The New York Herald Newspaper, April 17, 1854, Page 1

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E NEW YORK HERALD. WHOLE NO. 6445. MORNING EDITION—MONDAY, APRIL 17, 1854. —— PRICE TWO CENTS. ARRIVAL OF THE ARCTIC, VERY IMPORTANT FROM EUROPE. DVANCE OF THE RUSSIANS INTO BULGARIA he Defeat of the Turks in the) Dobrudscha. CAPTURE OF HIRSOVA. EW PROPOSITION OF THE OZAR OF RUSSIA. eported Important Movements of the Russian Fleet in the Black Sea. ighly Interesting Debate im the British Parliament, nalysis of the Secret Anglo-Russian Correspondence. WAR BETWEEN TURKEY AND GREECE, e Cuban Slave Trade and the Black War- rior Afalr. IMPROVEMENT IN THE MARKETS, &, * &, ke, ‘The Collins mail steamship Arctic, Capt. Luce, arrived #ix o’clock yesterday morning. She left Liverpool at past two o’clock on Wednesday afternoon, the 5th Her news is four days later. She brings one hun- d and twenty-seven passengers and a full freight. Among the passengers we notice the names of the oy. Humphrey Marshall, our late Commissioner to ha; James T. Brady, ivsq., Col. Colt, and Capt. Com ock, of the Baltic. The news from the Lower Danube is highly interesting. he Russians had seized uearly the whole of the Do- dscha, and about forty-five thousand of the Czar’s ops occupied the territory between the ‘Trajan Wall hd the Danube. Omer Pacha, with large force, was neentrating for an attack on Karasu and Silistria. next advices from that quarter will be of the highest terest. The mission of Prince George of Mecklenburg Strelitz Berlin, is for the purpose of conveying a letter from Emperor of Russia to the King of Prussia, said to con- in a proposition of the willingness of the Czar to cuate the Principalities simultaneously with the eva- tion of the Euxine by the combined fleets, provided Western Powers succeed in securing by treaty the pancipation of the Christians in Turkey. onsols, in consequence of this mission, improved, and ton became steady. Flour has again advanced. he return from the Bank of England for the week lding the 25th of March gives the following results, hen compared with the previous week:— In the Lords the Earl of Derby, and in the Commons Disraeli and Layard, were the chief speakers. It would be wasting your space to enter into a recapitulation of this lovg Eastern question, all the phases of which are fail- | liar to your readers. A few points are impor | tant and new. Lord Clarendon distinctly denied that py stipulation was made in the treaty recently concluded by the Western Powers with the Porte, which gave them a protectorate over the Christians of ‘furkey. “We en- | ter,” he said, “upon the war for « definite object. It is to check and repel the unjust aggressions of Russia, It is the battle of civilization againstbarbarism tor the in- dependence of Europe.” As regards the position of the German Powers, Lord Clarendon spoke very plainly, and expressed what I have repeatedly stated in my corres- pondence—‘“Neutrality, with such a war as is about to be waged on the confines of both countries, is impossible.”” He then added:~‘If Germany proceeds in accordance with public opinion, which is rising more and more against Russian influence, the result, it cannot be doubted, will be in favor of German independence. But that Power which leans to Russia will transfer all the popular sym- pathies to the Power which docs not do so, and to the hands of that power will be committed the future desti- nies of Germany.’? Jord Derby said that the war, however lamentable, was in his belief, and in the belief of the country, a just and necessary war; but he believed it never would have taken place—Ruasia would never have dared to put for ward her pretensions, if at the particular moment of these particular differences arising the Kar! of Aberdeen had not been the minister at the head of the govern- ment! The Emperor of Russia had, in hia opinion, spoken his mind plainly (in the secret confidential des- | Patches,) to the ministry, and was led to believe that Lord Aberdeen shared all his views. To say the least, with the knowledge of these documents, it was very great political blindness—he would not say, political conmi- vance. Lord Aberdeen’s reply was not satisfactory, nor did it make an impression. When hesat down, Lord Malmos- bury rose and said that when he was in office the Rus- sian government never attempted to force its views as regards Turkey, but that directly Lord Aberdeen came in the question was again immodiatoly mooted. Lords Grey, Brougham, Lyndhurst, and Granville then spoke, but threw no light on the subject. It may not be out of place here to mention that the rumor is again current in political circles and in the clubs, that Lord Aberdeen will go out and Lord Palmer- ston be Prime Minister. In the House of Commons Lord John Russell made a very able speech. He recapitulated the whole question, and pointed out the necessity of war to maintain the balance of power. He declared that it was impossible at the pre- sent stage of the war to state the basis upon which peace would be ultimately negotiated; he trusted the German Powers would come to a sense of their own interests; the convention between France, England, and Turkey was a purely military convention, and had nothing to do with the internal administration of Turkey. Mr. Layard attacked the government in unmeasured terms, accusing them of all the mischief that had been done. Bright followed, and, as already said, was severely chastised by Palmerston. The honorable member for Manchester, (said Palmerston,) reduces everything to the question of pounds, shillings and pence; and I verily be- lieve that if this country was threatened with an imme- diate invasion likely to end in its conquest, the honor- able member would sit down, take a piece of paper, and would put on one side of the account the contributions which his government would require from hig for the defence of the liberty and the independence of the coun- try, and he would -put on the other the probable contri- butions which the general of the invading army might levy upon Manchoster, and if he found that, on balancing the account, it would be cheaper, he would counsel sub- blic deposits £4,423,827 Increase. ... £475.010 jer deposits 1109 Decrease... 213,157 sees 8,744,205 Increase. 13,828 On the other side of the account:— ernment securities £52,584 her securities. 7 121,244,709 unemployed... 6,088,535 Deere 645,180 he amount of notes in circulation is £21,240,775, be- an increase of £458,925, and the stock of bullion in h departments is £14,(29,282, showing a decrease of ,557, when compared with the preceding return. ccording to the Trieste Gazette, the Schah of Persia determined upon observing a strict neutrality. vices from Odessa, March 25, mention that the en- Russian fleet havo left Sebastopol, and it was boliev- would attack Varna. Sir James Graham stated in Irlinment on the $d inst., the allied feet bad left the phorus for Varna. was positively asserted that 4,000 Rudsiams, from Se- opol, had been landed and had taken possession of island of Dunavez, below Tultscha ! here were the usual rumors of treachery on the part the Turkish commanders of the different fortresses t have fallen into the hands of the Russians. Dmer Pacha marched 20,000 men from Silistria to engthen a position between the Russians and the Bal- ps. The Russians are razing all the fortresses in the orudscha. ustria had demanded from Russia that Austrian sub- in the Principalities shall not be compelled to take Russic.n paper money. Diplomatic relations have -ceased between Greece and key. Gen, Metaxa, Greek Minister, has demanded his sports. Nesset Boy, the Turkish Minister, had itted Athens, and returned to Constantinople. new levy of 80,000 men is about to be made in nce. @ ship Flavio Giovia, from Antwerp, ostensibly for ntreal, has been captured and brought to the Downs, th arms on board for the Greek