The New York Herald Newspaper, July 4, 1854, Page 6

NEW YORK HERALD, JZABRS GORDON BENNETT, ‘OFTiCS . W. CORNER OF NAs#aAV AND FULT IN 518 DULY MBICALD fconte per ccny 1 > ‘conte per per ananm. SEALY HERA Bati at big conte | THE Wee. LD swery oT wr or BS per anunn ; the Busapera Bditto.. U4 pe. aa | em. to amy part of Grew Briain $5 toary pari of the Uontinen! tot VOLUNTAK¥ CORR ONDENGCE contriniy) impor from auy ruarter of the world if used Bent news eoliciied pO re Bn a a efEYTE ANE PRUTIOULAKLY REQCESTEO TO SEAL ALL STTRES PERS beet serr oe FLL LOTTERY bywott for Subscriptions of with Aver Keements to be post or the postage will be (ed from we remitted SOB PRINTING executed with neatness, cheapness, and VER rep unevts every dar NO E talons We do aot revere pw renewed ¥. ‘of anonymous commumieitions. New York, | wesday, July 4, 1554. Totne Publtc, éxpized at noon yesterday and a no bids were made no cash sale can now be made without farther Jegis’ation. Yesterday was an excese’ve'y hot day ‘n thiscity, and the telegraph ioforms us that in Boston, Phila delphia, Baltimore and Washington, the thermome- ter touched th highest point reached this season. Two trains, cons sting of two locomotives and fifty care, carrying one thousand eight bundred emigrants, passed over the Central Ra lroad on Sa tuday. Judge Hoar, of Massachusetts, in an address to the Grand Jury recently, acknowledged the obliga- \ tion to carry out the Pug tive Blave law, at the same | time condemning the conduct of the Mayor of B ston, in the Burns case, in transferring to the m itary he power which ebould have been reserved and exer cised by the civil authority. Judge Hoar isa free soiler in politice, if we are not mist sken, and son of the gentleman sent to South Carolina some years since to test the constitutionality of certain manici- pal laws of that State in the Supreme Court, and his opinion contrasts favorably with the treasona: | ble doctrine but recently promulgated by Mr. Sum-. ‘The New’ Yorx Huns has now the \argest cireulation f any defty journal ‘n Europe or Am rics. The Daily Hyxaure circulates moarly sizty thouand torts per day. ‘The Weehty editiéms—pudlishet-on Saturday and Sun- @ay—feach a cireutation of nearly seventy thousand sheets por week. rs ‘Mie aggregate issue of tho Hansy estab ishment is wbott Jour hundred thousané sheets per week, or over hoorty millions of sheets per enum. Notice to the Public. No paper will be inued from this office to-morrow morning. Whatever occurs to-day and to-night will’ve published in the evening editions, at ome and three e’cloek tomorrow afternoon. No evening edition will te ingued to day. Tho News. PROM WASHINGTON. The adjournment of Congress in erder to cele- rate the national anniversary, and the exhausting hot weather at the capita’, have ca:sed a refreshing Pullin the strife of politics. The reveption of the intelligence of the defeat of Mr. Butterfield by the New Hampshire Legislature, for the offive¢. state Printer, eansed a wonderful elongation of counte- waneee in and about the White House. The question of it conscyuence now is, what can be done for Mr. Butterfield? Having been rejected by the majority of the popular brapch of the Legislature ‘et his own State, -he must look for his reward for his “ sacrifices” to his “‘ affectionate friend, Frank Pierce.” Our correspondent state that, notwith wtanding the President declared that he would send to the Senate the nomination of Mr. Westbrook tothe Office of District Attorney of this city on Friday, it has not yet been done. What new screw ia loose in regard to. this affair? After the Fourth of July “union snd harmony’’ powwow of the Tammany Hall sachems perhaps matters may work amoother. The fabricators of excInsive news reapecting the posi- ‘tion of our affairs with Spain, and who have, through ‘the spirit rappers, or some other congenial medium, @iscovered important revelations from Madrid, will mo doubt be surprised to learn that it is officially asserted that no deapatches have reached the State Department from Mr. Soulé for several weeks. The veteran editor, Thomas Ritchie, died at Washington yesterday. A biograpbical eketch of this distinguished gentleman is given in another eolumn. = THE KNOW NOTHINGS. We give to-day some intereating information rela- ive to:the. movements of the Know Nothing, or na- tive party— East, West and South. It appears that ‘the tendency of this party is toward whig principles, or, at least, their candidates are always found to be persons who acted with the whig party when there was a whig party. This fact gives the demo erate their great argument against the move- ment, namely: that it is a reappearance of the * menster federalism ” in a pew shape. The demo- ezatic press throughout the country is united agaiust ‘the Know Nothings. FROM BRITISH GUIANA. We have received our files of the Georgetown (emarara) Royal Gazette, dated to the 3ist of May. The news possesses very little variety, aud is motof much interest. With a slight interiission of four days, the Court of Policy mny be suid to ave been in constant session since the sailing of the Jast mail, and engaged in the consideration of one ef the most important measures that has for many years occupied legislative attention—a new immi- gration bill. In reporting the