the Ttalian governments will comprehend the neces- sity of salutary reforms,” The full meaning of the settlement, however, is conveyed in the announce- ment, that “Italy will henceforth be mistress of her destinies, and it will be her own fault if she does not make progress in order and liberty.” The Emperor Napoleon does not presumptuouply dic- tate to the Italians the manner in which they shall achieve their emancipation and work out their regeneration; but he has removed the fetters that cramped their onergit, and has provided them with a machinery which those who best know Italy, must admit to be congenial. Every settlement 0° the kind must partake of the nature of a compro- mise. In this instance the programme has been fulfilled, and it will be not less as a wise and bene- ficent statesman, than asa consummate general, that Napoleon the Third will have earned the tri- umph which awaits his public entry into Paris on his return from the war, <GLISH PEERS ON THE AFFAIRS OF THE ENGLISH PEERS 03 In the House of Lords, on the 15th inst., Earl of Guanvitte appealed to Lord Malmesbury, who bad a motion on the paper for the production of Count Cavour's circular of the 14th and 15th June, to postpone entering into any discussion respecting the ‘attains of Italy at the present moment. He trusted also that the oa of Normanby, who had also a notice upon the paper, would refrain from entering into the subject, though there was no objection to produce the document to which his notice related, namely, Lord J, Russell's despatch to Sir James Hudson, on the subject of the alleged annexation of the duchies of central Italy by the government of Piedmont. The government had received information that peace had been con- cluded between Austria and France; but they were not acquainted with the terms, and it was therefore most desirable that there should be no discussion at present upon foreign affairs. fhe Earl of MaLmessury said he pilingiy ac- ceded to the request of the noble Earl, as he was | anxious to do nothing that might embarrass the goverpment. At the same time he had come down to the House fully iprebarads to refute the allega- tions contained in Count Cayour’s circular by a re- ference to facts and dates. Count Cavour, however, had now ceased to be Minister for the King of Sardinia, and he would therefore do no more than protest against the statements contained in his circular, leaving them open for discussion at a future period. With regard to debates upon foreign questions, he did not think they were so inconvenient, as a general rule, as some noble Lords appeared to think. When he was at the head of the Forcign Office he should have been spared many misrepresentations if he had had an opportunity of explaining, in his place in Parliament, the nature of the policy of the government. He trusted before Parliament separated that the foreign policy of the country would undergo full discussion, in order that the government might ascertain the true feeling ot Parliament and the country. On the other hand, as there was neutrality in peace as well as iu war, it was desirable that it should be fully understood before Parliament separated what the extent of the interference of the government in foreign questions was likely to be. The Marquis of Normanny said that after the ap- peal of Lord Granville he would say nothing that was likely to give rise to a debate, but at the same time he was anxiousto put on record the great satis- faction with which he had read the language used by her Majesty's government in discouraging thatsys- tem of appropriation recommended by the minister who had just quitted the service of the King of Sardinia. He had no objection to ippetnone the ob- servations which he had intended to make upon Count Cavour’s circulars, but he thought they ought not for ever to pass unnoticed, inasmuch as the: contained a suppressio vere beyond anything he had ever read in documents of a similar character. In particular the conduct of Count Cavour towards the Duchies of Parma was most disgraceful. ness with which his noble friend complied with his request; but, in order that he might not be misun- , he wished to say that nothing was further from his intention than to suggest that it was unde- sirable 2s a generalrule to discuss matters of foreign | peliey in their lordships’ house. Ou the contrary, h e thought it most fitting that the opinion of Par- liament should be fully expressed, though no donbt there were occasions when difficulties might be created a@ premature discussion. At this mo- ment a debate upon the affairs of Italy would not only be inconvenient to the public service, but must necessarily proceed upon most imperfect informa- ti appearances have changed. Yet all is not so one tas it appears. Ministers may have weathered the storm for a season, but is | this peace of Villafranca a permanent peace or only an interruption of hostilities? The plains | of Lombardy are stil! strewed with the against such temptations’ ‘from the London Post (government organ) July 15.) The great object of the Italian war has undoubt- been the liberation of Italy from everything ealy oan overythi which, morally or actually, constitutes foreign | domination; and the attainment of that object must therefore form the sine qué non of the pacific | settlement which must now never be lost sight of, either in diplomacy or in arms, such details of the future Italian settlement as the Kings who shall rule in Italy, or the geo- graphical Boundaries of their respective States, or the precise form of polity to be recognized and maintained in each, are of a secondary na- ture. The experience of the last forty-four years shows us that Austria has always ruled in Italy freedom, this nationality ‘of which Louis Na- by her soldiers, and by themalone. She has no spiritual dominion beyond her territory, like the Pope, and she has no moral dominion in civil go- vernment, like Sardinia. Every act of diplomatic violence which she has committed in the south has been accomplished either by direct invasion or