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consols which closed yesterday at pesexperipncen no fluctuations this morning. except ‘between 1003¢ and 1003, and the closi queation wae 003¢ "The foreign stock market but ‘operations have extremely limited, owing genetal inactivity of business. . Panis Bourse, July 5—Half-past 3 o'clock.—The mar- Ket opened at a advance on the closing quota- tions of Sati was well maintained ‘ it have iiproved Se; Threeh Se. tho later closing at ve 5 s er 102f 80c., and she latter at Tif. 650. For cash, Four-and- a Cents are l5c.. and Threes, 250. ing 102f. 65c. and 71f. 45c. Foreign securities ve not been much dealt in. but former prices have been weil maintained. The share market has been also firm, and some few of the lines show a further im- provement. Mancursten State or Trape, July 6 —~Although the fecday, bostusss belig interrupted by the interest ness being rupt interest Bey by the approaching elections. India counts may beconsidered worse to sell, and 46 inch shirtings are barely steady; 60 to 64 reeds may. in some instances, be bought 3d. per piece below the extreme rates of ‘last month, sich The Latest. LIVERPOOL BOROUGH ELECTION FOR PARLIAMENT. The candidates were nominated on Tuosday, and the following are their flags:— Mackenzie and Turner—Our Protestant religion, ships, colonies and-commerce, town and trade of Liverpool. Opposed by Cardwell and Ewart—Free trade. Polling commenced on Wednesday, and at noon Mackenzie and Turner were 1,000 ahead. THE MARKETS. Livenroor Conn Manxet, Wednosday, 7th, noon.—(By Bisities halisaetekcn ection? Ou pais mate steady, ‘The Mass Meetings of the Whigs and Democrats. errr WASHINGTON’S HEADQUARTERS, Rennes THE BATTLE OF LUNDY’S LANE. ‘The Democrats. GRAND MASS MEETING AT WASHINGTON’S UEAD- QUARTERS, NEWBURG, JULY 26TH. PIERCE, KING, AND VICTORY. “OUR FLAG 18 STILL THERE” —THE DEMOCRACY ALWAYS PHANT WHEN UNITED, Tho demoer: republican electors of the rivor counties, Long Island, and the city of New York, are requested to attend the grand mass meeting, to be heldat Washington’s Headquuarters, on Mon: na July 26, to respond to the nomination of Franklin Pierce, of Now Hampshire, for President, and Wm. R. King, of Alabama, for Vice President. Many of the most distinguished speakers of the Union Will ad the meeting. By order of the Committeo of Arrangements. At a meeting of the Committee of enonea for the \d mass mestink, to be held-at Washing- ton’s Headquarters, Newburg, on the 26th inst., held rams Hall; July 12th, 1852, it was Resolved, That Senatorial districts, clubs, &., that intend to participate in the meeting, be requested to com- their arrangements as soon as possible, and report particulars to the sub-committee at Newburg. Resolved, That we recommend the clubs and associa- tions of the city of New York and Long Island to leave the North river at 7 o'clock, A. M.,and proceed up the river ina squadron, 80 as to arrive at Newburg at the fame hour. The I committees of the river counties are rerpetflly requested to send their delegates, and ents to convey our fellow-democrats to the uarters, aud send report to the chair- man. A ed to meet at Newburg at 9 o'clock on the ma of the 26th inst. By order, als A. M. SHERMAN, Chairman. . T. GALLAGHER, : Micnasz Harrin, i Secretaries. The Whigs. BATTLE OF NIAGARA. The Committee of Arrangements for the oclobra- tion of the coming anniversary of the battle of Lun- ors Lane, at Niagara Falls, on the 27th and 23th of July instant, met at Niagara Falls on the 15th instant, for the ae Seer nns with their duties—George W. Holley, Hsq., in the chair; A M. Clapp was appointed Secretary. On motion, the committee resident at Niagara Falls were authorized to appoint a chief marshal and assistants for the occasion. Gen. P. Whitney, who served with Gen. Scott at wn, and was taken prisoner with him in that action, was appointed, and will serve a3 Mar- ghal-in-Chief during the anniversary. The committee then adopted the following ORDER OF PROCEEDINGS FOR THE CELEBRATION OF THE BATTLE OF LUNDY’S LANE. Finst Day—Jvry 27. The morning of the 27th will be devoted to the receiv- ing of the deiegations and guests by the Marshals and Committee of Keception, and to arranging the encamp- ment. At 12 o'clock M.a national salute will! be fired from the encampment ground. and the procession will form on the road adjacent thereto, in the following order :— 1—The miiitary—artilery and infantry corps. 2 —Carringes with the soldiers of 1812, and of the Mexi- can and other campaigns, 3.—Carviages with the orators, and other invited gues IMPORTANT FREE SOIL CORRESPONDENCE, Letter from Senator Chase, of Ohio, to Hen. B. F. Batler, of New York. Wasuineton Crry, July 15, 1852. Duar Src— The year 1848 will bo memorablo in history a3 & yout of movement, of progress, of onfranchisement. in that year it was my fortune to be closely asso- ciated with Pp in political action. We were both members of the convention of the free democracy which assembled at Buffalo; hoth members of the committee which unanimously reported the reso- lutions which were unanimously adopted by the convention as its platform; and both members of the committeo designated by the convention to advise Martin Van Buren of his nomination, as the candidate of the free democracy, for the Pro- sidency of the United States. The grand object of that assemblage, declared by itself, was ‘the union of the people, under the banner of free democracy, in a solemn and final declaration of thoir independence of the slave power, aud of their fixed ae tion to rescue tho federal government from its control.” The immodiate and pressing necessity of the hour was the exclusion of slavery from the territories acquired from Mexico; but it'was clearly understood that this exclusion, if accom: ed, would not be a final settlement of. the controversy between slavery and free- dom. It was seon, on the contrary, that tho slave power, resulting from the unity and mag- nitude of the slave interest, and its firm estab- lishment in nearly half the States, would still be able to control the national govornment, proscribe its opponents through the aotion of na- tional administrations, by its old policy of refusing support to any political party not prepared to acquiesce in its demands, and giving support to that party which would most completely acquiesce. The convention, therefore, did not con- fine itself to a simple declaration in favor of the prohibition of the extension of slavery into free tor- ritory, and the nomination of candidates hostile to such extension ; but while denying tho right of in- terference by Congress with slavery within the limits of any State, resolved, nevertheless, that it is the duty of the federal government to relieve itself from all responsibility for the existence or continu- ance of slavery, wherever that government possesses constitutional power to legislate on the subject, and is thus responsible for itsexistence ; accepted ‘the issue tendered by the slave powor” and to its ‘* de- mand for more slave States and more slave terri- tory,” gave ‘the calm but final answer, no more slave States, and no slave territory;” and declared that “the government ought to return to its origi- nal policy, which, as the history of the country clearly shows, was not to extend, nationalize, or en- courage, but to limit, localize, and discourage sla- very.” Having thus defined their position in respect to slavery, and having, also, unanimously agreed upon a Weta of principles and measures, em- bracing all the important political questions of the day, the members of the conventien solemnly pledged themselyes to each other and the country, in this emphatie declaration :— Resolved, That we inseribe on our banner, Free Soil, Free Speech. Free Labor,and Free Men. and under