progress of the mea- gure we copy from the Gazette. On May the 26th the consideration of the bill in committee was re- sumed. The new clause promised by the Governor for settling the position of Coolies who received bounty in 1861, was introduced, and after some dis- ussion was carried. It provides that the Coolie» who received bounty in 1551, and have not since entered into contracts, shall be required by the Jus- tices to enter into indenture for the anexpired por- tion of the five years, and that those who refuse to eomply with this demand shall not recelve the certi- Aoate of industrial residence, entitling them to their back passages. On the 2¢th of May the consideration of the bill ‘was resumed in committee, and two new clauses aving been inserted, it was ordered to be re peinted and brought up again. On the same day the Chief Justice moved the necond reading of a bill to authorize the raising of ‘Qty thousand dollars on redeemable bonds, for the purpose of establishing a colonial bonded ware- house. On the suggestion of the Government Secretary, the second reading of the bill was post- ‘The Roya! Gazette of May 25 says :—The weather hhaa been drier than is usually experienced in May, although not without occasional heavy rains, prin- eipally daring the night. An immense quantity of sugar, part of it of last year’s crop, appears to be om hand, for although there is a large amount of tonnage in the river, freiglts are still very high. ‘The standing canes continne their promise of a large crop for the year, and there appears no ap- prebension that the Russien war will prevent it being sent to market. APFATRS IN THE CITY. The Board of Aldermen held the first meeting of the Joly session last evening. The business trans- acted will be found in another column. The Board of Councilmen met last evening. The report of the proceedings, published elsewhere, prevents no feature of general importance. In consequence of the absence of the Mayor and Rooorder, the Board of Supervisors were unable to enter into any business of importance. A commu nication was received from the Superintendeat af Public Instruction, stating that the tax for common echools for this year is $257,616. ‘The Court of General Seasions held ita sitting yew terday, but in consequence of the non-atrendance of a of the Grand Jury that body was discharged ‘antil Wednesday morning. Henry Mulhoff, who escaped from the court room some time ago, was sentenced, on pleading guilty to grand larceny, to five years confinement in the State prison. The members of the Journeymen Tailors’ Trade Society held their usual weekly meeting last eve. ning, to make asrangements for their first annual excursion and the celebration of the national ana versary. William Foulkes was yesterday examined before the Coroner on the charge of shooting Edward Bogan, « Saturday night, and fully committed on she charge of murder. MISCELLANBOIS- The cholera ia paid to be raging wth great seve iityat Boston and the towas in the immediat sicimity. ‘The time for receiving proporals for the purchase oi the main ling of public works of Ponnryivania pet, ¢0 loudly lauded by the abolition press throughs out the North and West. THE Law covers. We this day publish in another column 8 very able, sensible and judicious decision of Judge Sivs- gen, of the Superior Court, dissolving the injuaction which had been heretofore granted agaimat the Hud- son River Railroad Company, for allowing the emigrants to collect around “their office ia great numbers, anxious to procure tickets to leave the city of New York and to be ferwarded to their new home in the western parts of this extensive country. We think that Judge Slosson has done wisely in thus giving the peor emigrants every fa- cility te wend their way to agricultural localities, where their services are most needed. A writ of habeas corpus was issued by Judge Clerke, ofthe Supreme Court, in the case of Corne- lins J. Vanderbilt, arrested on Sunday on an alleged charge of lunacy. The case of Thomas Danlap was further ,post- poned until Friday next, ‘The Hard Shell State Convention and the Nebraska Question, The herd shell anti-udministration wiag of the New York democracy hold their State Con- vention at Syracuse, on. the 12th inst.,.for the nomination of their State office candidates for the November election, and for the purpose of building a new party -platform, adapted to recent and prospective events, and the pro- gtessive cpirit of the age. The firat question which is suggested in re- ference to thig convention, is the issue of ad- hesion to or remonstrance against the Ne- braska Dill. Will the convention endorse the course of Wheeler, Maurice, Peck, Peckham and Oliver, or will they quietly ignore the anti-Nebraska manifesto of these gentlemen, and rally to the support of Messrs. Cutting and Walsh in behalf of the bill? The hard shell organ.of this city, and others of the same fac- tion in the interior, demand a declaration in favor of the.doctrine of “ popular sovereignty,” as they call it, which may or may not involve an approval of the repeal of the Missouri com promise. They may hit, at Syracuse, upoo some euch ingenious and equivocal dodge, as that of the late administration State Con- vention of New Hampshire—a milk-and- water endorsement of the abstract