insurgents, council of Austrian generals is summoned to mect at ons. Among others invited, are the Ban Jellalich jd Count Ginlai. ofessor Wilson, so well known as Christopher North, don the 3d inst., aged 66 years. Our obituary notice him is crowded out. in reply to Mr. Hutchins, who detailed the ciroum- nces connected with the seizure of the Black Warrior the Cuban authorities, Lord John Russell stated that jommunication had been sent to the United States on subject, but no information bad yet been received pm Mr. Crampton. he Asia arrived out at three o’clock on the morning of pnday, the dd inst. On Tuesday, 4th inst., the Niagara sailed from Liver- ol with the $8th regiment of infantry, for the East. Golden Age reached King George’s Soand, Austra- , insixty-one days, including fourteen days detontion St. Vincent and the Cape. Her actual running time , therefore, only forty-seven days. It may be re- mbered that the British government refused towend a by the Golden Age, preferring to pay £1,000 to the ling ship Matilda Wattenback, whose arrival out we lay look for for some weeks to come. ¢ steamship Glasgow, from New York, arcived at mock at 2 o'clock on Saturday, Ist inst. Capt. Duryee, of the packet ship Constantine, fetl over- pard and was drowned on the morning of the Ist inst., hile the ship was off Port Lynas, outward bound. In pnsequence of this unfortunate accident the ship put k to Liverpool. Fifteen packet ships, amounting to 16,000 tons, were ting up at Liverpool to convey troops to the East. The influx of emigrants into Liverpool at present brpassed anything of the sort ever before known. The jority were from Ireland, and are bound either for he United States or Canada. ‘The price of steerage pas- e ranged as high as £5 10s., owing to the scarcity of bipping and the number of passengers offering, Our London Correspondence, ‘ Lonpon, Tuesday, April 4, 1854. DRESS IM REPLY TO THE ROYAL MESSAGE ADOPTED IN BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT—THE DEBATR— ABERDEEN, PALMERSTON AND BRIGHT—OLAREN- DON’S GOVERNMENT STATEMENT—PERSON ALITIES— NEUTRALITY OF GERMAN POWERS D. RED IM- mission rather than pay his share in contributing to the defence of his country ! The question to be considered was, whether one Power is to bestride the globe from the north to the south, from the Baltic to the Mediterranean, to dictate to Germany, to domineer in the Medjterranean, to have the whole of the rest of Europe at its mercy, to deal with it as it pleases; or whether that power shall be taught that there are limits even to the ambition of a Czar! Palmerston sat down amidst loud cheering. Disraeli made a brilliant speech, full of wit and sarcasm. He deemed it the duty of all men torally around the sove- reign when she declared she found it necessary to make war, but he vindicated the right of the opposition to erlti- cise the policy which had rendered that war necessary. He acquitted the Emperor of Russia of any duplicity. A remarkable frankness was the characteristic of the secret correspondence. Ho concluding by saying, (as Lord Der- by said in the Lords) that war had been produced by one man—the man who occupied the most important post in the country—and ere long that would be the opinion of all England. The debate lasted nearly eight hours. ‘To turn to events. The echo of the first shot has not yet resounded or at least reached the English shores, The Baltic fleet, ac- cording to the last accounts received, was at anchor in the bay of Kjoege. On the 30th March it cast anchor at the island of Moen; this island belongs to Denmark; it is situated to the northeast of Falster and reckons about 7,000 inhabitants. The bay of Kjoege is situated in Zea- land, ten leagues southwest of Copenhagen. From Constantinople we learn that the combined fleets entered the Black Sea on the 24th March, taking the di- rection of Varna. From the Danube the news is not of a satisfactory nature. The Russian¢have, as you are already aware, crossed the Danube at three different places, and since then we learn (by telegraph,) that the Turkish fortresses of Matschin, Hersova, Isaktscha, Tultscha and Bala- dagh, have been taken by the Russians. Of the move- ments of the main body of the Turkish army under Omer Pacha, and of the Ottoman forces in the Dobrads- cha under Mustapha Pacha, we have no intelligence. The retrograde movement of the Turks may have been calculated upon to mislead the enemy ; but until we have precise details it is impossible to say what the exact facts are. It is an object of Russia to make tho world believe that her arms are successful, but Russian bulletins are not to be overtrusted. All these telegraphic despatches come from Vienna—and Austria is certainly not the enemy of Russia. The Vienna Gazette of the 28th ult, publishes the following telegraphic despatches from Prince Gortschakoff, addressed to Baron Meyendorff, the Russian Ambassador at Vienna. It is dated Ibraila, the 24th ult.— The troops concentrated opposite Matschin yesterday effected in two columns the passage of the Danube ; the principal column under the orders of Genoral Luders at Galatz, without resistance, for the enemy did not expect us on that point; the second column, under my com- mand at Ibraila itself, where the passage was forced, and happily accomplished. Our loss was insignificant. The Prussian Corretpondens of Berlin gives the follow- ing details — The, Russian force was 40,000 strong. On. the 224, at four o'clock in the morning, the Russian batteries below Ibraila, in the isle of the Danube, opened a sharp fire on the Turkish entrenchments above and below the little foriress of Matschin. The cannonade lasted all day. On the 28d, at seven o’clock in the morning, the Rus- sians recommenced their fire, but the Turks did not respond very vigorously. At four o’clock in the after- noon six Russian batialions with four guns, passed the river in fourteen large boats, under the protection of the flotilia of the Danube, to attain Gidzeh, which is situated below Matschin. They there took up their position, whilst the engineers were occupied in throwing a bridge over the Danube. The bridge was terminated ia the evening. ‘the Turks maintained a fire until nightfall, principally against the steamer, the Pruth, the bridge in construction, and the six boats employed in forming the bridge; but they did not obtain a great result. In the night they evacuated their entrenchments, leaving 20 | dead. ‘The Russians admit that they had 20 killed, and 20 wounded. Amongst the latter s General Dalbraski, of the engincers—he has lost a leg. The conatruction of the bridge was directed by General Schilders, and the | POSSIDLE—PALMERSTON ANP THE PREMIERSHIP. THE WAR—THE FIGHTING ON THE DANUBE—COM- BINED FLEETS IN THE BLACK SEA—RUPTURE BE- TWEEN TURKEY AND GREECE—THE SULTAN DEPOSES THE SHEIK-UL*ISLAM. As anticipated in my last communication, the address n reply to the royal message announcing war with Rus ia Was unanimously adopted in both houses of Parlia- nent on Friday night. ‘The opportunity was thought, however, too good to be nogiected, and ono of the longost ites of the session ensued. Lord Aberdeen was the at which all the orators of the opposition fired way without mercy, and personal allusions and acousa- ions were given and taken on both sides. Palmerston nd Bright had « private mill of their own, in which the pember for Manchester (Bright) suffered cqusiderably | passage of the river by General Kotzebue. At about the | | time av which the passage near Ibraila was elfacted, Gan, | | Luders crossed the Danube with six battalions near Ga- Ja’ nd Gen. Usehakof with thirteen battalions, near Ismail, both in boats. Gen. Luders met with no resist ance ih bis passage. He adyanced a distance of eiht | werates into the interior of the countzy (a worste is | abont three-fourths of an English mile.) - ‘The bridge constructed near Galatz being torsainated, 