it will fight on and fight ever, until a triumph and victor; thall Yeward our exertions’ . mais I well remember the gratification and delight which you expressed upon the unanimous adoption of this platform by the committee, and when, as its AIR TO reported it to the convention. The scene which then ensued will not soon fade from the memory of pet who witnessedit. The vast multi- tude, animated by one impulse, literally shouted for joy. They seemed to feel that democracy had. at length, broken the bonds cf the slave power, and would henceforth have free course in its mission of enfranchisement and elevation, and that our coun- try, guided pris maxims, and penetrated by its spirit, would henceforth exhibit to the world the ex- ample of a government openly, fearlessly, and con- sistently in favor of freedom everywhere and for all. Nor shall I over alte the honorable zeal with which the New York democracy joined in this great movement for human liberty. ‘heir devotion to freedom was not then for the first time proved, No sooner had it become evident that the war with Mex- ico must result in vast accessions to the territory of the republic, than, with signal unanimity, they joived in the demand for the exclusion of slavery from the new acquisitions. At first they were ai- most unanimous inthis demand; but the proscriptive denunciations with which the slave interest assailed all the friends of prohibition, shook the resolution of many, and converted the forward zeal of some into cold indifference or open hostility. The radical democracy of New York, however, stood firm, and when, in 1847, the ae of the proviso, having obtained, as it was al leged, by force and fraud, the control of the Democratic Convention at Syracuse, re- jected a resolution in favor of that great measure, the radical democracy assembled at Herkimer, in- seribed the proviso of freedom on their banner, and rejected the nominations of the Syracuse conven- tion, ensuring thereby their rejection by the people. ‘The members of the Legislature, which assemb!ed the succeeding winter at Albany, reprosenting both divisions of the democracy, united in a eall for a State convention to mect at Ut to appoint dele- gates to the Baltimore National Convention, agree- ably to the established nesges of the party. A com- mittee of the Syracuse Convention had already called another convention, to meet at Albany, fur the same purpose. Both conventions assembled and appointed delegates. The appointees of the regu larly called Utica Convention were friends—those 0 the Albany Convention opponents—of the proviso Both sets of delegates attended at Baltimore. Some Michigan. IUinois, Wisconsin, &e.. &e. ‘The preceseion, when formed, will move through the principal streets to the Ferry Grove, where the meeting will organize. The meeting will be addressed from the several stands simultaneous'y, until the hour of adjournment. At 7}, o'clock P. M. the meeting will re-assemble in the grove, where new speakers wili be introduced. At sundown, a national salute will be tired. Srcown Day—Jury 23. At sunrise a national salute will be fired. At 9 o'clock A. M. the military will parade. and be re- viewed by Gen. Scott and Cov. Hunt. At 12 o'clock, the people will assemble at the grove, where they will be addressed until § o'clock, when the convention will adjourn sine die. The several delegations will report to the Chief Mar. shal or his aids immediately upon landing The grounds selected for the celebration are con- veniently located and well adapted to the purpose. Those set apart for the encampment are on the easterly ekicts of the town, about one hundred rods from the Catavact. They are interspersed with fields and groves, extending from the Niagara river northwa:i t> a point some distance north of the Buffalo and Niagara Falls Railroad. They afford emple roem and accommodations for 100,000 per- sons. aty eneampment and the grounds ior the delegations are adjacent. “ The grounds selected for the meeting are situated in what is termed Ferry Grove, lying adjacent to the American Falls. it will accommodate a vast concourse. i Speakers’ stands w li bo crested in various parts The of the « i uil will be shielded by a grate- ful sho : The | Vreemen of America! rally for): 2 of froedom’s bat- tles than Come one, come a as th ma, vended, navies are stranded, G. W. Houver. Chairman Come asthe Wu A M. Crare, Secretary (From the Albany Evening Journal.) We rejoice to learn that Gen. Scott has yielded to the solicitation of the citizens of Western New York, backed by the entreaties of his old comrades, to revisit the fields upon which he fought and bled Lut conquered, in 1814. It is time—high time that the fields of Chippewa and Bridgewater should witness a popular demonstration of American gratitude. s ° The Niagara frontier is the scene of Scott's earlies exploits. It was there that he ‘fleshed his maiden swoid”’—it was there that he fought battles which established the bravery and prowess of an American army— battles which taught England to respect and all Europe to honor us. : The review, therefore, of the troops which the oc- easion will draw together, will be one of exceeding interest. A review of 40,000 Austrian conscripts, by the Emperor of Russia, which we saw a few weeks since, dazzled the eye; but the review of 10,000 citizen soldiers by the voteran hero of Queenstown, Chippewa, Lundy’s Lane, Cerro Gordo and Churubusco, (who resembles the Emperor of Russia only in his majestic form and soldierly bearing.) will touch the hearts of 100,000 grateful Americans. Literary Review: Tue Hoy BIBLE, TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN VuLGars, with NoTES, by the Rey. G. H. Hay- dock. New York: Dunigan & Brother.—We have before us the first number of this Bible, issued under Catholic auspices, which is handsomely got up and inted on beautiful type, and elaborated with notes; ut which we are bound to say exhibit some strange inconsistencies with the principles of acknowledged learning and science. It isa superior and attrac- tive work. Grauaws MaGazine, July: Dewitt & Daven- port. —This periodical exhibits its usual amount of italent, diversity and entertainment. The Agt Unton, for July, continues to sustain its high character. Fravps vron Emtarants.—The old tricks of the — ticket sellers, in the Eastern citios, are con- tinued still. We saw no less than three cases of fraud doveloy on a single steamboat the other night, in which passengers that came in on the ex! train, on presenting their tickets for the Lake, found them worthless. Albany still appoars to bo the hoad quarters where most of these frauds of the slave States, as usual, were represented by numerous delegations, vastly disproportioned to their electoral votes, and were unanimous in their hostility to the proviso and its friends. The Committee on Credentials reported against the admission of the Utica, and in favor of the admis- sion of the Albany, delegates. The convention re- jected the report; and yet, refusing to decide the uestion of right, resolved to admit both sets, thereby neutralizing poeroran of the regular dele- gation quite as effectually as if they had been ex- eluded. Thus proscribed on account of their prin- ciples, the New York delegation refused to take seats in the convention, and, returning to their constituent, issued a call for a convention of the New York democracy, to aseemble at Utica, on the 22d of June, for the purpose of taking into consider- ation the existing condition of political affairs, and naming candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency. The convention assembled, and nominated Martin Van Buren, of New York, and Henry Dodge, of Wisconsin, as candidates for President and Vice President, and issued an able address to the people in vindication of their position