prin- ciples, without touching the direct question. But of all things let the hards, on this sub- ject, avoid a milk-and-water policy. Let them meet the issue and take their position, without dodging, upon the repeal of the Missouri com- promise, and upon its merits as a question of expediency, constitutionality and public jus- tice. " The New Hampshire administration dodgers have set the example, which has found an echo in Tammany Hall, and which will most pro- bably be adopted at the Van Buren Soft Shell Convention at Syracuse in September next— the example of shirking the main question un- der the flimsy mack of an endorsement of a constitutional abstraction. The rea) issue to be met is the repeal of the Missouri compromise. The whigs of New York, hards and softs, and factionists of all kinds, have met this issue face te face. They declare that the repeal of the Missouri compromise is a frand, an impious act of injustice, an outrage upon freedom and the free spirit of the North, and that the sacred compact of 1820, thus violated by political hucksters and Presidential traders in 1854, must be restored. What say the hard sheil democracy to this?’ We demur to any dodging like that of the New Hampshire or Tammany Hall democracy. We have from the first de- clared, as we now repeat, that in our judgment the Missouri eompromise was an unconstitu- tional act, and that the act repealing it is con- stitutional and proper. We care nothing for the objects of the administration and its small- beer politicians, in their advocacy of the bill in Congress and their dodging out of Congress. Holding to the position that it supersedes an unconstitutional law, we ap- prove, not only the doctrine of “ popular sovereignty,” as the Pierce democracy of New Hampshire and Tammany Hall do, but we go further, and, because it falls back upon the con- stitution, we approve the repeal of the Missouri compromise. The letter, which we publish this morning, from Mr. James T. Brady, to Hon. Rufus W. Peckham, sustaining his opposition in Congress on the Nebraska bill, takes a totally ditferent view of the subject. Mr. Brady’s grounds of hostility to the bill arc those of the five dissent- ing New York hard shells, which are substan- tially the views of the New York Tribune, the Evening Post, and the Albany Atlas, ex- cepting their respective opinions of the ad- ministration. If Mr. Brady's opinions shall prevail at Syracuse, the hard shells will repu- diate the bill repealing the Missouri compro- mise in the most emphatic terms of disguat and indignation. To this end, his letter, we pre- sume, has been written; and in this view, in connection with the attitude assumed and maintained upon the question by Messrs. Maurice, Oliver, Peck, Peckham, and Wheeler, in Congress, this letter of Mr. Brady will com- mend itself to the deliberate consideration of the delegates to the forthcoming convention. An impression prevails among the adminis- tration spoilsmen that this hard shell conven- tion will split upon the rock of the Nebraska bill. No such fear, however, should deter the advocates of broad constitutional principles from the approval of the repeal of the Missouri compromise, In #0 many words, the only way in which the hards can plant themselves upon higher ground than the administration apoils- menof Tammany Hall, or New Hawpehire, is meet the repeal of the Missouri restriction without flinching and without dodging. Rely upon it, a string of weak, wishy-washy plati- tudes, meaning anything or nothing, upon the ashion of the Van Buren school, will be adopted by the Tammany Hall faction at their ~onvention in September. They will shirk th: jen We a8 the administration has shirked it out- gide \M Washington, Zhe policy, thea, of the to hards {s to establiat: the treachery an ' infidelity of the administrati.n party o New York, by taking that decisive constit tional ground upon the direct; quest on, which, fr m he anti- elavery instirsts of their leader: an1 their orgaos, the Wan Buren admini.t:atioa faction will not dare to oc: apy. A frank and bold endorsement of the repeal of the ?Aiseouri compromise, wy placing the New Y’erk hard shells in -opem hostility to the free sail, whig and abolition fac ions, (who are contemding for a restoration of the Misseuri rest siction,) wi convince all parties of the Soath as to which wing of tue democracy ere their reliable allies in the North, Jéut if the hards desire to subserve the purposes and policy of the admini tration an1 their epoilemen, they will compromise it with the free soilers upon some such half-and-half recog- nitions of “ popular sovereignty ” as those of the artful dodgers of Tammany Hall and New Hampshire. The hards at Syracuse will doubt- Jess beeordially harmonious in their opposition te the epoils policy of the admivistration. No Custom House officer, navy agent or postmas- ter willbe there to soften the wrath of the admantines upon the important subject of the public plunder; no “short boys’? will be ticketed to the salt works on the 12th, to en- force obedience to the Cabinet. Upon the spoils question the hards area unit, and imexorable. But they are divided upon the Nebraska bill. Andhere isthe danger. A weak and wishy- washy compromise on the Missouri repeal will place them in the same category with Tammany