26 patta lioos will pass over it, with cavalry anit artillery General Uschakof had to conquer an obstinate 1 sisiance. Me erossed the river, which is very wide in that part, between Galatz and the mouth of the Buli- | na. The redoubts raired by the Turks for the defence of 11 guns and 150 prisgnere—amougst the latter aro, it is maid, a colonel and 60 ofcers. © Turks had, it is as- serted, a good mary killed and wounded. The Russians admit having bad Yoo killed and wounded. Aa at Tbraila v the passage were taken by asaaule. The Russians took | | and Galatz, Ure Russians lave established a bridge nea Tultscha. This place has, it is said, already fallen into the power of the Russians, They made an assault at Matechin, and as they are in force, it is probable that they will, without great diflculty, possess themselves of Dobrudscha. The three places at which the passage was effected are at the opposite extremity of the line of the Danube to that at which ail the recent eperations have taken place, and at which the passage was expected. Ismail is not far from the mouth of the Danube, Galats is above it, and Thraila is above Galate. We learn from Malta that the English troops were daily leating that island for Constantinople. By this time there can be no less than 20,000 English and I'rench troops assembled in the Dardanelles A naval engagement in the Black Sea is expected. The Austrian government has drawn up a manifesto of the policy itintends to follow. A copy of this document haa beon received in Paris, though the separate articles have not been published. Tho Emperor addresses to the people a brief e:peré of the causes which haye led to war; he blames Russia in strong terms for her conduct, and de- clares in a formal manner that in no case will he join that power. The conclusion is not so clear. It states inan ambiguous manner that Austria will maintain in the in- terests of Germany a strict neutrality. Itdoos not men- tion that an offensive and defensive treaty has been en- tered into with Prussia, but of a good understanding ex- isting between them. It expresses a hope that this course of conduct will be approved of by the Gernfn confederation. It appears that the English and French ambassadors at Vienna haye called upon Count Buol and demanded an >) planation of the conduct of Austria, and her future in- teations. The reply of the Austrian minister ia said to have been ‘‘satisfactory.’’ This state of things cannot last much longer. Those who are not for us are against us, and Lord Clarendon has informed,Parliament that @ neu- trality of the two German Powers is impossible. If we add that the population of both countries are almost unanimous in favor of the Western Powers, there still re- mains a hope that they will declare themselves against Russia. A revolution in Prussia is not among tho least improb_ able events of the next few months. Italy remains quict. An attempt at a rising in Parma followed the death of tho Duke, but was immédiately suppress@i. Italy is waiting in an expectant attitude. So is Hun- gary; 80 is Poland. You will see by the resolution of the Prussian Cham- bers, respecting the loan, that the Prussian Chambers are opposed toa union with Russia, ‘The Loan Commit- tee has unanimously, minus one vote, come to the fol- lowing decision, which will be laid before the plenum and discussed on Wednesday or Thursday next:— 1. In consideration of the necessity of accordance to the king’s government of the necessary credits to support the honor and independence of our fatherland, and to defend the interests of the country under existing me- nacing dangers of-war: 2. Asalso in consideration that his Majesty's government has declared that it will also continue to adhere to the policy hitherto pursued, and consequently labor, in accordance with the Cabinets of Vienna, Paris and London, and es- pecially in intimate union with Austria and’ all other German States, for the speedy restoration of peace, on the basis of equity as proclaimed in the Vienna Confe- rence protocols, under reservation of full freedom of de- cision as to active interference; ‘The Chamber will be pleased to determine that consti- tutional assent shall be given to the two projects of law; the one concerning extraordinary credits required for mi- litary administration during 1854, and the other the rais- ing of sums required for covering the sume by a sinking und. A rupture has taken place formally between Turkey and Greece. The respective ambassadors have been re- called. ‘A telegraphic despatch from Constantinople states that the Sheik-ul-Islam, or head of the faith, has been deposed by the Sultan. This is a bold step. The Sheik was, doubtless, opposed to the granting any privileges to the Christians. It proves at the same time that the Sultan is determined to act for himself and to throw off the con- straint which the Ulemans have usually exercised over Turkish monarchs. Backed by foreign troops, the Sultan feels his power. Our Parts Correspondence. Parry, April 8, 1844, Emtarkation of 20,000 Men for the East—Disorders in the Administration of the Army and Navy—Violent Scene Between the Emperor and Marshal St. Arnaud—Opinions onthe War—The New Map of Europe—Prince ators Ovrreapondence with tke Gur—Affair of M.de Monta- lember!. The French government has at length succeeded, though with great difficulty, in embarking twenty thousand men for the East. A terrible storm of indignation was raised against Marshal St, Arnaud, who was accused of negli- gence, incapacity, and even of what is scarcely probable when we consider his antecedents—of wasteful expendi- ture. Prince Napoleon, on seeing that nothing was ready, went to the Emperor and told him that he was betrayed. The most incredible facts were cited as proofs of the state of disorder into which the administration of the army had fallen; and it was even asserted that at a review held by the Emperor, a Colonel, to complete the two thousand men of his regiment, was obliged to borrow five hundred from another. However this may be, it iscertain that Marshal St. Arnaud, menaced with disgrace and the loss of his commend, waited upon the Emperor, in company with Marshal Vaillant, who had examined into the deii- ciencier for the last six months he had been waiting for orders— ‘that for the same period the sovereign had refused them —that an enormous economy had been effected even on the most necessary supplies—and that now (hey felt the effects of this cutting down system at the | All the anger of the | Emperer was then turned against M. Ducos, who, in | commencement of the campaign. asort of ministerial gasconade, (although another narffe might be given to it,) had paraded in the columns of the Moniteur a third squadron of the floct, which existed | only in his cabinet. It is said that the Emperor so far lost his usual self-control as to break in his fury one of the articles of furniture in the apartment. To appoase his Majesty, and to show at least something like good will, M. Ducos imamediately transmitted, by telegraph, to the Maritime Prefet of Toulon, orders’ to send off the vessels coute qui coute. The Prefet, thus urged, imme- diately sent to sea two vessels, without armament, with- out proper clothing for the men, and even without pro- visions, giving, however, orders to the captains to finish their equipment at Brest. Now, a letter which arrived this morning from the latter port, seen, states that the squadron is in no condition to go to sea, ond cannot for some time to come afford aid to the fleet under Admiral Napier. This war is severely censured even by men who are ad- herents of the government. Marshal told the Emperor and M. Drouyn de V’Huys that the country was about to put herself toa vast expenditure, without merely to support the influence of England, menaced in Asia. This should have been foreseen in the commence- ment of the crisis; but now France is too far