and action. In this address, the convention, after declaring in the most explicit terms the devotion of the New York demo- cracy to the principles and measures of the demo- eracy of the Union, said :— ‘The head and front of our offending consists merely in this—we bad simply declared that, while we would faith- fully adhere to all the compromises of the constitution. and would maintain inviolate all the reserved rights of the States, we were ‘uncompromisingly opposed to the extension of slavery, by any action of the federal govern- ment. into the territory of the United States, already or hereafter to be acquired, in which it does not exist; and to this end we desired. and, so far as our efforts constitutionally directed cor!d omplish it, we de- signed. that the prohibit ery contained in the ordinance of 1787—first proposed in 1784 by Thomas Jet- firson—should ‘e applied to these territories, so long as they rhould remain under the government of Cougress, But. before the assembling of the Baltimore Convention, the slave power, in many of its conclaves, sat in jueg ment of these opinions, condemned them as heretic: denounced all who held them as apostates from the de- mocratic faith, and resolved to support no one for the Presidency or Vice Presidency who should adopt them. It was to carry out these predetermina give effect to these foregone conclusions, that gates were place | under the ban. Be The effect of these denuuciations npon the timid and the time-serving was vividly portrayed in the address, ns was also the energy und decision of the New York democracy in this hour of freedoni’s eril. Pla thts tntoward state of things—said the conven. tion—amid this increasing defection to the interests of freedom—the democracy of the State of New York felt it their duty to intervene. They opposed themselves tothe current, and. if they could not wholly arrest. they stayed its progress. In their primary and other conventions. through the preea.and in the various other forms in which. in this quarter of the Union. the masses are wont to make known their sentiments and wishes, the voices of the freemen of our State was lifted up to warn, to en- courage. and to rally the friends of freedom, the lovers of justice. and the ruy ers of the constitution. Stifled at Syracuse, it pealed in trumpet tones at Herkimer and Utica. and has since been re-echoed from every hill-top in the State. It wasin this spirit of devotion to justice, freedom, and the constitution, and with the noble purpose of bringing back the government to the policy of Jef- ferson, that the nominations of the New York de- mocracy were made at Utica, in 1848. Contemporaneously with the Utica Convention, the opponents of slavery extension and the slave power in Ohio, assembled at Columbus, rejected the nominees of both the pals and democratic national conventions, a8 unfriendly to freedom, and sum- moned a national convention, to meet at Buffalo on the 9h of August. A similar assemblage in Massa- chusetts concurred in that summons. General Dodge, of Wisconsin, declined the Utica nomination, and the New York democracy deter- mined not to supply the vacancy, but to unite with the National Convention, at Buffalo, in presenting to the American people candidates represonting their principles. When the Convention assembled, it was found to be composed almost wholly of democrats; of liberty men, thoroughly democratic in their principles and views of Dabo policy; and of whigs, whose attach - ment to whig measures had been overcome by their devotion to freedom, and their opposition to the encroachments of slavery and the usurpations of the slave power. The New York democracy naturally took the lead. ‘ Preston King, a New York, democrat, prominent in Congress and at Baltimore, was chairman of the | are po rated in all sorts of ways.—Buffalo Com- mercies Advertiser, Vth inst first inforwal meeting, on the evening preceding stated iples which must form tho basis of | of this State ia, thatthey cannot and will not aworve | those years following return from Mexico, whon the organization in which they were about is mn; and as for me, 4 shall live and | the New Hampshire democracy took ground againat to unite. Ho was requested to ombody those die by it. This oominittee have not reported that | territorial slavery and nationalized « bpd in this pes in resolutions, and present thom to the Conven- |~as a resolution, ard have, therefore, fallen far short | District. In his recent letter, accepting the nomi- ion upon its oponing the next day, asthe viows of | of what I want suid; but, nevortheless, they do aay | nation of the Compromise Democratic Couvontion, tho meoting. Three reselutions wore accordingly | somotbing.”” ‘ however, after declaring with what “ pride and drawn up by him and presented to the Convention. ‘The speech to which My. Van Buren referred, wag ratitude” ho should cherish the rocollection of Tinsert thom, that it may be distinctly seen what was the line of action in t to slavery, recom: mended by the New York democracy to the Buffalo Convention :— Resolved. That it is the duty of the foderal govern- ment to relieve iteelf. of all responsibility for the exten- sion or continuance of slavery, wherever that goverm- ment porsesses constitutional authority, and is respon: sible for its existence, Resoived, That the States within which slavery exista, are alone responsible for the continuance or existence of slavery within such States, and the federal government has neither responsibility nor constitutional authority to abolish or regulate slavery within the States Resolved, The true and, in the judgment of t his Con- vention, the nef safe means of preventing the extension of slavery into the territories now free, is to prohibit its existence in all such territories by an act of Congress, These resolutions, unanimously approved by the Convention, wero reforred to the Committee on Resolutions, of which you were chairman. I have already apoken of the harmony which characterized the labors of that committee—tho unanimity with which they agreed upon tho platform, and the unani- mous enthusiasm with which the convention, with one voice, ratified it. You have not forgotten it— you will never forget it. , That platform, thoroughly democratic in its prin- ciples and ures, and cordially accapted by the New York democracy, made it easy for the Conven- tion to adopt the Utica nominations far the Presi- doncy as their own, although a large number of its members were already committed to the support of a New Hampshire demoorat, ever faithful to free- dom, and then endeared to them the more by the characteristic magnanimity with whioh ho had xced the nomination which had been conferred on ‘im at the disposal of the convention. Martin Van Buren, therefore, received the nomi- nation for the Presidency, while Charles Francis Adams, a grandson of the foremost and ablest champion of the Declaration of Independence, aad ason ofthe most distinguished and indefatigable defender of the right of petition and the liberties of the people, received the nomination for the Vice Presidency. Tho first of these distinguished citi- zens, himselt an unwavering democrat, had been elevated to the highest political distinctions, both State and national, by the democratic party, while the second, though ‘hitherto in party connection a whig, was a whig of the revolutionary stamp—of the school of Franklin and Jefferson—not ‘of that modern school, marked by devotion to tho interests of property rather than to the rights of man. t is enough to say of these nominations, and of the canvass which ensued, that by this action of the independent democracy, the Brohibiton of slavery in Oregon was secured, and the exclusion of slavery from the other territories was made the most pro- minont theme of political