Hall, and they will stand before the country as a faction whose only principles of action are the spoils, and as euch they will be submerged in the election. ‘Let the hard shells at Syracuse take an expli- cit, decisive, and comprehensive position on the '| Miesouri repeal, (that is the issue—not popular sovereignty,) and their labors may be crowned by the support-of all national, constitutional Union men of the North, and by the maga of the whig party, and the é/:te of the democracy of the South. ‘Otherwise, the “Oli Guard ” will fall in at the tail of the aiministration, and be die- graced. Endorse the repeal; but no more dish- water recolutions. Better follow the advice of Brady than.the spoilsmen of Tammany Hall. The Fiscal Year 1853-4, It is estimated that some twenty millions of dollars have been used duming the year which ended 30th ult. in buying up at a heavy pre- mium the public securities. We believe that no parallel can be found in financial history to the purchase by a government of its bonds many years before their maturity, when that purchase cost something like one-fifth more than the par value of the securities. There will always be conflicting opinions with regard to the wisdom of the measure: the only valid excuse, in fact, which can be offered for so wasteful an expenditure of the public money is the plethora of the treasury. It was mainly with the view of relieving the public coffers of their surplus contents that these twenty mil- lions were spent. This sweep still leaving the government coffers inconveniently overloaded, ten millions were voted to set up an adventurer on the Mexican throne. They might as well—so far as the interests of the United States were con- cerned—have been thrown into the New York bay, and ingenious divers hired to lish them out with bells and air-bclmets and all that sort of thing. But the money was gotten rid of; and that was something. The financial ability of the government is now to be put toa severer test. The revenue for the year ending 30th June last is estimated to amount to nearly seventy-five millions of dollars, being fourteen millions more than that of the fiscal year 1852-3. If a revenue of six- ty-one millions authorized the government to buy up twenty millions of public securities, and to throw away ten millions on Santa Apna, what will be done on the strength ofa revenue of seventy-five? If the purchase of public securities continues, holders will de- mand fifty par eent premium. Santa Anna, it is expected, will exist at least a couple of years on our donation of ten millions. If ( ordinary expenses of government amount to forty-five millions, there will be shameful ex- travagance somewhere: bnt setting them dowa at this figure, what is to become of the thirty millions surplus the accounts of 1853-4 will show? In other words, what schemes of cor- Tuption will be set on foot on the strength of the balance of thirty-two millions of dollars now believed to be in the treasury? Shall we set up an adventurer in South America? Shall we buy Canada or Cuba? or shall we offer to become bankers for the Ozar, who according to all accounts, needs money se badly ? There is no doubt great cause for rejoiving at the unequivocal symptom of prosperity shown in the increase of our trade and public revenue. The year which has just closed has not been a bright one in Wall street. The stringency in the money market which last October has never ceased to operate since thet time ; the lulls have been of short di:ra- tion and deceptive character; and the whole tendency of securities have been downwards for the last nine months. For nine months we have never ceased to hear of the banks curtail- ing and importers cutting down their orders. Yet in the face of this notorious state of things, we have an importation at this port of $191,000,000 against $165,000,000 last year— an increase of twenty-seven millions, This fact is undoubtedly cheering for the moment— however pregnant with danger it may be for the future. But satisfaction is not the only sentiment aroused by the accounts of the past year. They teach not only that trade iq growing Prodigiously, but that our burthens are in- creased at the like rate. The people of the United States have paid this year sixty-eight millions of dollars taxes in the shape of cus toms duties—at least twenty-three millions more than are required for the maintenance of the government. This is no sudden diacovery. It was known long beforehand that such would be the case. And yet, notwithstanding this knowledge and the countless promises that were made to reduce the burthen, not a step has been taken by the Pierce adm‘nistration to effect that end. The tariff will not be touched this session of Congress, Mr. Pierce docs not want it altered. He wants as large a surplus as he can get to carry through bis infamous schemes of corruption. If we had fifty mil lions instead «f thirty lying idle in the trea- sary he would still secretly contrive to defeat every plan for the reduction of the customs du- tes, eo aa to keep in his hands as extensive means of corruption as he could. There is a profound moral in the figures of the fiscal year that has just expired, Whe Seventy-Highth Anniversary of the : Wearth of July. This day com letes seventy-cig’ t years since the Declar