by | would fain have given Italy had France not inter- | the threat of it. Hitherto the Court of Vienna has been in possession of a “legitimate” authority from the Carnie Alps to the Po, and from Venice to the Ticino; and, with an extra-Italian empire of thirty-five millions of subjects, her will has, of course, been law with every government of Italy that would but courther intervention. This exorbi- tant domion in the Peninsula has been obtained sim- Ply. because Austria possesses an immense army, Ww ‘ich she has marched successivelyinto almostevery State. If, therefore, the oppression of Italy has so Tong been ‘caused simply by the presenc trian ormies, all that is wanting to th dence of Italy is that foreign armies s and for ever quit lialy. The entirely national character of all future Ita. lian armies, and the abolition of the ecclesiastical « government of the Papal States are the great ob- jects to be attained, so tar asthe destruction of the present system is concerned, we have next to turn to the scheme of an Italian Confederation as a means of Sens the unity and nationality of Ttaly under its different States and local government. In order to render this federal polity stable, it is vos § one’North Italian Power shonld be pos- sessed of such a nd et e as to entitle it to assume the lead in Italian politics. We need hardly say that that State must be Sardinia. Enriched by the possession of Lombardy she would comprise a popsletion of more than eight million. A power- Italian State with liberal principles of govern- ment would lead Italy in the path of liberalism, and adapt her at once to the arts of political progress and to self-defence. A nation of twenty-six mil- lions may fairly aspire, if united, not only to the maintenance of a complete independence, but to the exercise of a considerable share in the affairs of » A confederacy so constituted that the State nearest to the Alps would possess a popula- tion of one-third of all Italy, would at once guaran- tee the stability of the whole confederate hody, while it would at the same time not be so powerful #8 to excite its jealousy. Sardinia, in a word, enlarged as now arranged, will fairly aim to ead, without being in condition to attempt to govern, But, whateve vexed subject adiaaee atreaty put upon it bya si i aaat clare vt ane minister. Count Cavour and his withdrawal fro, ould now T were our preposessions on the m th i | which he bas guided 1 he Sardinian government, hrough #o many doul and ‘ers, is unquestionably an incidencoueitha to elicit sincere regret. No words from our pen shall qualify, in his retirement, the admiration we so long and consistently expressed for his official career. But truth cerlainly demands that we should ao. je Count Cavour to be a statesman afton ae hasty in action as he is bold and patriotic in inter tion. This event has come before ws with the less astonishment from the remembrance that, before the war commenced, he was on the verge of the resig- nation that he has now finally tendered. He was then about to withdraw on the question of the dis- armament of Sardinia previous to the assembling of the then contemplated Congress. True to his country’s interest, he stood by her in her dangers; be submitted to | Kurope. But while this great aim is one which can, Pi of Italy, we should be sorry to that his object is attai of peace according to the construc- | an accomplished statesman; | with carcases of thousands of men who have | | given up their lives to achieve freedom for \ Italy. And is this liberty won? For the moment | that matters little, for Louis Napoleon has now told jon. The Marquis of Cuanricarpe thought there had been occasions when a full discussion in Parliament would have prevented war. Lord Broveuam, referring to the fact that the important despatches from the seat of war had not been transmitted to the French government, 6! to the Empress, sard it was most melancholy that the fate of a country, and questions of peace and war, should depend on the will of a sovereign with such absolute powers that he was positively | his soldiers all that they will know for the present | of the results of the war in which they have won | | such undying renown. We learn, then, that the | rincipal aim of the war is obtained, and that Italy, r the first time, is become a nation. As French history must be supposed to date from a compara: | | tively late epoch, we may pass over the anachro- nism contained in this sentence. This Italy, novw | | become a nation, is not that Staly of which men- | tion was made a few weeks ago-that Italy which was to extend from the Alps to the Adriatic —- but an Italy bounded by the Mincio. This poleon speaks, is not that freedom or that nationality of which Cavour dreamed, and to win which, at the point of his sword, many an Italian, | of high and low descent, has laid down his life; nor is it that freedom which Lord Malmesbury vened to prevent a Congress. It is a freedom, | strgnge to say, of which the first result is the resig- nation of Count Cavour, who, perhaps, has awaken- | ed to a conviction of the truth which bids us not to put our trust in princes. Yes, indeed, there is now | a grand ‘Italian Confederation, in the praise of which an organ of Lord Palmerston exhausts 4 | whole vocabulary of sycophant phraseology. The Papal government—the one grand obstacle to progress in aly, the chief antagonist to re- form—is more powerful than ever, for Pio | Nono is honorary President of the new | confederation, and the lords of France and Austria, enemies yesterday, allies to-day, await but a signal | from that feeble old man to send their armies into | Italy, And what, according to Louis Napoleon, | does France gain by all this? Let all Europe pay heed to his words. He tells his soldiers that “the union of Lombardy with Piedmont creates for us a powerful ally, who will owe to us his indepon- dence.” History tells of the magnanimity of Al- | exander, but what was Alexander to Napoleon III? What? Is it for this small return, this most inade- quate reward, that