discussion, and both the other parties in the free States were compelled to declare themselves in favor of it; while the whole relations of the federal government to slavery were calbentedt toa thorough investigation, convincing multitudes that the best interests of the people, as well as the correct interpretation of the constitution, demand the total divorce of the federal government from slavery. At the close of tho canvass, it was found that three hundred thousand electors, nearly one-ninth of all the voters in the United States, had enrolled themselves on the sido of freedom. What, then, was to be done? No one seemed to think the contest over, and the time for disbanding arrived. On the contrary, the organi- zation was everywhere maintained; and overtures for union and concert came from that division of the democracy, which, during the recent canvass, had vainly expected success from concessions to slavery. In Wisconsin and Vermont the two di- visions of the democracy united upon thoroughly democratic platforms, ‘unsullied compromise with wrong. In Ohio and in Massachusetts partial union and co-operation took place. In New York the negotiations for a union were protracted—con- ventions of both divisions met at Rome, but sepa- rated without results. At length, however, a State ticket was arranged, each division nomina- ting half the candidates, independently of the other, and both divisions agreeing to sup- port the whole ticket. Many of the free soil democrats manifested a strong repugnance to this arrangement. They earnestly desired to maintain their own distinct organization until the other division of the democracy should be willing to accept their principles of freedom as the political faith of the united demooracy. They expressed strong apprehensions that a union upon any other basis would result in the compromise, and final abandonment, of their principles. To remove these apprehensions, and reconcile to the union a body of earnest men, whose adhesion was ind spensable the success of the united tic i resolut reiterating the principles o} were adopted by the free soil divis'« at Utica, and hes were inide by Buren, Henry B. Stanton, and ot! strongest assurances that the pro) ensure the recognition of their prin tire democracy of New York. An extract from a speech of Mr. Van Buren, up- on the introdu lutions, will show the character of these assuran: I will state (he we expect. We exyy this State the great anti-sla through it. to make the a States the great anti slavery party o Tnited States ‘These who do not contemplate this result will do well to get ont of the way: for there is no doubt that, when our principles get fairly before the people. so that they can hear them. and know what they are—and we have made arrangements for that now—that the whole people will gowith us, And our Southern friends. having bad things all their own way for the last twenty-five or thirty years, must make up their minds to let us have our own way for awhile. we being fair men, and reasonable in our de- monds. Theee assurances prevailed, and the united ticket was agreed to. Immediately after this, both divisions af the party met in mass convention, at Syracuse. At this con- vention a resolution on slavery was adopted, affirm- ing the constitutional power of Congress over slave- ry in the District of Columbia and the territories, but not recommending the exercise of the power in respect to the District, and only recommending its exercise in regard to the territories ** on oceasions of attempts” to introduce slavery into them The resolvtion further declared, that simple agreement in support of the ticket and not concurrence, even in these views, was to be made the basis of the union. This was certainly a serious retrogression from the position taken at Buffalo, and, only two days before, at Utica; and yet the leaders of the radical demo- oracy still assured the friends of freedom that all was safe, and that the entire democracy of New York would advance to the impartial application of democratic principles to all questions, slavery in- cluded, and-array its unbroken strength against the encroachments of slavery, and the domination of the slave power; and many earnest opponents of slave- ry, relying on these assurances, gave to the united ticket, not a hesitating and reluctant, but a cordial and vigorous support. % 4 What ground they had for such reliance will ap- pear from declarations made at the Syracuse mass convention, and on other occasions, about the same time, by gentlemen who possessed their undivided confidence. Amorg there gentlemen, Preston King stood very pominent. His action in Congress, his course at uffalo, his high repute incerity and integrity, had knit to him the atte of the free soil de- mocracy. He was forte the massconventic 4 “The great q now is, shall the intereets of s power, predominate over tho prine Jom n this country. There is no doubt that this is the nominent question befere the country. jing ie re isno doubt that the reason for not expressing such sentiments on thie subject entertnined, s the appre ion that the » States will be os ‘There is no doubt that this mercenary ¢ja- ideration hinders many from speaking out’ what they think and feel. ; sto unite the party, 0 that its action may be unani- mous in Congress in favor of freedom And that action must be unanimous. We mast require that every member of Cougress from the North shail stand firm upon this question. I believe that our conventions at Rome and Utica were sincere and unanimous in the determination to sacrifice every- thing else except Le oe he to procure a union, and equally unanimous in the determination not to sac- rifice a particle of principle. 1 believe, and we be- lieve, that nine-tenths of the Cass men agree with us on this question. If not, I should not desire this union; but, for certain reasons which are unknown to me, certain men who have had much in- fluence with them, are not here. Perhaps they do not agree with us, and do not desire this union. In the county in which I reside, there are many meu belonging to a party which united their strength with ours last year, at Buflalo, in a way which ex- cited my admiration. They wished to see the ad- vancement of the principles of freedom, and showed no solicitude about the distribution of offices. us now be true to principle under this union, and they will go with us, and so will all honest and liberty-loving men; but the moment we abandon this principle they will quit, and I will quit with ples by the ea- tic puty of this State, and, ty of the United ng other tl 2 John Van Buren, who had been regarded as the Ceour de Lion of tho free democracy, and whose bold voice for freedom had rung throughout the land like a trumpet call, everywhere arousing en- thusiasm, and everywhere inspiring determination, also addressed this mass convention. After declar- ing, in strong terms, his unaltered convictions on the subject of slavery, and the existing necessity for speech ard action, he said:—‘ I have had occasion niied upon to address | The object of this convention | Let | notiod new, that the gonoral judgment of the people deliv at Cleveland, om the anniversary of the ordinance ot 1787, just ene month previous to the assembling of the mass convention, at Syracuse, In that speoch he bad thus defined his position :-— When I have heard it said that mo’ slaveholder sho be President of the United Siates, I have dissented Warhington was a siavebolder; so was Jeferson, Madison, and Monroe, When a siaveholder like them shall sustain our principles, he can bring to our aid a cines of men no other man can reach; (acrefore, 1 do not think it proper to take such a position, Tam, however. the anmitigated enemy of slavery, aud would have it abolished without delay, Isay, therefore for myself—and