tion of ndependence y the Contt- nental Congress, at Philadelphia, in 1776. That important document wa: signed by fifty-six delegates from the thirteen British colon es, in Congress ass mbled; and by that act these colonies became free and independent States, | as finally acknowledged by Great Britain, and other European powers, in 1783. The Declara- tion of Independence began a new era in the bistory of Amerca. The measures of the British government accelerated an event which, if anticipated and wished by a few of the colonists, had not hitherto been generally de- sired. Indepen ence was not the object of the controverey, (which commenced in 1765, on the enaction of the Stamp Act by the Britich Parliament,) on the part of the colonies, bunt constitutional liberty. Oppression, by demanding more than is due, loses the benefit of legal claims. During the sersion of Parliament in 1775, — the ultimate plan for reducing the colonies was fixed. The battle of Lexington, in April, 1775, had been followed by that of Bunker Hill in June, 1775, and subsequently by the attempt of the colonists on Canada, in the winter of the sme year. The Americans, by act of Parlia- ment, were declared out of the royal protec- tion, and 17,000 foreign mercenaries were to be employed to aid in ther subjugation. The British King (George III.,) had entered into treaties with the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel, the Duke of Brunswick, and the Count of Ha- nau, princes of Germany, for that namber of men, to be employed in America. Exclusive of troops already in America, it was deter- mined to send over upwards of forty-two thou- sand men of regular troops, viz:—25,000 Eug- lich, and more than 17,000 Germans, When to these were added all the recruits of Canada, the corps of American loyalists, (called tories,) and Indians, it was hoped by the British Cabi- net that there would be a total of 55,000 men; and it was believed that after every deduction, and in any event, the army would exceed 40,000 effective men; a force thought in Eag- land to be more than sufficient to subdue all America. When information of the measures of Parlia- ment, together with the King’s speech, the Par- liamentary debates, and the rejection of the late petition of the Continental Congress, reached America, it decided the question of in- dependence. To declare themselves indepen- dent was no more than to announce to the world the real political state in which Great Britain had placed them. While the legality of this measure was thus argued, its immediate neecssity was proved. “ If Great Britain calls in the aid of strangers to crush us, we must seek similar aid for our own preservation.” But foreign assistance must be sought in the character of independent States, else the colo- nists must still be considered as subjects carry- ing on war against their king, and rely on their own resources, These and similar reasonings were enforced by powerful addresses to the passions, A pamphlet, under the signature of “Common Sense,” written by Thomas Paine, produced great effect. While it demonstrated the necessity, the advantages, and the practi- cability of independence, it treated monarchi- cal governments with opprobrium and heredi- tary euccession with ridicule. The change of the public mind on this occasion is without a parallel. “In the short space of two years, nearly three millions of people passed over from the love and duty of loyal subjects, to the hatred and resentment of enemies.”’ On the 7th of June, 1776, a motion was made in the Continental Congress by Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, for declaring the colonies free and independent States. The resolutio: was at first adopted by a bare majority of seven States to six, and was referred toa committee, consisting of Jeffer.on, John Adams, Frank!'a, Sherman, and Robert Livingston, to prepare a formal declaration of independence, and post- poned till the firstof July, to give time for greater unanimity. The cemmittee reported the declaration drawn up by Jefferson, with some amendments, on the 28th of June. On the Ist of July, the question being taken, nine colonies voted for the Declaration. The New York delegates de- clined to vote, as no instruetiuns were yet re- ceived; Delaware was divided; the delegation of Pennsylvania stood three for and four against it; that of South Carolina, one for and three againet it. On the fourth of July, when the question came up for final action, two of the Pennsylvania members who had voted in the negative absented themselves. Mr. Rodney, of Delaware, decided the vote of that colony in the affirmative. The vote of South Carolina wasaleo given the same way. New York stil! declined to vote; but on the 9th of July the Provincial Congress of this colony, which met at White Plains, gave their sanction to the Declaration, which thus became the unanimous act of the Tarrreen Unrrep Srates. It was then ordered to be engrossed on parchment, and was subsequently signed by all the dele- gates then present, including several who were not members at the time of its adoption. The leading idea of the Declaration of Ia- dependence, as drawn up by Jefferson—that mankind are created equal, and endowed with the rights of self-government—although, per- haps, for the first time put