the Ticino ran red with the Blood of thousands of Frenchmen, that. man: millions sterling have been wasted, and all Europe | thrown into confusion? To poor mortals like our- | selves such magnanimity passes all understanding. | Surely, France will ask for some explanation. [t is no business of ours, but it is impossible not to give expression to a feeling which pervades all minds, Then, too, it may be asked from what great eee Piedmont has been freed, and of what kind is the independence that Sardinia now owes to France, When did Sardinia cease to be indepen- | dent? Most surely it was as an independent State that she took her part in the Crimean war. As an independent State her voice was heard at Paris when, then, we may be permitted to ask, did her | dependence commence ? | his peace of Yalafranon is one of the mos! astonishiny and perplexing events that have or- curred for years in Europe. Who would haye thought it? “Who would haye imagined so tame a conclusion to so bloody a campaign ? do not know precisely wh 80 unexpected a close. Weeven yet | the war was brought to | Tiga Is us | ned, and that he onl; “stopped because the struggle was likely to ae. | sume AY ied which were no longer in relation é interests which France had in this fearfu! war.” But we honestly confess that this is too dee for us. e only know that the Emperor left Parks with the avowed object of freeing Italy from the Alps to the Adriatic; that he has succeeded in all his enter- prises; that he was admirably seconded by a brave army and all the ro gh ai of modern warfare and that he will return leaving his work only hal! accomplished. Therefore, let no man sing his song of triumph in too loud atone. True enough, the war between France aud Austria is over for asea- son; but is it probable that the state of things now established in Italy can last for long? FA e Tla- Kans have hitherto been chasis ith whips, fey van surely now be chastised with scorpions. real y think that Louis Napoleon has admirably Succeeded in deceiving and disappointing every one. The poor old Pope will tremble bencath the | entered the war as a subsidiary Power—as an ally, y | duchy in stirring up the ep ore oes would uncontrolled not only by Parliament, the press and public opinion, but by even the moderate con trol of an administration. The Earl of Daxsy said his noble friend (Earl | Granville) had informed the House that peace had | been conc!:ded between France and Austria,iough | he was not acquainted with the terms. As France and not a principal—he wanted to know whether, now that peace had been concluded between France and Austria, any information had been received that it had also been concluded between Austria and Sardinia? (Laughter.) Earl Granyi.ix said that the only information received by the government was that a conveution had been drawn up between the Emperors of France and Austria which was to form the basis of a treaty of peace. Lorp Esvry deprecated any interference on the oad of this country in the aflairs of foreign Powers. Te thought it would be much more becoming to our dignity that we should reserve our interfe- rence until our advice was asked for. The Duke or RutLsnp agreed with Lord Ebury that, as a general rule, our policy ought to be one of non-interference. Lord Sraarr be Repcuirve concurred in the opinion that interference on the part of this coun- try in the affairs of foreign nations might casily be carried too far, as we had had abundant proof in the disputes with the late King of Naples. In that case we took a course which offended the dignity of a monarch with whom we were in alliance, and the consequence was that our advice was treated with contempt; whereas it we had pursued a different course,a much more satisfactory result mignt have been arrived at. With regard to the circulars of Count Cavour, he concurred in the opinion which had been expressed—that they con- tained allegations which were totally opposed to the truth; and he thought the Grand Duke of Tas- cany, upon a recent occasion, when Count Cavour had einployed himself while upon a visitin the have been perfectly justified if he the Minister at his own door. He firmly believed that such would have been the fate of any foreign minis- ter who had acted in a similar way during the time when Oliver Cromwell governed this. country. (Hear, hear,” and laughter.) After some remarks from Lord Woprnovse, the despatch of Lord Jobn Russell to Sir James Hudson | Was ordered to be laid upon the table, and their ee adjourned at twenty minutes after six 0 clock. (From the Manchester Guardian, July 16.) It is curious, and perhaps rather ominous, how compas Napoleon and Francis Joseph are in ac- cord in laying the whole blame of their miscar- riages on Prussia. The French Emperor stopped short in the war because he feared Prussia was about to interfere; his Austrian brother abandon- | €d the contest into which he had entered to defend sacred rights, becanse he was deserted by his natu- ral allies. This is the just reward of the vacilla- ting conduct of Prussia. She tried to play a double part, to satisfy German enthusiasm pre tending to take warlike measures against Louis Na- poleon, and while appearing to We friendly to Aus- tria, she was in truth secretly endeavoring to take advantage of her rival’s misfortunes in order to secure the leadership of Ger q belligerents have been too sharp for her; and, as she has been outwitted in @ ame of treachery, none can pity her. Bag. land may, however, learn from this how unsafe it is for any nation to rely on the friendship of its neigh- bors. We are are ‘all for ourselves Ti this world, States as well as individuals; and that eountry has least to fear, not which has most friends, but which is self-reliant and independent, and can present a firm and determined front to both friends and foes. We know not what this new alliance between France and Austria may mean, or what elements of fulure danger to ourselves itmay contain; and our policy must be to complle our defences, and awoaii (he march of