I wish to be un- derstood as speaking for myself alone—that. let what will come. I shall. under no necessity whatever, «upport @ man who does not believe slavery to be an unmixed curse, and who will not, by virtue of bis office, use ull constitutional power to abolish it, But I ask by what mode are we to reach the object inview? The answer is pinin, By going buck directly to that adopted and pursued by the im mortal founders of our government. It is comprised briefly in this, No more slave S tates—uno moresiave ter- ritories—the withdrawal of the support of the federal vernment from slavery. and the abolition of it wherever it can be reached by constitutional means, I kvow very well we have no power to touch it within the States where it now exista; but, even there, we can surround it by free States, whose action and example will wear it away. Against compromise, that insidious enemy of li- berty, he thus emphatically warned his hearers :— All our danger lies in compromise. ken see to it, that those who represent you are faithful to the eause of Hicegl see toit, that they make no compromise with slavery. While there prominent free soil democrats thus gave their sanction to the proposed union, it was un- derstood, also, that the measure received the appro- bation of Martin Van Buren, who, in his lotter ac- ose, tae Buffalo nomination, had not ouly de- clared himself as ‘‘approving of tho platform whieh the Convention had adopted,” but as ‘‘ conscieus, from my impressions of right and duty in regard to it, that I shall be among the last to abandon it;’’ and who, in a very recent letter to ths Cleveland Convention, had declared his unchanged conviction, that “the influence of the government should be Kare actively and perpetually on the side of free- om. Quotations of this character might be extended in- indefinitely. They might be gathered from the speech- es and letters of public men—from the resolutions and addresses of political assemblages and committees— and from the columns of the press—but it is not no- cessary. Noone can doubt that the masses of the earnest free soil democracy were induced to go into the union by the ripe and expectation that the en- tire democracy would unite in the great purpose to divorce the general government from slavery, and resist all future compromises with wrong; and by their conviction that, in case this hope and expecta- tion should be disappointed, that they who were now foremost in recommending the union would bo foremost in repudiating it. That there was ground for the opinion so confi- dently expreseed in respect to the prevalence of free toil opinions among the democratic masses, was made sufficiently apparent by the answer of the candidates to the interrogatories OUanInE Wet: positions on the slavery question; among which answers, that of Mr. Chatfield, nominated by the hunkers for Attorney General, was as decisive, as explicit in its anti-sla- very character, as that of either of the radical de- mocrats. Not many months, however, elapsed, be- fore an occasion presented itself for testing, in a more striking manner, the consequences of thé union. Congress assembled in December, 1849, and the whole question of slavery and slavery extension was brought into discussion. The result is now before us, strengthened by the influence of several promi- nent democrats, and aided by the whole power and influence of the whig administration. Henry Clay succeeded in carrying through beth houses that se- ries of bills now known as the Compromise measures It is due to the memory of that distinguished states- man to say, that those measures, as sketched in the resolutions submitted by him to the Senate, though they did not yield a single demand of the free soil democrats, were yet much less obnoxious in their cburacter, that they finally became through the al- terations by which it was sought to recommend them to slave State Senators. at it 18 due to truth, further to say, that not a single amendment was mace in any one of the Compromise bills, designed to make the bills more acceptable to the opponents otslavery. Every change was against liberty. The admission of California into the Union se- cured indeed the territory within its limits against the introduction of slavery, except through the act of the State itself; and the probivition ot the slave uade in the District of Columbia relieved the city of Wallington cf the slave pens which had disgraced bough it continued to slavery it Cinna trafic in human beings withir full protcetion of national legisla ch converted a vast district of free ‘y into slave soil—assumed five millions of the State debt dertook, without any consti- viens] wanant, to bind future Congresses to admit } ates out of New Mexico and Utah, should auts allow slavery—and, in plain viola- n of the con-titution, in derogation of State s, and in disregard of the common principles of ce ond humanity, attempted to degrade the wien of the North and West into the slave i Lers of the general government, were ail utterly spt to the principles of radical democracy prove of any of these acts, or to acquiesce in ny of them, except the act providing for the settle- ment of the Texan boundary, and the payment of the Texan debt—which was in its nature irrepeal- able—seemed impossible for democrats who had pledged their faith to freedom at Buffalo and Utica. Under these circumstances, the democracy of New York met in convention at Syracuse, on the 10th of Seprember, while the Compromise Congress was yet in session. A united ticket for State officers was again nominated ; but the resolutions uttered no | condemnation of the obnoxious measures of the | Compromise, which the free soil democrats in Con- | gress had perseveringly oppoved; urged no action against nationalized slavery; failed even to recom- mend the repeal or modification of the Fugitive Slave law--more odious and more irreconcilable with democratic ideas than the Alien and Sedition laws—but “congratulated the country” upon the passage of the Compromise measures, styled by the convention, ** The recent settlement, by Congress, of the questions which have unhappily divided the people of these States!” Concurrence in this ac- tion by the radical democracy, was a virtual aban- | donment of the positions maintained at Rome and | Utica, and even of the lower ground takea by the | mass convention at Syracuse. | Disregard of the claims of freedom, far less marked than this, had occasioned the Herkimer movement of IS47. Now, however, acquiescence was judged | eapedrent by those distinguished citizens who pos- cessed their confidence, and again the free soil de- mocrats, with visible reluctance on the part of ma- ny, sustained the nominations of the convention The same conventional action, followed by the sume nequiescence, was repeated in ISSL. Still the free soil democracy of New York was uncommitted to the support of national eaudidates nominated upon any other than the national demo- cratic platform of 1540, 1844 and 1848, which plat- form referred to slavery only ina single resolution, | which had gencrally been constructed by the New York free soil democrats, as diss neing, not } constitutional opposition to a slavery, but unconstitutional interference by Congress with ro Conven- in IM45, so in 1452 | ired in advance | ion to suppe andidates, nomi- | not nominated by the National Convention, | ig those views of slavery which the frcc of New York had rey aly avowed: e cherished as sound and constitutional by | ge proportion ef the free State democracy, avd which had been solemy proclaimed as the convictions of the whole dew ot Ohio, by each uecessive convention, from 1848 to 1852 inelusive. All democratic statesmen who would not take the ‘cst oath of allegiance to slavery were proscribed #s inadmissible candidates even for