forward in a state paper of that importance, is not original in that dccument. The principles of liberty then entertained, both in England and America, amply justified the pointe claimed in the Declaration of Independence. But it is curious to trace the ideas of the friends of liberty and independence at a much earlier period than the American Revolution. We have before us an old work, printed in London in 1696, entitled « Obeervations on Forms of Government, &., by Sir R. Filmer, Baronet.” The object of the writer was to prove the divine right of kings and the excellency of monarchical government. Of course, he opposes the principles of the English liberalists of his time. He remarks:— rt Se cee Shae steel ert ae Pots learned men, which affirm, mac ww masurally and born with treedom from ail wurjection, and choose wht form of govera. EskaraPimrsctahin Reed atti We tetie eretion of the titade. This tonet was fret hatched in the schools, and hath been fastened by all succeeding Papists for good divinity. The divines, also, cf the Reformat Charches have eater veined it, and the common people @.erywhere tenderly embrace it, as being most plausible to flexh and blood, ter that it prodigally distributes s portion of liberty te 1} meanest of tho mu!titude, who magnity liberty, aa if the height of buman felicity were ouly to de founs in it, never remembering that the desire of liberty was the first cause of the fell of adam, Howrver the valgar 0,40io0 hath of late obtained to grea: reputati n, it contradicts the doctrine of the Moly Ser ptures, the const.nt prac- tise f all ancient monarchies, and the very priciptes of the law of pature = It is hary te say whether it be more enrimons i divinity or dangerons in yol ey. In no part of the confederacy was the British party more numerous and infinential than ia the city of New York and its environs. It was consequently expected that the main efforts of ther endowed the directed to this point. General Washington as- eumed the command of the Continental forces in the eity in April, 1776. Including the troops | collected at New York, Washington’s army did not exceed eight thousand men, imperfectly | equipped and scantily provided. Congress had military and naval forces would be | San Francizeo, The relations between thiy Country and M.xico have long been of such a delicate natu'e that a war might at any time have broke: at, wthout creating much aston- ishment. Ip ru.b an event, the men shipped at Sun Francis:o to serve inthe Mexican army would have been bound to fight against us; and called for 13,800 men from New England, New | the enemy would thus astually have supplied York and New Jersey, and for ten thousand | the renks of his army with recruits picked up more from Pennsylvania, Delaware and Mary- land. The first troops that came to defend the city of New York were New England men. They were afterwards joined by troops from New York, New Jersey, Maryland, Pennsylvania and Virginia. The Declaration of Inde- pendence was proclaimed at the State House, in Philadelphia, on the 8th of July, amidst the greatest acclamations. The next day, in consequence of general orders, it was read at the head of each brigade of the Continental army at New York, and every- where received with@oud huzzas, and the great- est demonstrationeof joy. The same evening the equestrian statue of the King of England, in the Bowling Green, was laid prostrate on the ground. The lead of which it was made was run into bullets. This feeling of exultation was, however, not unanimous in this city. A large number of the wealthy citizens: looked on with distrust; and the Episcopal clergy showed. their dissatisfaction by shutting up their churches. After the battle of Long “Island, on the 27th of August, 1776, the British took porcession of the city of New York, which they held until the final evacuation, November 25,1783, The British naval superiority over any force that could be brought against them, enabled them to hold possession of this city until the success of the Americans in other quarters had decided the contest. War wirn Spatn.—The Gadsden treaty hav- ing been finally disposed of by the appropria- tion bill of ten millions, a}l men, of all sections, and of all parties in the country, will be on the qui vive for that long promised message to Coa- gress, involving a declaration of war with Spain. Having bought up Santa Anna, we are perfectly safe from Spanish intrigues in Mexico. We have some reason, indeed, to count upon the alliance of Santa Anna and the Tehuante- pec speculators, in the event of a war with Spain. If the administration then, has not abandoned its belligerent policy, as foresha- dowed by the Washington organ, we may count upon @ terrible war in the Gulf of Mexico, upon avery short notice. Of course, a war between the United States and Spaia will be for the Island of Cuba, and will be almost entirely confined to that island and its seaboard. We shall have some fighting to doto get in. Spain has a fleet at Cuba of six large salling veesels and fifteen war steam- ers, and seven additional frigates are daily ex- pected en route for Havana. Should they be joined by the French and English squadrons, the aggregate naval force to be overcome, in order to get into Cuba, will be perhaps equal to one of the Baltic