involved to recede, and the situation has been rendered the more Perilous from the ambiguous attitude of Austria and ussia, who consent to blame the conduct of Russia, but not'to make common cause with the Western Powers. I may add that the pamphlet entitied the ‘‘Re- vision of the Map Europe,” which has ob- tained a yery general circulation in Europe from the fact of ite being suppressed in Frauce has produced the | ‘worst possible effect in Austria, to whom it is proposed togive the Danubian provinces, (a gift for which she hae no fancy,) in exchange for Lombardy, which she wishes fo keep. It is said that the Czar, pees to extremes by the pub- lication of the confidential @orrespondence with England, will publish in his turn a large mass of correspondence on the samo subjeet, and, among other documents, let- ters which compromire both Prince Albert and the King of the Belgians, by the proof which they afford of their complicity in the designs of Russia. The report of the committee of the Legislative Carns to which the affair of M. de Montalembert was referred has just been printed and distributed, Whilst it expresses its regret at the pub! jon of the letter, it declares that M. de Montalemberé i jul all participation in tho lication of his le ght to be believed on his word, and concludes for ih. reiusu’ of the authoyization de: manded: It isrumored that M. de Montalembert has de- cided on adopting a clever line of tactics in this affair After the reading of the report in the sean of to-day he will band in his resignation ax Deputy, and will deliver himeelf up for prosecution, which in any case be could not avoid, seeing that the Legislative Carps will not peo tect him hy iis vole. He therefore goes before tho tri Dunal with this report of the committee in his favor, the effect of which even a contrary vote, on the part of the Legislative Corps will not destroy, Frinee Nepoleon positively lea ces for the Enst the day after to-morrow. {t in feared, however, from the delay | that has taken place, that tha, ‘expedition will not arrive , in time at the Danube; thi apprehension is, however, sought to be balanced by ‘che suggestion which has ob- tained currency—that, ater gaining » victory and satis fying the honor of his acmy, the Czar will propose terms of peace. Be this as it may, the war will be of service to the Prings, by enabling to gain a popularity of which he stands in need, in onsequence of is former co-operation with the Montagnard party. . #.—The rumor respecting M. de Montalembert was not exact. He has not given in his resignation. Great excitement prevails on the abject, and the avenues of in the materiel, and reminded his @fajesty that | «i which I have just | ‘aillant, itis said, | y possible chance of compensation, and that | lative Corps are fhronged by an anxious crowd, de Flavigny spoke in’ favor of ‘4 de | Montalembert. M. Renaud, member of the minority of the commission, and an old legitimist was extremely vio- lent against M. de Montalembert, declaring that the por- son of the ror was in question. M. Lamenter, mem- bor of the majority of the commission, is speaking in hts fayor while Tam closing my letter | THE EUROPEAN WAR, IMPORTANT DEBATE IN THE BRITISH PA LIAMENT—ANALYSIS OF THE SECS CORRESPONDENCE. In the House of Lords on the 31at of March The Farl of Ctarexpon rose and said—My lords, in rising to move your lordships to agree to the address which I have the honor-to propose in answor to the gra- cious mecsage of her Majesty which has just been read, eo ye oe ae ger eg But, my lords, with reference to that undue confidence which we have been accused of exhibiting in the Emperor of Russia, I do desire to say a fow words, and thoy will be with reference to that correspondence which has just been laid on your lordships’ table. (Hoar.) My lords, it is unneoemary for me to say that that correspondence would have remained buried in the archives of the Foreign Ofte, if we had not been challenged, and | consequently compelled, by the Emperor of Russia to produce it. (Hear, hear.) We neither desire! nor Sought these communications, but, having received them as confidential, we have behaved with scrupu- lous honor to the Emperor of Russia, and I can give your lordshiys no better f than this fact—that, in a despatch that I wrote at the end of April, in which recapitulatedthe various assurances given us by the Em- peror, I inserted one short extract, not from the despatch sent by Sir H. Seymour eontaining an account of his con- versations with the Emperor, but {rom the memorandum which the Emperor had caused to be drawn up. Count Neaselrode, observing this extract, protested against this asa breach of confidence, and req ited that it might not be inserted in that despatch when it was laid before Par- liament. We réplied that all communications of this kind were exceedingly inconvenient to a constitutional govern ment, (cheers,) but that if the Emperor thought he had just cause to complain, we would prontse him that that passage should be withdrawn from the despatch when it was laid before Parliament. (Hear.) And I can with confidence appeal to your lordships whether, in the course of the variéus discussions which have taken place, there has been any, the slightest allusion, on the part of the government, to the communications made by the Em- ror. (Hear, hear.) But, my lords, as that correspon- lence has been produced, I cau only express my satisfac- tion that it las seen the light, becuse 1 think { may say, bye trea ption, it proves that we have been honest to the Sultan, honest to our allies, and honest to the Emperor himself. (€heors.) The Kmperor voluntarily de- veloped his ideas, or rather exprossed his conviction that the dissolution of the Ottoman empire was inevitable; and we must remember that this was no singular idea on the part of the Emperor—that he had no monopoly of it— and that it was shared by thousands of persons in this country, who, at this time last year, had no idea of the vital energy and national spirit which the Turks hi since exhibited. (Hear, hear.) It was proved by books, ‘by pamphlets, by newspapers, and by a variety of statis- tical data, that the Ottoman empire could not last. The Fmperor of Russia desired to discuss this matter with us, and to arrange with us what would bo suitable, or rather what would not be suitable, to the two countrics in the event of these prophecies being realized. There was in this nothing more to excite suspicion or create alarm in 1853 than there was in 1844, or in 1829, when these ideas were first broached. But if this coun- try had participated in theso ideas of the Emperor—if we had shown that we believed the olution of Turkey to be at hand—# we had been ready to admit its dismem- berment, or shown a readiness to accept Kigypt or Candia, which were proposed to us— then, { think, the Emperor mighthave looked to the realization of his prophecy. But it was because we wished to avert that danger, and to bring the Kmperor to our view of the question, that we did not rink from his wish that we should discuss the whole question with hin. (Hear.) We fully discussed his arguments; we gave our reasons for thinking that the dissolution of the Ottoman empire was notat hand; we declared that we would not bea party to any underhand dealings, and that we would aVé no secrets from our allies; we dismissed with some- thing like silent contempt the offer of a territorial bribe (cheers); and we pointed out to the Emperor the course he ought to pursue. Well, my lords, the Emperor in re- turn said that Russia was too great in territorial extent already; that he desired no increase of territory; that the maintenance of the Ottoman Calne was 2 European necessity, and that its downfall would be a Kuropean ca- lamity ; and, though he said he should insist upon justice being done hizn by the Sultan upon the question of Ue Holy Places, yet he positively