nomination. re, resented by numerous delegations, whose united | comors, upon all questions not taken by States, were able to drown the voices of the delegations of the free States, generally equal only in number to their electoral votes. These numerous delegations | were appointed and attended in open disregard of | the recommendation of the National Convention of | | 1548, that the democracy of each State should send no more delegates than ‘the State was entitled to | have electors in the electoral college; and yet, | when it was proposed, upon the first day of the | Convention, to confine each State to the recom- mended number of delegates, and thus ensure to | each its Proper weight in the Convention, it was opposed with such yehemence and _pertinacity, that the proposition was finally abandoned, and the in- equality again submitted to. The Convention, thus constituted, under the operation of the two-thirds rule —wnich made a nomination impossible without the | concurrence of the delegation from the slave States— nominated Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshi | William R. King, of Alabama, as candidates for | President and Vico President of the United States. | I have no word to utter in disparagement of tho just claims of either of these distinguished citizens to | reepect and honor for their private virtues and pub- | lie services. I shall speak only of their relations to | the free soil democracy of the country, and of their positions on the great question of slavery, which is uot settled, whatever politicians or political conven- tions may aflirm. : The record of General Pierce, as a Representative and Senator in Congress, presents him as tho , an to say, heretofore, that I would not support any wan for the Prosidency who does not believe slavery to he an unmitigated evil, and who will not use all the power which the constitution and laws may tho regular sitting of the Convention, Ina short place in his hands for its overthrow. I would give denier of reference and consideration to the peti- | Hone of the people against nationalized slavery, and as the sepporter of the extreme resolutions of Mr | Culhyuu in favor of slavery. No pablio record, ' | trempled in the duct. | the North lend themselves to the advocacy of free soil principle. sbolitioniem would have still been confined to a portion of the whig party and @ smail equad of ignorant | fanatics. A ‘This statement presents the question:— Can As in IS18, so in 1852 many of the slave States were | | within my knowledge, Pvoteewane his position during be fact that ‘* tho voice which first pronounced” for him, ‘* and pronounced alone,” came from Vir- ginia, h oeiat A to say:— Taccept the nomination, upon the platform adopted by the Convention, not because it is expected of me as a condidate, but because the priaciples it embraevs com- mand the approbation of my judgment, and with them I betieve I can safely say, that there has been no word or act of my life in conflict. 2 The whole tical life of Williom RB. King, tha nowines for Vieo President, bus been marked by bost‘lity to the principles of the free rvil democracy. With Franklin Pierce, he opposed the reference or consideration of petitions against slavery, and sustained the Calhoun resolutions in 1437." At a later period he united with the opponents of the right of petition in denying to petitions of thia character the poor privilege of reception. In 1850 he even went s0 far as to movetolay upon the table the question of reception of a petition against the extension of slavery into Now Mexico and California, and, of course, voted for the motion, the effect of which, had it prevailed, would have been so prevent the bare reception of the petition. In respect to tervitorial slavery, he has ever maintained the ox- treme doctrine that every slaveholder is warranted by the constitution in ‘taking his slaves into any national territory, and holding them there until pro- hibited by the State law, after the organization of a State government—in other words, that all na- tional territory is slave territory. In the course of the discussion which aroso on the petition just re- ferred to, he said : What do they ask? They ark that, by the action of Congress, slavery shall be prohibited from going into the territories. Very well; docs the Senator pretend that the prayer of the petition does not call for action on the part of Congress? Does he not know that, without somo such action. every State has an equal right in this terri- tory. ond that every citizen of the United States can go to ‘thore territories and carry his property of every de- scription with him ? On another occasion he said :— I believe that whenever a territorial government is established if persons holding slaves think proper to go there with them, this government is bound to protect them till the period arrives when the population is uffl- cient for the formation of a State coustitution. Op another occasion he said:— Are we not protected in our property. if we choose to go there? Thold that we are, re that the territoria! Legis. lature hag no power whatever to pass any Jaw which de- Mroys that dercription of property in that territory. ‘They are bound, on the other hand. to pass laws for the protection of property, of whatever description. * * * Sir, I have no apprehension of the force of Mexican law, and if I choose to remove with my property into tha territory, I would not be deterred one moment by the apprehension of apy such law. in his letter accepting the nomination of the Con- vention, he thus declares his present position:— ‘The platform, as laid down by the Convention, meets with my cordial approbation. It is national in all ita parts; and I am content not only to stand upon it, but, on all occasions, to defend it. Now, what is the platform thus endorsed by these eminent citizens? There has been little or no con- troversy, of late, in the ranks of the democracy, ex- cept on the subject*of slavery. In regard to this subject radical differences have existed. The opponents of nationalized slavery and slavery extension were aver d to unite with their brethren, who disagreed with them on these questions, upon a platform which should leave these matters of difference open to discussion, without prejudice to either side, and in support of a ticket so consti- tuted as to afford a guarantee that the influence of the administration, should the nominees be elected, would not be brought to bear against either side. Honorable men, havin; a common attachment to democratic principles asl policy, and sincere in the maintenance of free soil principles or of the compromises, couldnot, it would seem, without a sacrifice of self respect, act together upon any other ground. Butthe maintainers of the compromises, and the supporters ef slavery wero not content to unite with their democratic brethren upon these terms. rhey, demanded an endorsement of the compromises, and a distinct pledge against free soil speech and action. Hence all the interest felt in the platform conveyed upon the resolutions relating to slavery; and, in the present condition of the public mind, these ‘resolutions may be said to constitute the platform. They are as follows :— Resolved. That Congress has no power, under the con- stitution, to interfere with or control the domestic in:ti- tutions of the several States, and that such States are the sole and proper judges of everything appertaining to their own affairs, not probibited by the constitution; that all efforts of the abolitionists or others, made to in- duce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto. are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences; and that all such ttshave an ineviteble tendency to ciminish the happiness of the people, and endanger the tability an Manency of the