divisions of Sir Charles Napier. The land force of Cuba is set down at 24,000 regulars; but in addition to these, 3,000 mu- lattoen have lately been enlisted, and 9,000 re- injoxcements of Spaniards are en their way from Cadiz. In a few weeks, the regular and irregular Spanish army in Caba will probably be equal to forty thousand men, such as they are. Then logkat the negroes. According to the WVational detelligencer, which. is very cautious in itegtatistics, as in every thing else, the whole population of the island is 1,130,000; of which'the white population, chiefly creoles, is 500,000; free negroes 200,000; Bozales, the imported negroes, justly entitled to freedom, 180,000, and the slaves 250,000. The Bozales, \most of whom are full grown males, are said tu be among the most savage and bloodthirsty bar- bariane, and we may therefore add, in the case of war, 100,000 Bozales to the Spanish contin- gents, to say nothing of the other 200,000 free negroes. Furthermore, we have been admon- iehed, that in the event of an armed invasioa by the United States, the 200,000 slaves will be emancipated and turned loose upon the com- mon enemy. Thus, in taking all these elements together, we may rely upon it, that a war with Spain will requirea strong naval force to get into Cuba, and ® powerful land force, or the in vading army will never get out of Cuba. Let us not forget the experience of Napoleon coa- cerning the island of Hayti. In this view, we cordially approve the move- ments which have been made in Congress to reorganize and increase the navy, and to strengthen the army. If we are to have a war with Spain, let us be prepared for it. The Gadeden treaty will still leave some twenty-one millions in the treasury. Congress is to ad- journ on the 4th of August. No time, there- fore, is to be lost in sending in a war message, if we are to have an Anglo-Franco-Spanish American war this side of next winter, Mean- time, let not the lame ducks of Wall street be alarmed on this subject. The weather is too hot for much excitement; nor is there any im- mediate danger. Marcy knows what Cuba is in July, and how the Anglo-Saxons would suf- fer from an invasion of the island during the dog-days. In this view, our readers may rest assured that the war has been postponed til! the first Monday in December next. Don’t mind the idle ravings of the Cabinet organ. The war is postponed. Thermometer 96 in the shade. Keep cool. Breacn or Tae Nevrratity Laws BY THE Frencu Consun at Sax Fraycisco.—If any re- liance can be placed in a letter published in the Mexican Trait d’Union, and reproduced else- where, the French Consul at San Francisco has been clearly guilty of a breach of the neu- trality laws ; and the disagreement of the jury by which he escaped punishment was a fortu- Bate accident for him. Whatever be the issue of this case, it is obvious that sach conduct as Mr. Dillon’s cannot be tolerated infuture. We see no practical difference between enlisting men for a filibustering expedition and raising a troop for the service of a foreign prince or State: both acts fall clearly within the purview of the neutrality laws and require prompt sup- pression. We are bound to the world and to ourselves to take the necessary means to pre- vent bands of freebooters organizing within the limits of our territory expeditious “against foreign powers with which we are at peace; but we are not the less bound to resist any at tempt made by foreign powers to enlist soldiers for their service among our citizens or the re-i- dents of this country. Were the precedent es tablished by the cave of the Challenge to pass unmolested, we might confidently expect to see a British recrniting sergeant patrolling the country withahandful of shillings and a Uaiou Jack. But independently of the principle ia- volved, there was a peculiar impasteace in the gonduct of the Mexican and French Consuls at on our territery, Noire e ough bas been made about the want of vigi'ance d'splayed by the authorities in al- | lowing fili'u-tering expeditions to leave our shores. A little of the high-toned zeal and mo- rality laviahed on this offence may now be used onadifer nt topic. If it was acrime to over- look Walker, it was not avirtue to let the Challenge escape or to enter a nolle prosequi in the case of Dillon. If it be unpardonable to neglect for.ign interests, it is not laudable to lose rigit «f our own; in politics, as in all other matters, the old adage about charity com- mencing at home has not become obsolete or fale, Bands of men have frequently been organized to take part in a civil war in a foreign country, without any cirect participation by their gov- ernmert. Such were the Spanish Legion, form> ed in England, and the Greek sympathisers under Lord Byron and others. But these were obviously exceptional cases, and if we mistake net. declared by rpecial legislation to be no in— fringement of British treaties. The same thing would oceur here if we were to suspend the neutrality laws against any particular nation. But until this is done, the act of which the- French and Mexican Consuls are accused, is as flagrant an offence against our laws ay any- filibustering attemp! that was ever made. Tae WarterinG PLaces—BeGinnine ov THR Summer Heora.