events, resqlutely declin: ing meanwhile to interfere in any teay in the set- tgmeens of the affairs of Taly. The Emperors have made peace without consulting this country; and Our government cannot, if it regard its own dignity, consent to take part in the Congress which is now proposed to be held to give European sanc- tion to the arbitrary decrees of Napoleon and Francis Joseph. y THE GROWLS*® THE REVOLUTIONARY (From the Lendom Advertiser (Kossuth's organ) Saly 12.) This is one hopothesis on which some persons think the armistice may be accounted for. Another pasion peeeaeeneneeres a just parties e spoil, should he succeed in expelling the Austrians from Italy, so mankeueatenshanitis ted, that ‘b prospect of making the at he feels appalled at, tempt. In addition to this, there is the colossal difficulty connected with the Papal On the one hand, he has over and over again, in public docu- ments as well asin private, pledged himself to liber- ate the whole of Italy. ‘Italy for the Italians,” is the professed principle on which he undertook the war. But latterly he bas considerably modified his pre- aT, All te ne professes to 40 lato a part '. very important part— and that, too, the worst. governed—is to remain as it is, groaning under an intolerable despotism, aud heipaany lowing in the mire of the deepest de- gradation. The Papal States are not to be emanct- pated They are to remain as theyare. Tho secu- power of the Pope is to be untouched, He has an out ph letter from Louis Napoleon to this effect. No wonder, then, that in these circum- stances the French Ruler should foel that he has got into a difficulty. And to make the matter worse, he must have serious apprehensions -that the farther he goes the more perilous to him- self will become his position, He begins already to realize the truth of the Scriptural maxim, that no man can serve two masters. He be; by appealing to the revolutionists of Italy; and afterwards, to propitiate the Pope, he pro- nounced against his temporal power being inter- fered with—in other words, he told the most op- pressed and degraded of all the Italian States, that there is to be no liberty for them, but that they must remain as they are, with their necks under the iron hoof of the Roman Pontiff. If, therefore, he hoped that he would get out of this dangorous dilemma by agreeing to an armistice with Austria, that step would be intelligible enough. This, however, is, we repeat, all speculation. But certain very significant facts have come to light within the last few days in reference to the armis- tice. It will have been observed that Louis Na- poleon never mentions the name of the King of Sardinia in connection with the armistice. The armistice, he tells us in his telegraphic despateh, is not between the Emperor of France and the King of Sardinia on the one side, and the Emperor of Austria on the other, but between the Emperor of France and the Emperor of Austria. This must be intolerably galling to Victor Emanuel. _ It is alike ungenerous and unjust. It was supposed to be for the cause of Sardinia that all the fighting has taken place. Victor Emanuel was the principal in the conflict, and Louis Napoleon only a_ professed friend, who came to the King of Sardinia’s assis- tance. And yet Louis Napoleon as utterly ig- nores the King of Sardinia when he comes to treat of terms for a peace, as if there were no such pergon in existence. But this is just what might have been expected from the first. And in this journal, before a single shot was fired, we dis- tinctly forecold that, whenever the time came, Louis Nasprect, would treat the King of Sardinia as a mere vassal, and would deal with whatever parts of Italy might be conquered as if they were his own property, to be disposed of as he thought fit. What a remarkable fulfilment has our prediction al- ready met with! What inust make the fact of being thus utterly ignored by Louis Napoleonall the more mortifying to Victor Emanuel is the other fact, that the Sardinian army, considering their numbers, has not only fought nobly, but has actually done more to gain the victories which have becn won than the French themselves. If anything could still farther deepen the mor- tification or increase the indignation of the King of Sardinia, it would be a third fact—that Louis Napoleon not only ignores the existence of Victor Emanuel in the armistice he has concluded with the Emperor of Austria, but that he did not even ap- rise him of his intention to propose the armistice. yublic here and on the Coutinent were sur- rised at the intelligence when it reached them, ut they could not have been a whit more so than was Victor Emanuel himself. The world knew the fact as soon as he, although he, of all men in the 'Y | world, was the one most deeply interested in it. 80 much for the conduct of Louis Napoleon, and those who are credulous enough to put any faith in Earl GRANVILLE felt greatly obliged at the readi- } him. [From the London News, Jaly 14) When a “universal amnesty” amanates from Louis Napoleon, we are anxious to know whether | the exiles of Lambessa and Cayenne are com- | prised in the act oh mercy, or only the volunteers | who, under Garrvbaldi, forced a passage foe, the French leyions in Lonibarcy—the Tuscans, the | Modenese, the Parmesans, and the citizens of the | Romagna who preferred death in battle beside the | soldiers of France in a “war of independence” to an infamous neutrality under the sway of Austrian satellites? The Emperor of the French is a master of inroy; Lut we are imperfect admirers of this sort of rhetoric in action, and we are more and more persuaded, that if our neutrality was simple prudence during the war, it is a duty of honor to maintain it now. Louis Sapolaon returns to Paris a conqueror and a peace maker, leaving discontents to fructify in Ttaly, and jealousies to ripen in Germany. His army has tasted blood, snufled the spoil, and learn- ed the secret of quick promotion. Fifty thousand dead men have had too much of glore.end as many more. no doubt, enough of it and to