Union. and ought not to Le counter by wny friend of our political institu- Mops Resolved. Th foregoing resolution covers and was e whole subject of elavery agita- and, therefore. the democratic party of this national platform. will abide faithful execution of the acts known as Che Compromise measures, settled by the last Congress, “the act for reclaiming fugitives from service or labor” included; which act. being designed to carry out an ex- prees pr n of the covetitution, cannot, with fidelity hereto. be repealed or so changed ag to destroy or impair its ficiency. Resolved, That the democratic party will resist all at- tempts at renewing. in Con or out of it. the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape or color the attempt may be m These resolutions satisfy in full the demands of the compromise democrats. They repudiate the con- struction placed by the New York democracy upon the slavery resolution of the original Baltimore platform, and pledge the entire democracy to the mocrats—whilo they will not question the motives or tho fidelity to bro Bt convictions of those whe take a different view, fail to sescithor the propriety or areice of supporting the compromise ticket, and thus givin, the highest{possiblo sanction, even while in words Tejecting it, to the compromise platform. If it be not yet too late, I would ly ack those gentlemen themselves, what they expect to gain for freedom or free soil democracy by support~ 0g the compromise ticket ? 8 it that froo soil democrats will share in the patronage, or influence the action, of the adminie- tration, in the event of success? This 6xpectation must rest upon one of two suppositions—eithor that free soil democrats will forego the assertion of thee | prinefples, in which ease freedom would gain no- thing but lose much; or, that General Pierce, note withstanding the platform and his present position, will give prominent stations to men whose actions will endanger that very slave interest which ho ie expected specially to guard, in which case the sup- porters of that interest will have just cause to com- plain _ Is either of these suppositions likely to be realized? Is it that the extension of slavery wil be checked, or the removal of nationalized slav‘ secured? Every one knows that tho leading idea the platform, fully endorsed by the candidates, is the indefinite perpetuation of slavery at the na- tional capital, with all the reproach it brings upon our institutions and government, and the per- manent maintenanco, as tierpeatle, of the Fugi- tive Slave law, marked as it is by the most unwar- rontable invasion of the rights of the States, aad the liberties of individuals. It is well known, alse, that persistent efforts are now being nate to intro- duce slavery into California, either by an alteration of the constitution, or by a division of the State, and the establishment of a territorial government, in the southern Sate tg convort Utah and New Moxico into slave! old hig ‘orritories, with a view to the creation of slave States and to extend slavery, by insular or continental acquisitions, in which the system now exists, or may be established. To nene of these projects can any opposition be expected from the administration of the compromise nomie nees, ifelected Tsit that tho other great interests of freedom and progress will bo promoted? What word doos the platform contain in favor of constitutional impreve- ments of rivers snd harbors, so important to the progress of the West, and to which the free dom: cracy pledged its support at Buffalo? What word in favor of land reform, so important to fe settle ment of the public domain—so beneficent to the struggling musves of our native population, and to the emigration which presses upon us from the Old World? What word in favor of any aetion or declu ration by our government, in favor of the nations of Europe contending for freedom against despots ? No State has more uniformly and steadily oppesed all these measures of progress and reform and free- dom, than that which ‘pronounced first and pre- nounced alone’ for General Pierce, at Baltimore. Nor is thore any vote or act of his, so far as | am aware, which does not justify its preference. Is it that free soil democrats expect that whatevee may be the result of the Rennie election, the cause of freedom will still survive? that the principles ef living democracy will still inspire determination to maintain right and resist wrong? that, at length, the slave powor with all the oppression and injustice it upholds, with all its ostracism, social and polité- cal, of earnest frionds to liberty, will be over- thrown ? and that our national government will be- come what our fathers designed it to be, a free verument in fact as well asin name,with all its influ- enee actively and perpetually on tho side of free doin at home and throughout the world? Thisex- Lear will not, I hope, be disappointed ; but, if ulfilled, it will not be through, but in spite of such . action as that of the Baltimore compromise Convem- tion. The support of its nominees, I am firmly coa- vinced, will not hasten, but retard its fulfilment. T have thus stated frankly, but with entire respeot for those who differ from me, the reasens which convince me that free soil democrats cannot, with- out marked inconsistency, support the nominees et the compromise democracy. ~ L address them to he because it so happened that we wore co-lal ers in the preparation of the platform promulgated by the Baflalo Convention, and afterwards closely connected in our relations to the convention and its nominees; because, also, we both profess the same demoeratic faith, and desire the success ofthe same democratic meas 1 know not what your judg- il be after the perusal of this letter. For myself, I confess that it is with the doepest regret that I find myself compelled to separate in ac at this or any time, from any portion of the demotratie paity of the country, and especially from some of those New York democrats with whom it has beew my pride and pleasure, hitherto, to act. Had a liberaland tolgrant epirit prevailed in the Bulti- more Gonvention ; had no new tests, incompatible with democratic principles, been imposed ; had the nominees represented that spirit, and the ideas of reform, progress, liberty and economy embodied im the original platform, no division need have oc- curred. The Convention is responsible for the divi- sioi ‘The Convention, which organized a compre- mise democracy upon new tests, created the neces- sity for a radical and independent democracy. Iam dy to submit to the pasemeat of candid compe. democrats themselves, whether any honofable ree remains for those who think as I do, and mean to act as they think, other than independeat action? Let even those free soil democrats, whe propose to vote the compromige ticket, say, whether we, who refuse so to vote, do anything more than carry out Pare declarations and adhere to their ples: May a be hoped that_there yet remain many thousands of democrats in New York who will pre= fer to act with the independent democracy, openly and avowedly on the side of liberty and progress, « rather than with a compromise democracy, intole- rant alike of the claims and the friends of freedom? I remain, with the highest respect and regard, yours sup] ort of the compromises ; to the perpetual main- tenance and execution of the Fugitive Slave law; and to resistance to all discussion of slavery in Con- grees or out of Congress, under whatever shape or eclor. } No two persons, probably, contributed more than the nominees of the Convention, to place the demo- cratic party in its present attitude. Gen. Pierce, in bebalf of Northern compromise democrats, thus wrote to Major Lally, at Baltimore, immediately be- fore tho sitting of the Convention:— truly, S. P. CHasa. Hon. B. . BerLen. Our