asserted that he had not moved a manor a ship at that time towards Turkey. (Heer.) And, my lords, these assurances wero given to Us, not only upon the word of the Emperor, but on the word of a gentleman, (Cheers.) His imperial majesty seems to draw some distinction between the two. (A laugh.) And these assurances were addressed, not alone tothe government, but to the Queen herseli. (Hear, hear.) In a memorandum written by the Emperor's own hand, and from his own pen, we received these assur- ances’: ‘The Emperor has, with lively satisfaction, mage himself acquainted with Lord ‘Clarendo: * despatch of the 23d of March. His Mejesty congratu! himself on perceiving that his views d those of the Rnglish Cadinee, tire! coiacide on the subject of th» political combinations whic! it would be chiefly necessary to avoid in the extreme case of the contingency occurring in the East which Russia and the hall of the i R oY ie England havo equally at heart to prevent, of, at all events, to de Sharin generally the opi home ox} necessity of the pro longed main’ ‘ur- . the Emperor, nevertheless, ing to « special point which’ I tho information received is not altogether accordance with ours. fers to the humanity and the toleration to be shown by Turkey inher manner of treating her Christian subjects, Putting aside many other examples to the con- trary of an old date, it is, for all that, noto- Fious that, recently | the cruelties commit hy Turks in Bosnia, forced bundreds of Chri to scck refuge in Austria, 6 hia to cuppose that 0 British governmont It re- with- out wishing on this occasion to enter upon a discussion as to tho symptoma of decay, more or loss evident, presented In other respects, by the Oitenian Power, or the greater or less degres of vi- tality which its internal constitution may retain, the Em- yeror will reagily agroe that the best moans of upholding the duration of the Turkish government is not to harass it hy overbearing demands, supported in a manner humiliat- ing to its independence and ite dignity. (Loud crivs of “fear, hoar.”) His Majesty is disposed, as he lias ever heen, to act upon this systom, with tho clear understanding, however, that the Of conduet shall be observed, Lont dirtinetion aly, by each of the great 50 of the sions which Hoar, hear.) jeclares that Porte, to obtai we in | might turn <6 the prejudice of the others, | This principle being laid down, the Emperor di ) he is ready to labor, in concert with England, at the com- mon work of prolonging the existence of thi urkish em- pire, setting wside ail cause of alarm on the subject of its dissolutio '¢ readily accepts the evidence offered by tl | lution, He readil the evidi fered by thi 4 Eritish Catinet of entire confidence in the uprightness of his sentiments, and the hope tint, on this basis, his alliance with England cannot fail to become stronger. (Hear, hear.) Now, my lords, this was on the 16th of April, and is the result and conclusion of a correspondence begun, appa- | rently, with very different feelings on the part of the Em- | peror of Russia from those which he now entertains; and, unlees weare to proceed upon a general system of disbe- lief and suspicion in the honor and rectitude of persons | in hijeh quarters—if at the ond gf April last, and before the real nature of Prince. Menschikoff’s mission was | known, Lad been enabled to lay this memorandum on | your lordships’ table, I think your lordships would have Yelt, as hor Majesty’s government felt at that time, that ‘Turkey was safe from the dangers in which she was soon | after involved. Cs hear.) Those dangers are ofa | very clear and substantial nature. The Emperor of Rus- | sia endeavored by treaties, or by enj ents. which should have the forée of treaties, to obtain that right of interference between the Sultan and many millions of his. subjects which would bave extended not only to a virtual rotectorate, but have conferred actual government upon, | him. Had the Sultan entered into the engagements which | were required from him, no question, however small and however trifling, connected with the control of the affairs of the Greek subjects of the Sultan could have arisen which would not have had to be determined by the Russian ambassador at Constantinople. (Hear, hear.) We shoulid | then bave seen the enlightenment, the intellizenge, | and the progress of the Greck subjects of Turkey, as well | as the free exercise of their religion, brought down ta.the same low level as those of the subjects of the Emperor of Rugeia, and any demur upon the part of the Sultan to sabmit to government of the Russian ambassador, | would have been an infraction of treaty and # legitimate cause of quarrel. (Hear, hear.) Under these cireum. stances, my lords, Russia would have been enabled t any moment, and upon any pretext, with ler powerfal fleet in the Black *ea,to render herself mistress of Conetantino- ple. I need not waste your lordship’s time by aay com- ments upon the effect of such an event as that oseurring. Wo should have found in such a caee, to our cost and to our disgrace, that the maintenance of the Ottaman em- ive, which is & matter of European necessity, was noth- ing ruore thas ‘a vague and unmenning towm. And I ‘any, my lords, that it was unworthy of the dignity Emperor of Russia, perseveringly to attribute the of me, notto the nature of the acheme itself, bus to"tho perseverance and molignity of Lord. Stratiord de Redetifie. (Cheers.) ‘The Saltan was per iectly alive to his own interests, an}, moder any circunt: stouer, would have refused the terms sought to be im- por upon bim by the Emperor of Russia. (Cheers.) True itis Lord Stratford, on being gonsulted, did not advise the Porte to commit political saicide, but thesame was given at the same time by the Vrench ador, the Austrian Internungio, and the Prussian Minister. (Cheers.) When the outrage of cecupying the Principalitios was committed, it was comfsitted as « guaranice for the fuliiment ofa treaty wich had aot heen violated. Althongh this part of the subject has heen more than once alluded to before, your loreships ust bear in mind that the whole question, as regards Finperor of Ruesia, turns upon the interpretation of the seventh article of the treaty of Kainardji, by which ihe Porte engaged to protect the Christian roligion and its chureles throughout the0tteman dominions; but so carefully did the Porte gnard ielf against any right of interference on tho part of Piassia, that, by a subse ion of the article, that intorference was limited tof making representations with respect to a church at that time buildin,g at Constantinople, and to an engagement on the parte? the Porte to take those re: presentations into consideration. (Hear, hear.) That is not the wulimited interpretationof the treaty which has been througbout itisisted upon by Russia, and for which she is now prepared to enter into war. [leave your lord ships to fudge what would have been the effect as re- | gards Russia if this scheme had succeeded, and if the Fmpfror had been entitled to demand all that was con- goxceded to him, with the additional interpretation pu upon this treaty. We have s treaty with the King of Naples. Suppose we had suddenly chosen to give an iw terpretation (o that treaty that it was an undertaking to admit British commodities free of duty, for the purpose of refdering them cheaper to his ty’s subsocts; and suppose the King: of Naples, as he was justly entitled, had resisted thin, and we had seized on Sicily & material pledge—not of any right of claim, but of our interpretation of the treaty—in that ease, I ask whether the indignation of Europe would not ave beon aroused, whether the King of Naples would not have been warranted in calling in the aid of allies? (Hear, hear.) Just such an assumption of right as this, and such an unwarranted use of power has taken placa on the part of Rusia, But, notwithstanding all that bad