—The Fourth of July is a day the advent of which is looked forward to with more general impatience than any on the calen- dar. Besides its political significance and the opportunities that it holds out to civic orators and mischievous urchins of making their usual patriotic displays, it also serves to define the end of the season when the votaries of fashion. must no longer be found in town, and when the more industrious members of the community may hope to enjoy some brief relaxation from. the previous nine months strain on their over- ta:kcd energies. Unfortunate is his lot who cannot now escape from the hot and suffocating city, to forget for'a while, in some calm and. healthful retreat, the harassing cares ang anxieties of his vocation. To the rich the country presents infinitely less charms than to- the poor man, for the former seeks to carry into. it his town babits and necessities, whilst tho latter rejoices in leaving them behind bim. The one locates himself in some leviathan hotel. in a fashionable watering place, whose inmates are penned up like sheep, and exposed to dis- comforts infinitely greater than those from which they have endeavored to escape; while the other seeks in some secluded and tranquil spot the repose of which his exhausted energies: have need. Heaven only to the rural state bestows Conquest o’er life, and freedom from-its woes. Everything in this world is retributive, and: pride must pay a penalty for its self-importance. We confees we could never see much enjoy ment. in the forced transposition of town habits to Places where there is neither a sphere large enough to indulge in them without fear of scan— dal, nor accommodation sufficient to compen- sate for the sacrifice of those simple pleasures. which lend such a charm toa regular country life. In this respect, at all events, the poor man hae e decided advantage over the rich, for, unable to follow in the stream of fashion, he. contents himself with that which is within his reach. It is fortunate for him that he neither understan’’s the rus in urbe or tie urbe in rus: of aristocratic pretenders. His circle of enjoy- ment, though limited, is infinitely more. plea- sarable and secure. There are few spots on the habitable globe that afford a more varied and extensive choice: of summer retreats, within easy access, than the city in which we live. If the peculi-- arity of its site is attended with some inconveniences as regards the limits im- posed by natural barriers to its expansion, it bas at least this great advantage—that both by water and rail some of the moat. beautiful scenery in the world can be reached in as rhort a time as it wonld take to go from . one end cf the city to the other. We have al ready taken occasion to direct the attention our readers to several of the places which ap- peared to us to combine the conditions neces- sary to enjoyment, In addition to those we~ have already mentioned, we can recommend the Greenwood Lake House, near the Chester depot, on the New York and Erie Railroad; the Champlin House, Islip, Long Island; the Unit- ed States Hotel, Long Branch, New Jersey; the New Rochelle Pavilion; Moore’s Hotel, Trenton Falls; the Port Washington Pavilion Hotel, Shrewsbury, N. J.; the Port Ewen Hotel, Port Ewen; the Mount Vernon Hotel, on the New Haven line of. railroad; the Cape Island National Hall, Cape May, and the Nahant House, Nahant, Mass. Those who are weary of acity life may find in any of these establish- ments the repose and tranquillity which they teek, The Literary World. HIGTORIES—MEMOIRS OF PUBLIC CHARACTERS, BFC. The venerable Gzongx Wasumncron Parks Cverts, the only surviving member of the immediate ‘amily of Washington, has been for many years in the habit of writing a “Recollection” of the great chief, for publication in the National Intelligencer, oneach anniversary of his birth. These “ Recol- Jections” are now completed, and the aged author, it is understood, intends to pablish them collective- ly, with his final revisions. Some of them are ex ceedingly interesting; but those written in the Inst dozen years frequently evince 8 decay or confasion of memory which will have a serious effect upon their historical authority. Mrs. Custis, after s mar- tied life of more than half s century, died last year, . and since then Mr. Custis has visited New York. It. is one of the marvellous facta of modern history that the boy who resided here when the lots on which Park row is bailt was an open field, almost without - +e a coaede aie Shasta stood scarcely 5 wander through its streets, extending compactly many miles over what then were half cultivated farms, and when that meagre population is increased to six or seven hundred thoysand. Pisner srs was the great orator and the great. leader of the federal party in the first Congress. In the mere point of eloquence he has not been eqaalied by avy member of the national legislature since his time; not even by Clay, or Webster, or Everett. And he waa a sound lawyer, familiar with good litera- ture, and a writer of remarkable force and ele- gunce. He died at tho early ago of fifty, having been several years in retirement on account of il health, A eelection of his works was published toon after his death, with a memoir, by his friend, President Kirkland, in one volume, This volame has just been reprinted in Boston, together with o