spare; but the survivors in the hospitals would gladiy have stood another chance or two of winning the cross of | honor or an epaulette. These men will not be | | rocked to sleep by a Je Deum, and will pant for | another forty days’ dash at some enemy or other. | Thirty thousand French soldiers have lost the op- | portunity of firing @ shot in earnest this summer, and have fought with nothing but dust, diar- rhora and extortionate innkeepers, How will | these defranded followers of Prince Napoleon Je- rome be pacified? Then there are the national forces in the Romagna, just organizing for self-de- fence and for national independence. What will | become of General Mezzacappo? What of Gene- | ral Ulloa and his soldiers, wnen his Holiness (of | Perugia) has aesumed the “honorary” Presidency | of the Confederation, of which Austria, by another name, will be so considerable a member? Low will General Garibaldi and his. gallant recruits from all parts of Italy accept the terms of « peace which | makes Austrian domination securer because more com- | pact in Italy, in making it the ally and accomplice | of French imperialism and Papal infallibility ? | ‘These are pressing difficulties not to be set aside or | juggled away, and they presage too clearly a new | era of turbulence and disorder, of sanguinary re- | i ai of oppressive interventions, under the lonorary Presidency of the Pope, assisted by a twin tutelage of “eldest sons.” [From the London News, July 16] The Emperor of the irench has put forward his estimate of his own peace, and Count Cavour, the leader of the national party in Italy, has made known his opinion of the same work by resigning his ministry. There could be no doubt as to the course which that high spirited minister would take. It was with appeals and promises to Ttaly that the war was commenced, and it is before Italy that the pacification must be justified. Count Ca- vour declines to say that this is a righteous peace. The war of Italian independence is terminated for the present, without securing the objects for which it was undertaken. The Allied armies are marching homeward, leaving the noble work at most only half done. Italy is not free from the Alps to the Adriatic.” The Austrian vulture, though beaten off from the right side, still plants his crue] talons in the left side of that long suffering Prometheus. This abrupt and disappointing ter- mination of the noble struggle has naturally filled both the covert and avowed enemies of freedom and progress with unwonled exultation. The friends of despotism and intolerance, the aristo- cratic partizans of Hapsburg rule, the supporters of the Holy Alliance aud the Papal throne, are almost beside themselves with sudden joy. Zi isa jubilee for Austrian grand dukes, Italian cor dinals, French Hessen and English peers. All this is natural enough. But there are others besides the avowed and real enemies of progress who regard the peace with a certain kind of satisfaction. Many sin cere friends of the Italian cause look upon it with a kind of sardonic pleasure, as the falfilment of the loomy prophecies they have uttered ever since the commencement of the war. Such an alliance, Sed had always said, would never prosper, and could produce no good result. The L pine is no doubt a very bad one; but they are not disappoint- ed,as they never expected anything better, and | ean only marvel atthe ignorance or credulity of | those who imagined that the Italian cause would be really served by a selfish and arbirtary ruler like Louis Napoleon. Looking at the conditions of the peace they turn with an air of triumph and | exclaim, “He has betrayed the cause, as we al- ways said he would,” ‘e have no wish to share this fecfing of triumph, nor do we accept the grounds on which it rests. The cause of Italy is dearer to us than the fulfil- ment of any prophecies. It is far too sacred to be made the; instrument of mere personal or Party tri umph, and those who are in earnest on the subject will be more anxious to examine the actual result than to condemn the whole effort as an uttor fail- ure, The peace is notoriously imperfect, and we have criticised it as it deserves. This criticism has brought the prophetic enemies of the alliance around ys, More than one correspondent of thiy | usut | proud class has written in a tone of mingled con- gratulation ap- a0: they at the same time their regret that we could ever have trusted and sup- ported him. ‘The answer to this is short and ple. We have never trusted or supported the peror of the French in the sense referred to our correspondents, From the day he sumed the purple his character and conduct been insparingly criticised in these columns. The judgment formed on both seven years ago has been confirmed during the interval by freah acta of tyranny, and repeated over and over again, and we have hitherto seem no reason change it. His best impulses are obviously of a mere selfish kind; but useful actions often spring from questionable motives. And without thaairing too curiously into motives, a action is to be welcomed whoever does it. To hel the great cause of Italian natuonality is emphatical. ly a good action, to be welcomed ‘by all lovers of treedor » When Louis Napoleon offered such help, we, in common with the greatest Italian statesmen, willingly accepted it. ere was @ certain amount of Reril, no doubt, in accepting help at all from such a quarter; but while the need was urgent, mat reasons conspired to render the danger small. The condition of Italy could not be worse, and it was the interest of Louis Napoleon to make it, better, ButJsrom the outset we have supported him ta ss ble identified ges See cause 0) han independencet: we have trusted himonly on the conviction thatthis course was in many ways connected with his own interest. His fidelity to his engagement we wrote perfectly sure could at most be only an act of ightene self-interest. Had he, according to his promise, freed Italy from the Alps to the Adriatic, he would have effectually humbled Austria; have established a powerful