occurred, the mediation of Austria for the settlement of the differ: ences between Russia and the Porte was called in, and Austria invited tho aid of the other three Powers in’ this work. Though the four Powers felt that the Emperor of Ruasia had committed a great wrong, they thought it ad- visable to find for him a meaus of retreat without loss of dignity, and if the Emperor had acnepted the modified Vienna note he would have lost nothing of dignity, but in reality would have gained more. (Hear, hear.) fe re: jected the terms proposed, and Count Nesselrode then, in a note, explained what i. was that Russia really re- quired, Still, however, tho Emperor of Russia having said, after the conferences at Olmuts, that if aay fresh terms were proposed to him ho desired that they should be first settied with the Forto, the four Powors again renewed their endeavors, and their representatives at Constantinople obtained from the Porte fresh terms, giving the Emperor much more than he had a rizht demand, And it is worthy of remark that,sfter the Sultan had been compelled, in his own defence, to declare war, after the massacre at Sinope, which’ aroused nation al indignation, a fresh negotiation was begun. The terms of this negotiation were sent to Vienna, and unanimous. ly approved by the representatives of the Four Powers, who declared them to be just and honorable, and such the Emperor might accept without any loas of ths hovcr and dignity which it was thought #0 desirable to maintain, And, my lords, how were those negotiations received (Hear, hear.) The | Emperor of | Rus:ta id not even notice the terms offered him by the Porte. He disregarded the advice and recom- mentation of the four Powers, and he dis- regarded the Tighest and greatest interests of Europe and the universal expression of public opinion, (Cheers.) He, however, subsequently sent proposals of his own, in which his original demands, far from being abated, were increased, and put in a form to render them more injurious and offensive to the Port. | (Hear, hear.) Could we, under such circumstances, allow the Virtual supremacy over millions of the subjects of the | Sultan to be handed over to the Emperor of Russia? Could France and England submit to the degradation of allowing Russia to take up a position in Turkey which would be the means of inflicting death upon that coun- try, either by slow poison or by sudden death? An an- swer bas already been given by the generous and high- minded people of thia country, (cheers,) who detest aggression in whatever form it may assume, and who are always ready to protect the weak against the strong. (Loud cheers.) And, my lords, it was a sense of na- tional honor, ® sense of duty, and a desire to maintain the respect in which this country is held among the nations of the earth, that made her Majesty's government, in conjunction with the government of the Emperor of the French, feel it their bounden duty to bring this question to a final decision, and require within a given period an understanding from the Emperor of Russia, giving him notice at the same time that his refusal to comply with the terms proposed would be received as a declaration of war. (Cheers.) Late on Saturday evening last a messenger arrived with the information that the Emperor did not consider it consistent with his dignity to give any answer to the communication of the allied Powers, and on Monday her Majesty’s royal message was read in this House. I think your lordships will admit that we have been actuated by no selfish considerations—that we have sought for no territorial aggrandizement and no extension of influence. We want nothing for our trade, and wo®fear nothing for our Indian possessions. (Cheers.) For none of these would we make the sacrifices we are now about to make; but for the preservation of our honor and our self-respect we are prepared to make any sacrifice; and it isto main- tain them that her Majesty uppeals to the loyal devotion of yourlordships. (Loud cheers.) On Monday evening a noble Karl opposite expressed a wish that the agree- ments between England and France, and England, France and Turkey, should be laid upon the table. Certain papers have already been delivered, but at the present mo- ment we are not able to lay our agreement with France on the table. At present it consists simply of an exchange of notes, containing arrangements with re- spect to military operations, and which have been drawn up for the purpose of facilitating arrangements else- where, which I hope may have been concluded before now, When the arrangements are concluded the notes between Frarce and England will take a more decisive and definite form, and will then be laid upon your lord- thips’ table. With respect to the convention entered Muto, I explained to my noble friend opposite (the Earl of esbury), last night, that in consequence of a mis- understanding at the French Foreign office, the ambassa~ cor of the Emperor of the French at Constantinople had rot yet received his full powers. and consequently the treaty had only been provisionally signed. It cannot, theretore, at present be laid upon the table; but I may at once reply to the inquiries made by my ‘noble friend Lord Derby), the other evening, with respect to some fears he expressed with regard to certain rumors which had reached him, that the treaty contains no stipula- tions of any kind’ with respect to the Christian subjects (f Turkey. (Choers.) A question has been a: noble friend opposite as to the terms and which we are about to carry on the war, but I think my noble friend will not press that question, when he m be awaro that theanswer must depend upon a yast vari- ety Of exeumstances, (Hear, leur.) Cur object is to check and repel the unjust ion of Russia, but jn what manner that will be carried out, and to what con. | sequences it may lead, must depend ‘entirely upon the proverbial chances of war, upon the success that may attend our arms, and upon the activity of our allics+ When the British army went to Spain we went to assist the people of that country to defend themselves from aggression; but in 1808, or 1809, or 1810, or 1811, we cculd not say we would inake no ‘peace except upon the territorial arrangements which were ultimately fixed at Vienna. In entering on war now we do 80 to repel ag- | 1 Lelieve there is nota man in the dominions Of the Czar who does not expectihal Constantinople will ul- timately belong to Kussia. Ipwill Ue our duty, as far as we possibly can, to prevent the realization of that expecta- ion, and to take care thal a Russian occupation may never begin there. Were it to suceced, and were Russia to be in possession of Constantinople, commanding, as she would do then, the Black Sea and its shores, being enabled as she would to occupy Circassia and ‘Georgia, and con- yert the population of those frontier | countries into one mighty army, having a to the Medi- terranean and a vast naval fleet in the , and deter- mined, as the now is, to increase her naval power, with all those facilities which steam and modern invention have afforded for the transport of troops—twih ali these | advantages, were Russia in possession «f° Constancinople, it would not Le too much to say that more than one Western Power would have (o undergo the fateof Poland. (Cheers.) ‘The wealth and the intelligence and the civilization of Europe would be no more a barrier against encroach- ments upon the part of Russia than were the intelligence and civilization of ancient Rome against the encroach- ments of the Huns and Vandals, (Cheers.) if I may explain this question, it is not merely the protection of Turkey against the oggressions ef Russia that is-eon- cerned in the Faster as it is commonly called, but it is the battle of civilization against barb cheers), and the maintenance of the independence of urope. (Continued cheers.) Alveady, even without ter- policy pursued by Russia has, | in