Boston Correspondence. Boston, July 18, 1852. Mr. Webster and the Presidency. The Webster party in this State is determined to place the Hon. Secretary in nomination, if per- ‘The eentiment of no ene State is to be regarded on this | subject; but. having fought the battle in New Hampshire upon the Fugitive Slave law. and upon what we believe to be the ground of constitutional rights, we should, of course desire the approval of the demoeracy of the coun- try What I wish to say to you is this. if the compromise mearures are not to be substantially and firmly maintain- ed. the plain rights secured by the constitution will be re If we of the North. who have stood hy the constitutional rights of the Fouth. are to be abandoned to any ti rving policy, e hopes of democracy and of the Union must sink to- | gether, Months before this, Mr. King, in his letter to C. A. Donaldson—that noted man of straw —bad thus strongly expressed his feelings in regard to free soil democrats, and the necessity of repudiating all po- litical connection with then £0 long as a large portion o f the former democracy of dectrines. and make common cause with the infamous agitators and abolitionists. no portion of the Southern de- mocracy Will ever be found acting in concert with them. All our troubles bave arisen from the extraordinary con- duot of those professing d rate in whom the demo- cracy ence repored unbounded confidence, and telt de- lighted to honor. But for their base abandonment of lo in « solemn these democrats who united at declaration of t indepe nee of the slave power, and etuel oppesition to slavery ex- | tension ond uralized slavery, or those who, perceiving the entire harmony of this declaration | with the great principles of democracy, have since declared their coneurrence in it, now support the nominecs of the Baltimore compromise Convention? It cannot be denied that the slave of the Convention’: platform are utterly irrecon- cilable with this declaration. The eandidates re- present the platforin, and especially the slavery re- selutions. To their influence and action the course of the Convention, in the adoption of these resola- tions, must, in no small degree, be ascribed. It is nt easy to sce how any wan, whether radical or hunker, free soil or pro-slavery, in view of these facts, cnn hesitate as tothe proper answer to be given to the questions just asked. ‘To me it seems that consistency, honor, self respect, fidelity to en- agements—indecd all obligations, moral and ps- fiffal—bing free soil democrats to withhold their support from these nominations. y And yet Iam aware that not a few prominent in- dividuals, deeply engaged to the freesoil de- mocracy, and among them the three distinguished New York democrats, whose declarations [ have quoted in a former part of this letter, have announced their purpoee to support the compromise candidates. am aware, too, that, with two or three unhappily distinguished exceptions, the free soil democrats, who take this course, declare them- | selves as much as ever opposed to nationalized | slavery and the Fugitive Slave law, and as ready as ever, whether as private citizens or as representa- tives, peak and vote against both I entertain a very high personal respect for those gentlemen. I followed their lead cheerfully and zealously until, in 1850, they acquiesced in the Sy- racuse resolution Nady tale the country uj | the passage of the Compromise measures ‘ot. | withstanding this, I still hoped and believed that, | upon tho occurrence of a crisis like the present, the democrats of New York would again “feel it their | duty to intervene” —that “the voices of her freemen” | would be again “liftedup to warn, to encourage, and | to rally tho friends of freedom, the lovers of justice, and the supporters of the constitution”—that it | would again “peal in trumpet tones at Herkimer and Utica,”’ and be “‘re-eehoed from every hill top in the State.” Thousands share with mo the keen regrets occa- severance and money will do it. The last “rejection meeting,” so called, at Fancuil Hall, was not gotten up nor conducted by the real “Simon pure” Web- Sterites, but by a few over zealous youths who are constantly seeking notoriety. A movement is em foot which, if successful, will call forth such a de- monstration fer Mr. Webster, in Faneuil Hall, as has seldom, if ever, been witnessed in this city. Ever since the Baltimore nomination, some of the | ablest politicians in Massachusetts have been hard at work testing the public mind in relation to a Union convention for the nomination of Daniel Web. ster. In the meantime, Mr. Webster has been re- quested to remain silent on the subject, until such time as they might name. Your readers, Mr. Editor, wil) be glad to know that the crisis is near at hand. On Monday next, a committee of eight of the most preminent Webster men of Massachusetts will pro- ceed from this city to Franklin, N. H., to see Mr. Webster and consult with him upon the expediency of placing bim in nomination as an independent can- didate for the Presidency. Upon his answer will de- vend the future action of his friends and admirers. f he conse: have his name used as the Union candidate understood that he will), then a national convention will immediately be called to make the nomination. It is believed, by his confi- | dential friends here, that he will be nominated by the Georgia convention. The committee, ia order o disguise the principal object of their visit, are nding to tarry with Mr. Webster, at Frank- in, #ome three or four days, and engage in hunt- ng. fishing, &c. Among those who are prominent n this movement, are the Hon. Rufus Choate, Hom. J. Thomas epson, Hon, Samuel H. on and Hon. B. F Copeland) The movement is care ried on in seeret and witha commendable degree of zenl. In the event that Mr. Webster declines being a cancidate, many of his friends will not take any active part io the Presidential campai but when the time comes for voting, will cast their bal- lots for General Pierce. Their ly expressed de~ sire is to defeat Seott. The Scott party a ‘hey sadly afilicted at the present aspect of affairs. manifest considerable pluck, and think the best way to kill off the Webster movement is to ridicule it The free soilers are not very well pleased at the idea of running Mr. Webster as a separate candi- date, because that will somewhat change their plan of operation. It is the nt intention of that party to ae in nomination, at Pittsburg, the Hon. Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio—Mr. Hale exe pressed a wish that the party would not look to him as their standard bearer. Hale owes Generak Pierce a whipping, for his recent defeat in not be- ing re-elected to the United States Senate, and thinks he can. pay him off better by not having his own name before the country as a candidate. Mr. Chase, being a bolter from the democratic ranks, will, of course, damoge that party in the campaign, if he is nominated. ¢ free soilers will direct their movements to aid Scott, with the desire to keep the democratic party out of power another four | years, hoping thereby to bring them to certaim terme in 185. gies!” a. Srock or Pork Axp Bacon.—A itleman con- | mected with « large provision house has takes an esti- € mate of the stock of pork and. bacon in thy bands o wholesale dealers, and gives the following as Vm Stock of pork, bbls. 1500; stock of shi rn 148,000; stock of ribbed and clear sides OH, | Thentock of bacon is heavier (han at this year, while that of pork {s four-fifths legs, The surplus of | facon will cover the deficiency in pork, Tt must be ce sioned by the disappointment of this hope. Thou- sande—and among them not a few Now York de- lected that there was no stock at ail om hand at vixe beginning of the seyson,—Lorisrite Journal, July 9,