friendly kingdom on his southern fron- tier; secured the gratitude and devotion of the Italians; fixed himself and dynasty on the throne of France, and gained atleast the admiration of pa- triots in every part of the world. He has to a great extent thrown this splendid op- portunity away. He has stopped in mid career, and hastily patched up a miserable peace when he mulghe have gloriously concluded a noble war. Kut we believe in doing so he has betrayed himself quite as much as the cause he championed. He is unfaithful not only to Italy but to his own highest self interest. Had he concluded the work, his triumph both in France and Italy wonld have been certain and complete, but it is now only dubi- ous and partial. A latent consciousness of this lurks in the mendaci6us and apologetic phrases of the imperial manifesto just issued by the Emperor to his soldiers. “The principal aim of the war is obtained,” runs the proclamation, “and Italy will become for the first time a nation,” Italy, however, has always been, save to men of the Metternich stamp, a nation. The war was undertaken, not to create a nation, which, as Austria herself has found, is utterly beyond the power of the sword, but to make a nation already existing independent, That it has failed to do, as the next sentence of the proclamation sufficiently proves: “ Venitia, it is true, remains to Austria, but will nevertheless be an Italian province, forming part of the Italian Confederation.” This is certainly very like adding insult to injury. After promising to liberate Vene- tia, it was bad enough to leave her in the gripe of Austria; but to insult her with the assertion of a fictitious independence is an aggravation of the in- are How Venice can be politically Italian it is difficult to see. Austrian rule is unhappily an iron fact, while the Confederation is at” pre- sent a myth and may never become a reality, The next sentence of the proclamation is even more mendacious and insulting:—* The union of aay with Piedment creates for us a powerful all x who will owe to us its inde- Pencente: Nor is the daring assertion that italy will henceforth be mistress of her own desti- nies” at all more truthful. The whole proclama tion is, indeed, a poor attempt to disguise the fact, that the proclaimed objects of the war have been toa great extent sacrificed. Yet it would be unjust to deny that something is gained. A large, populous and wealthy province is finally wrested from Austria, and forms part of the most powerful Italian State. Italian nationality has become a question of prime European impor- tance, and can neyer again sink into a subordinate or even secondary place. The spirit of the people of Italy has been stirred, and they have learned in this brief campaign what may be done by united, well organized and resolute effort. These are re- sults of permanent value, which even the hasty and ignominious peace cannot destroy. {From the Tendon ‘Telegraph (radical organ) July 15.} The Emperer Louis Napoleon has published his apology for the Convention of Villafranca. It is addressed, not to France, but to the army, upon the traditional pretorian principle inherited from the ers of Rome by the Cwsar of Paris. Whether the Imperial troops are satisfied with half a cam- paign it would be superfluous to inquire; to them the war bas heen less one of luxury than they had been promised. Nor need we scrutinize very close- ly the sentiments of France, of England or of Ger- many in relation to the peace proclaimed from the Mincio. A universal consciousness manifests itself that a great juggle has been pees off upon the liberals of Europe, that Napoleonism, to suit a se- cret purpose, has once more assumed, for a few months, the revolutionary mask, that the enfran- chisement of Italy was a pretence. st * There is another consideration in which Austria may find at once her vengeance, her consolation, and her hope. She has been humbled, but the Lombards still more so. They will be coerced into pad A} what they formerly spurned; their iron crown will be worn by “the bastards of Savoy; their traditions will be linked with those of a race to which has fallen, as the Milanese are accustomed to protest, no share of Italian national glory. The popnlatine of the northern plains are at length, in fulfilment of a hateful picppesy, lous ago uttered, to be governed in their own name by a stranger anda mountaineer. The game, a con- servative organ has said, has been one between a pirate and a despot; the former has won; but the latter, while he pays forfeit, stipulates favorably for himself, and ltaly is to suffer. The more we reflect the more firmly are we con- vinced that this Villafranca compromise will satisfy liberal aspirations in no quarter of Europe, since | it bears on its very face the characteristics of an immoral, underhand, crafty compact, a baulk to freedom and a fraud upon diplomacy. And yet, let us repeat, we rejoice even in this heggarly con- summation, since nothing more suspicious could have sprung from the conjunction of two stars so malignant in their influence over Europe as those of France and Austria. “A plague on both their houses!” Let their policy mean what it will; our only interest mnst be to consolidate that peace which has at once astonished, rejoiced and Rise! pointed Europe. (Paria (July 14) correspondence of London Gobe.] In the new Italian federation Austria will have not only a vote for Venice, but for the rotten bo- voughs of Modena, Parma and Florence. Rome is not likely to play the game of Maguire and Pope Hennessy’s ‘ Roman naependens oppomeion Naples will represent the Newdegate, Spooner and Whiteside bench in the federal Assembly, and the constitutional vote of Piedmont, cum Pombardi 4 will be utterly swamped. Is the republic of St. Marino to have no vote? Take the project in any working or practical sense, it is a palpable absur- dity and a complete Austrian triumph. If Napo- leon Ill. were supposed to be familiar with the “ Eclogues,” composed on Mincio’s banks two ene years ago, he might very truly say to him- self— Ebeu! quid feci misero mihi? floribus Austros Improbua, et liquidia immisi foatibus aproe! One event is inevitable. The Parliament at Tu- rin was prorogued and suspended “‘only daring the war.’ The ‘Parliamentary” army was never stronger in Upper Italy, and at this moment there are at and within the military circuit of Bormio 13,000 men under Garibaldi. If Victor Emanuel is true to his people (which it would be ungenerous to doubt) the people are true to themselves, and, come what may, the future of this land is not des perate, while a free pressexists in Lombardy and the Subalpine towns, with millions of eager readers wherever the native language is spoken. THE PEACE ANNOU NCED IN PARIS, {Paris (July 12) correspondence of London Times.) An imperial salute o! 101 guns, fired from ‘the Esplanade of the Invalides at one o'clock to-day, announced to all Paris that some most important event had followed hard on the interview between the two Emperors so lately in hostile array against cach other. An event which deserved to be saluted by the harmless thunder of artillery could be nothing else than a peace at and such a hope was sufficient to rouse people from the mental and physical inaction which a fierce sun has now formany days almost burnt into them. Ever; one inquired of his neighbor—“What was all the noise about?” It was soon known, and it flew about the city like lightning; it has already heen flashed to every corner of France that a treaty of peace was actually signed Marke) day hetween the Emperor of Austria and the Emperor of the French; and, what is a still greater innovation, and which merits the reprobation of professional diplomatists, the work was done without the knowledge, much less aid, of cither Minister or Plenipotentiary. M. Walewski has been ag much taken ra surprise as any one; he knew mo more about the armistice or treaty than the Chinese figure in the Ruo Vivienne. Napoleon Til. subverts notions of the regular bred diploraatist, as his uncle, General Bonaparte, sant Beaulieu and Wurmeer by his original and irregu4ar strategy. Ps trot terms of the treaty of peace are to this ef: fect: — 4 Confodoration of Ttallan States, und onary Presidency of the Popa, be Dhran e a ta tho ‘The Emperor of Austria ba 8 Over Roar an Fe , and the Em,"6ror Napoleon See Veneta romaine wiih Austria, bu Wil form part of the Confederation. A general amnesty. Such ia the se of the wer with Oe raplaned presume, solution of “the about which so mach has been said and writ- ten since the lst of January. We hearof no stipu- lations in , nor indeed of any other nationality. We must conciade, then, that M. Kossuth, Klapka, and the other Hungarian pa- triots who figured lately, were introduced merely to hasten the t of the melodrama, How the Italian patriots will take it a few days must tell. [Parte (tt correspondence of the London Times ) The deoneech announcing the .simple fact of the conclusion of peace was not sent direct to the Mi- nisters. It was the Empress who received it yes- terday morning at St. Cloud, and by her Maio it was graciously communicated to M. Walewski, who happened to be there at the moment, and then transmitted to his ¢ Tt was at a later hour that the conditions me known. A pla- card was posted up at the Bourse, but it was re- marked, as a departure from the usual custom, that the Moniteur published no supplement, though the intelligence interested the public at least as much aa the result of the battle of Magenta or the more certain victory of Solferino. I may add a few more words as to the effect pro- duced by this affair, and from which we may form a fair notion of public opinien and feeling. When the result of the combat of Magenta was known the hotels of the ministers, the theatres, the houses of the court tradesmen, and a few private resiiences were illuminated and banners displayed. Whon we heard of the victory of Solferino the martial Rell eotgrs of the people were , and the rejoicing for the success of the neh arms was expressed ina much more decided manner. Tho display of last night in certain quarters of the city was unmistakable. No commi of police had to send round to the citizens to suggest the propriety of Uehing up their houses or deco- rating with ‘streamers their shops and balconies. ‘There was little need of pressure on public opinion. The ‘illuminations seemed to be spontaneous and general and such as I have m witnessed. ‘Tt was not limited to the line of the Boulevards or the great thoroughfares where people most congre- gate. Remoter streets, which are not much fre- quented by night, and pisces out of the ordinary heat of the lounger, displayed their lamps, their gas or their candles. The mass of the commer- cial public, irrespective of mere political parties, averse at the beginning of the war, testified ina manner not to be mistaken, their satisfaction that it was over. The Boulevards presented. Creag neg oe spectacle, as also the Rue Royale, the Rue de la Paix, and the Rue de Rivoli. The court tailor at the corner of the Rue Lepelletier and the Boulevard, who on such oc- casions may be said to be l'homme le plus eclairé de Paris, sw passed himself last night. Festoons of lamps and tracery in gas adorned his front shop witeows and balcony, and were carried out to the very edge of the spacious pathway; variegated lan- | terns wero suspended across the street, and clus- ters of colored lights hung on the topmost branches of the trees. Many of the second rate streets pre- sented as gay an aspect, and in some cases were even better lighted than the resis thoroughfares of the capital. Multitudes of people and interminable strings of carriages traversed the streetsin every direction; on the Boulevards the passage was com- pletely blocked up, and you had to risk your limbs in aieaiag in some parts. The crush lasted till near midnight. With all this, I cannot say that the ultra libes parties are satisfied with the results, so far as th are as yet known. They doubtless rejoice that Austria has been forced to loosen her p of