a great measure, placed ‘te Bations of Germany ina state of dependence. Several foreign governments, but | more particularly thore of Germany, bave been acted upon | by Russia with strength and intluence which have been | and always will be exercised to cheek education, the free expression of opinion, and that progress which is esse! tial to civilization. (Cheers) The object of the Bi peror of Russia has been to render other countries « pendent upon him, From the papers which have already been laid upon the table of the House your lordships must have seen at once that the submission of Austria | to the des'gns of the Emperor of Russia upon Turkey | wis taken for granted, and that, with respect to | Prussia, she was not thought worthy of mention at all. (Hear, hear.) And even after all thes had passed— even in the courre of this very year, after Austria and Prussia had signed the protocols condymning the con. | duct of the Emperor af Russia, the Emperor of Russia t a convention for the German Dewe { his advantage, and did not authorize his agent,to give | an answer to the Emperor of Austria Bimselt, when he | asked what the policy of the Emperor of Russia would be in the event of his signing that convention. Nor would the Exoperor of Russia even say whesher he would cross the Danube or not. (Hear, hear.) But the conventions | and propositions of the Emperor of Russia were rejected | in manner well calculated to maintain the dignity and independence, of Austria and Prussia. (Loud cheers.) Aud here, my lords, let me repeat what [have seid before, that this country has every reason to be sati t conduct of Ausivia. (Cheers.) She has behaved i honorable and straightforward manuer throughout the negotiations with Russia, and she has done, in her own way, and at her own time, everything that she could for the preservation of peace, and fo maintain the integrity of Turkey. (Loud cheers.) I believe sha has now placed. her army upon a war footing, and only this evening Ire- | ceived a communication stating tho position of her dif ferent ferces, which now aviount to one hundred and thirty thousend men, indep the frontier, “There Is a dilferenee of actiog between Austris and Py is desirops of exercising a vated neutrelity; but T must say that, with such a weer as is now about lo be waged upon the frontiers of both countries, v will be impossitle for either Pcwer to preserve a neutrality. At ali events, noth more rious or fatal to the best “interests of yoth these countries than a protracted war, and nothing could be better for thom than a short and de | | ritorial aggrandizement, the cisive contest, But if the two great German Powers Le divided, the veut will incvi rewlutions, and, therefore, favorable to the interests of Russia, (Hear, hear.) If Powe however, proceed in accordance with popular op ite e res which is every day more and more against Russia not be for one moment doubted that tho ultima’ will be favorable to German independence. (Loud cheer That Power which refuses to lent ilsel Russia will transfer to itself all the popular sympativy of Germany, and inio the hands of that Power will Le commu ted (he future destinies of the German nation. \inder these circumstances, I do sincerely hope that these two great Powors—taking an accurate estimate both, interests and the interests of Europe may become not only united in their policy with the “vestern Powers, but that they will undertake united accion with them, T'trust they will take the parts which beft them in this grea, or two, when ntly of her troops upon | the result of which concerns them, even moré estern Kurope. Itrust that, at the close of this we shail tind them by our side, re-establishing » avolld and secure foundation ; but that peace, Jorda, will be neither solid sor secure, unless erritorial extension and the immoderate influenced Russia be effectually restrained. (ilear, hear.) 1 peace wit! not be @ glorious pe: , do not secure equal rights and iimnmuniti tian subjecta of Turkey, not securing thom by treaties nor by a protectorate, nor by acquiring righte fa > very independence which we intend to wild bat os curing ther as the spontaneous act of tae Sultan, ame not less binding on hii hat acconrt, (hear, which he will best consult lis own interssta, and be which he will eatitle himself to the gratituce of Burope and afford to France and England the oply seturm. theg desire for the exertions which they are now > his behalf. With theso objects in view, aud if the Coooe meets, as Ttrust it will, with the unanimous support of the Parliament and people of this country, we me Dly hope that the protection of Heaven may bo ns safed to the cause which we believe to be aright one, and we may look forward boldly and fearlessly to the ret sult of this struggle in which we are about to ombark, (gecee) The noble Ear! concluded moving that aw jumble address be presented to her Majesty to reture her Majesty the thanks of this House for her most gra- cious message, and for the communieation of the several Pers whieh have been laid before it in obedience to her Majesty’s command; to assure her Majesty of the just sense we entertain of her Majosty’s anxious and uni- form endeavors to ‘erve to her people the blessings of peace, and ofour +t confidence in her Majesty's dis- position to terminate the calamities of war whénever that object can be accomplished consistently with the honor of her Majesty’s crown and the interests of hee people; that we have observed with doep concern that er Majesty’s endeavors have been frustrated by the iit ssion displayed by the Emperor of Russia jon and continued occupation of the of Wallachia and Moldavia, in the rejection of ¢q: terms of peace proposed under the sanction of four of the principal Powers of Europe, and in the preparation of ime mense forces to support his unjust pretensions; that these pretensions appear to us subversive of the inde- pendence of the Turkish empire; that we feel that the trust reposed in us demands, on our part, a firm deter- mination to co-operate with her Majest; resistance to the projects of a sovereign whose farther zr ndizement would be dangerous to the independence of Europe. The Farl of Drrsy—I rise, my lords, not for the pur- pose of offering any opposition to the adoption of the address which has just been moved by the noble earl op- posite, because Tconeur with him in thinking that this i# an occasion upon which it is of the utmost impor- tance that, whatever may be our difference of opinion 4s to the manner in which the negotiations which have preceded this issue have been carried on, this is a mo- ment, Isay—an occasion upon which it is of importance —of the utmost and most vital importance—that there should be no difference in the expression of opinion by this and the other House of Parliament—an expression of opinion which I believe, with the noble earl, will carry with it the genéral and almost universal feeling of the country—with regard to the necessity of giving effective Support to her Majesty's government in the prosecution ofthat war which, however lamentable, and however much to be deprecated as all war must be, is in itself, ia my belief, and in the belicfof the country, a just war, and which, in the prosent state of things, however different it may have been originally, is alao a necessary war. (Cheers.) I am only apprehensive, my lords, that aa her Majesty's government, up to the latest moment, have continued to hope agairst hope—that as, up to the last moment, they have spoken of peace when all around them breathed of war—so that, even at the present me- ment, they imperfectly appreciate, or, to use an Amori- can expression, they fail to “realize”? the magnitude, the importance, and the probable duration of that arduous struggle upon which we are now about to enter. I fear, too, that the country has set its hopes and expectations too high with regard to the immediate and diroct succoms of the war which weare about to undertake. I fear that it underrates the resources—more especially for the pur- poses of defensive warfare—of the great antagonist whomn we have to meet; that it underrates the difficulties whiok, must be thrown’ in the way of even. the best combined operations of the most gallant armies and of the mout powerful fleets, from circumstances against which neither bravery nor conduct can secure those fleets and armies. If I venture, my lords, at this moment, when we are entering upon a great war, to call your attention and the attention of the countey toits importance, to its magnitude, and to ita possi duration, it is not with a view of discouraging that entha- siasm which the noble earl describes to be felt by the nation on this question—it is with no wish to damp the ardor and eagerness of the people of this country to sup- port, at whatever ancrifice to themselves, that whiol they believe to bea just and sacred ciuse; but Ido it, well knowing the character and nature of ‘my country= men, believing that their energies, their eagernoaa, and their enthusiasm would rather be increased and excited than diminished by having placed before thom plainly and distinctly the magnitude of the straggle and the greatness of the sacrifices for which they must be pre- pared, Tthink nothing could be so unfortunate as that we should enter upon this great struggle with an idea en- tertained on the part of a great portion of the country— still less with an idea entertained and encouraged on the partof Her Majesty's government—that this war is like- ly to be an affair of trifling duration. (Hear, hear.) I | long duration; it is | ter upon it in'so fulla state of to sign for | + ald | ) self to the desivas of \ nai document, binding w of their own | in the Foreign cannot conceive a greater mortification, I ‘con- ceive u greater discouragement than that’ this country should feel after two or three cam that they | made but little progress towards ‘tainment. of e object which they had been led to believe would be in- stantaneous of execution. It is infinitely better to know: beforehand the actual extent of that which we are about to undertake, than lightly to contract hopes and expeg- tations which may be baffled by the result. It is however, because think this war is likely to be one not because I fear that wado not on- Preparation as could be wished; it is not because I fear that, for the defensive, the Emperor of Iussia, even if he receives neither co- operation nor neutrality, is a formidable antagonist; ivis not on that account that I join in deprecating a war which, however easily it might have been avoided in its origin, has now, I think, become necea- sary for the protection of the liberties of Europe. I com- cur fully with the noble earl opposite in thinking that the possession of Constantincple would, in point of fact, give Russia an crerwhelming power, which would render her mistress and arbitrator of Europe and a great part of Asia. Looncur with him, also, in thinking—although E think he did not express that opinion, yet it is one which he must entertain—that the assumption of that amount of influence, of that protectorate which Rassia claims over ‘Turkey, will eventually, if allowed by the rest of Europe, give her the same power, and place her in the same position in Europe, as if she forcibly occupied that country with her armiés, (Hear, he It is impor- tant that We should understand what it is for which we are about to contend, and what position that is which is demanded by Russia, I concur with the noble earl thinking that from the very first moment the proten- sions of Russia to thix protectorate, for which she hae througheat uniformly contended, were pretensiona which it. was impossible to admit, and pretensions which, if admitted, would place her in a position of sovereignty over Turkey. It is, th not merely for the expulsion of the Russi | the provinces, but for the purpose of placing tho relations between win and Turkey, by tho act of universal Europe, upon a footing’ which shall be that of two independant States, not that of one State nominally independent of the other, but reall throttled and strangled under a protectorate. (Hear Tconcur, then, with the noble earl that this is a just and necessary war, and t fear it is now inevitable; but | in necepting the challenge which has been thrown out by the noble earl opposite to onter upon a discussion of the revelations which have been made by the secret papers lately Inid on the table oc the House, Lam afraid Dame not prepared to go along with him in tho view | whieh he takes as to the deception which he thinks hea been practised towasds this country by Russia, or | with the conviction, which he still entertains, that with treconfidence which they had it the representations made to them by the Emperor of Russia, her Majesty's government were justified in supposing that there was n@ danger to the pence of Europe arising from those, preten~ sions. I must go further, I must say that, meaning ao personal disrespect, I belleve this war would never have taken ploce, thas taese pretensions never would have heen put forward, if, at the very timo of this particular te the ‘noble carl opposite had not beem (Cheera, and counter cheers.) It is impoa- 0 enter upon the consideration of these papers at referring, im the first instance, to that memoran- Cnm—that secret memoranduin which has been produced on the table by the noblsearl. I mean the memo- random which I, erroneously, had always supposed te have heen prepared by Baron Brunow, but which is now stated to be the memorandum of Count Nesselrode, dra wm up in 1844. The endorsement upon this temorandum ia one of @ singular gharacter. It is stated to be a memo- randvm framed upon communications received from the Fmperor of Russia subsequent to his imperial Majesty’ visit to England. Now, I dare say tho. memorandum was framed subsequently to his imperial Majosty’s visit to England; bat Ido not understand what are those com- munications from the Emperor to which reference is made. Ido not nnderstand whether they were commani- cations to Count Nessolrode—though that can hardly be the meaning of the endorsement—or whether they were communications to her Majesty’s government, made sub- sequently to the Emperor's visit. If so, where are these communicstions? correspondence--there . there was & diplomatic Yeapatehes to are however, in themode | quced—but no despatches have been prodaced on this The latter Power | part of the subject. If Lam not mistaken, however, this, memorandum, at whatever time it might haye been as framed in consequence of commun‘ention ieations—which took place wt the pe: Emperor's visit to this conatry in 1844. It was fram- cd, I believe, after personal—not official—eommunica tions with two or three ministers, of whom the noble Kari is, at the present moment the only survivor, and after ® special personal communication with the noble Far! bim- bly be in favor of | cell, who at that time filled the office of Foreign Seore~ preseat | tezy. ‘The document itself is of a very remarkable char- acter. It is not aa official document—it is not one, T think T ean venture to say, which was brought under the | cognizance or consideration of the cabinet of which the | noble Earl and myself were at Re va of ent at all, - 1 was not an official Ciena eg imeel rot | bindin ‘tdogree upon aay subsequent min- | fater OF the Poceitn oftce Tt remained not with the ordin- | ary papers of the Foreign office, but in the custody of each successive Secretary of State, with no cory of it whatever ‘ofice, Ihave reason to know the great importance which Russia atiaches to this document, because, when I acceded to office, 1 had occupied the sit uation which I then had the honor to hold searcely a dag both to myself and to my noble friend

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