Lom- bardy, but they lament that Venetia dose not par- ticipate in that liberation; that Tuscany, Parma and Modena may receive back their former rulers; and, in a word, that the Emperor's promise to free Italy “from the mend to the Adriatic” is not fulfilled to the letter. Then they express their sur- prise that the Emperor has made peace without ap- rently having consulted or informed his ally of his intentiou. The Minister of Sardinia in Paris was probably as unaware of what was going on as the French Ministers themselves. Lombardy, to be sure, is given by the Emperor to Victor Emanuel, but what becomes of his views in other parts of Italy? Is Prince Napoleon to receive no reward for his services as commander of the Fifth division? and are the duchies not to be formed into a king- dom for him? Is Hungary to be left as she is; and are Klapka and Kossuth to return to Constan- tinople or to London «s they came. These and similar questions are asked, bat remain unanswered for the present. I may state, then, that the revolu- tionary quarters of the city were an exception to the elolcings in the more opulent and commercial ones, and that the working classes did not show the contentment of the bourgeoisie. HE ANNOUNCEMENT IN THE RURAL DISTRICTS. (rom Galignani’s Messcnger, July 16.] ‘The letters and telegraphic messages which haye reached Paris from all the great towns of France are unanimous in stating that the despatch announc- ing the conclusion of peace was received with the greatest enthusiasm. The first moment of surprise over, the explosion of public joy knew no bounds. Tn all the great towns all business was put end to, and at night brilliant illumnations took place. THE FRENCH PRESS ON THE PEACE. [Eroen the. Paris Pays, June rie Peace has been made, and what a peace! We assert, without fear of contradiction that the peace ot Villasianca is the most glorious that has ever been signed by a French sovereign. In confirming all legitimate ‘interest, it secures the repose of Eu- rope for along period, and thus crowns the most generous andthe most exalted policy that could do honor te any age or to any country. The - Emperor Napoleon IIL, already so greatin the eyes of Europe, assumes a place so great before poste- ritu thaiall glory becomes pale before that which he has acquired. The captain who commanded at Magenta and at Solferino might gain other battles. He has known how to stop short in hig force and his triamph—a virtue more-are than military valor, Such a spectacle is perhaps the most noble that could be presented to the world. Itis worthy of him who 60 lately pronounced those eloquent and deeply felt words:—‘ When, supported by the wishes and the feelings of a people,a man ascends the steps of a throne, he rises by the extreme impor- tance of his responsibilities above the epee where vulgar interests are discussed, and has for his first springs of action, as for his final judges, God, his conscience and posterity.” [From the Paris Presse, July 18.) * * * * * * * * Events have gone on facies the last fortnight with a rapidity that has left in the rear not only the movements of diplomacy, but_the boldést prognos- tications of public opinion. While the great neu- tral Powers were still engaged in combi @ pro- ject of mediation and the ay 3 had scarcely com- menced to talk of peace, the sovereigns of the con- flicting empires have come to a direct and prompt understanding. The essential result of the rae the creation of the Italian Confederation. The idea of this Confederation, under the honorat re- sidentship of the Pope, was starled for the first time in the pamphlet entitled “Napoleon II.’ and Italy.” And it is the programme of that pamphlet which mow receives its application. The despatch announces a general amnes! ty, but it says nothing of the Italian States which out of Lombardy have been included in the movement; making no mention of either Tuscan: , Parma or Modena, which are at the present time more or less annexed to Piedmont. But we must wait for ulterior information on this point. Never wasa peace concluded more promptly or with less for- malities, [From the Gazette de France, July 18.] * * * * * * At the present. moment we can only give way to one sentiment, that of joy, which we in common with all France must feel at the news that the war is over. Hereafter, when we become better ac- quainted with the conditions of the arrangement at Yillafranca, we can examine the nature of the con- ditions agreed to. To-day our task is to express our happiness at the conclusion of peace; to-mor- row we can weigh its consequences. It is easy to comprehend the effect that will be produced on the armed neutrals by the despatch announcing that the Austrians have become the Sriends of the French. Vt will be remarked that nothing is said of the duchies in the preliminaries tor peace. The last words of the despatch, “general amnesty,” will no } fail to cause the greatest delight in France among all those to whom this general measure will more particularly extend its benefits. So liberal a decision will contribute to the joy of this great day. {From the Courter de Paris, Saly 1a) Tho general bases of the peace have been agreod to, but that act does not by any means exclude the necting ef a Congress to decide on the definite constitution of Italy. At all eventa, before a Con- gress could meet the belligerent Powers must have come to an understanding on the bases of the nego- tiation. The two Emperors have done better— they have signed the peace; but noither one nor the other has intended to withdraw from as- sembled Europe what is really within her compa: tence. [from tho Paris Debate, July 131 * * This news has been received by the publio with as much joy as surprise. Everybody fait that an armistice of five weeks must en in peace; but that peace should be concluded between the two sove- reigns atone, und on the firat day of the eae is an event which greatly exceedsour hopes, an entirely confounds the’ previsiona of Huropean diplomp.cy, As to the conditions of the peace, wa